Without Austria creating obstacles, the London Conference began to develop in a manner favorable to the Kingdom of Prussia. On September 1, 1867, Prussia and Denmark signed a ceasefire agreement.
Ceding territory was unavoidable; Prussia hadpletely absorbed the Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein and was certainly not going to give them up.
As for indemnities, they were out of the question since the Kingdom of Denmark had found a new backer — the Nordic Federation. Although this newly forming state wasn’t as powerful as the Kingdom of Prussia, it was still capable of defending itself.
The Swedes did not contest the control over the Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein primarily because they were concerned that Denmark’s strength would be too great, which would be detrimental to their own national control.
Additionally, King Charles XV of Sweden wanted to annex Find, which would put him in opposition to the Russians. Engaging in conflict with Prussia as well would ce too much strain on national defense.
Despite this, Sweden still managed to secure a symbolicpensation for Denmark, amounting to approximately 2 million guilders, to appease the Danes.
This was a small amount of money, and even a financially strained Kingdom of Prussia could easily afford it. To quickly settle the matter, the Prussian government readily agreed.
With amon enemy in the Russians, there would be many shared interests between Prussia and the soon-to-be-established Nordic Federation. If it weren’t for the desire to bring Denmark into the fold, the Swedish government would have long since taken advantage of the Russians’ difficulties.
From this perspective, Prussia giving up the Jund Penins in exchange for an ally was a very worthwhile deal.The Russian Empire had a strong foundation; even if weakened, no one dared to underestimate them.
If they continued to decline, that would be one thing, but if the Russians became powerful again, the Kingdom of Prussia would be the first to bear the brunt.
It was necessary to be prepared for such a scenario. With an additional Nordic Federation in the north to keep the Russians in check, Prussia’s pressure would be significantly reduced.
For this reason, the Kingdom of Prussia did not make any ims regarding the Skagerrak Strait (Jund Strait).
Of course, Prussia’s miniature navy was one of the reasons that prompted the Prussian government to give up on this. With their current naval strength, upying it would be of no use.
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After the Prussia-Denmark ceasefire agreement was signed, the Russian government also made concessions. On September 26, 1867, Prussia, Pnd, and Russia signed a ceasefire agreement.
This time, the Russians suffered significant losses. Recognizing Pnd’s independence was inevitable, and the Russian government was also forced to ept nearly all territorial demands from Prussia and Pnd.
Pnd became independent, Lithuania was lost, Latvia was abandoned, Brus was not retained, and a portion of Ukraine had been taken away.
This went beyond the scope of Russian Pnd, with a total territorial loss of nearly 790,000 square kilometers, a poption loss of up to 20 million, and a reduction in industrial capacity by almost 30%.
In thete 18th century, Prussia, Russia, and Austria partitioned Pnd, with the Russians taking thergest share of about 460,000 square kilometers. At the 1815 Congress of Vienna, they also received part of Prussian Pnd as territorialpensation (Warsaw).
Altogether, these territories amounted to less than 600,000 square kilometers. Now, with both principal and interest paid back, it was enough to cause Alexander II considerable pain for a long time.
Having made territorial concessions, the Russian government naturally refused to pay indemnities. Prussia and Pnd, hoping to resolve their financial crisis through war reparations, miscalcted this time.
The Russian government’s money was needed to suppress rebellions, and in this regard, Alexander II could not afford to rx his vignce.
The threat posed by Prussia and Pnd was a minor issue,parable to a cold; whereas the threat from the rebels was like cancer — though still in its early stages, it would be fatal if not treated promptly.
When faced with two evils, it was natural to choose the lesser one, so the Russian government had topromise with Prussia and Pnd. Land cannot run away; even if it was ceded, it could be reimed once the internal issues were resolved.
Money, however, was different. Without money, there was no way to suppress the rebellion. If the rebels were not eliminated, the Russian government’s rule would be threatened.
ording to the treaty: the Kingdom of Prussia would acquire the regions of Lithuania, Latvia, and most of Brus, totaling up to 286,000 square kilometers with a poption of approximately 4.7 million.
Pnd, on the other hand, gained the remaining territories, totaling about 504,000 square kilometers. This included Pnd’s core region Warsaw, parts of Brus, and most of Western Ukraine, with the border extending to Kyiv.
Clearly, the Russians suffered a significant loss this time, even losing Smolensk, which is only 360 kilometers from Moscow.
In 1611, this area was upied by the Poles, and during the negotiations, it was considered Polish territory and included in Brus.
This did not signify the Russian government’s weakness, but rather that the area was under the actual control of the enemy, creating a fait apli. Unless military force was used, it could not be reimed.
Most of the cedednd was actually under enemy control, and through negotiations, they managed to recover a significant amount of territory. During the winter campaign, the Russian army lost too much ground to the enemy, which left them without leverage in the negotiations.
The newly independent Kingdom of Pnd inherited the legacy left by Russia, suddenly emerging as a rising European power with a total poption of fifteen million,parable to the pre-war Kingdom of Prussia.
Although its industrial base was not impressive, its agricultural foundation was solid. Thend was mostly t ins, so achieving a moderately prosperous life through farming was not an issue.
However, this did not satisfy the provisional government. In the age of maritime power, how could they call themselves a great power without ess to the sea?
Having just gained independence, the Polish were already beginning to dream of bing a great power.
Theoretically, Pnd did have the potential to rise. Although the total poption was not high, their birth rate was.
The industrial scale was notrge, but Russia had left behind a significant amount of important industrial infrastructure, which, if integrated, could save a lot of development time.
The country was rich in resources, sufficient to meet the early needs of an industrial revolution. Some minerals were even abundant, such as silver, which was plentiful enough to alleviate concerns about currency issues.
Grain production was ample, allowing for exports in exchange for foreign currency to develop the domestic economy.
This was all theoretical, though. In reality, the biggest weakness was theck of “talent.” One could not expect the Russian government to have left them with intellectuals, as most of these people had joined the revolutionary cause, preparing to make a mark in politics.
Many intellectuals are good at criticizing everything under the sun and beyond, but unfortunately, theyck practical skills.
Of course, there are asional exceptions, but they are too few. The Second Industrial Revolution has already begun, and what the country needs is arge number of knowledgeable and skilled engineers.
In terms of poption quality, Germany currently has the advantage. The countries that have implementedpulsory education are concentrated in the German region.
Neither Ennd nor France have poprizedpulsory education, and the situation in other countries is even worse. Education is a privilege for the wealthy, and while church schools asionally provide some education to themon people, it is far from sufficient.
Having just gained national independence, the Polish have not yet be overly proud. Despite their dissatisfaction with Prussia over the issue of ess to the sea, the two sides have not broken off rtionspletely.
The Kingdom of Pnd stillcks a king, and this is causing considerable concern.
ording to Polish tradition, they would definitely seek a king from abroad, and the prominent royal families in Germany are all potential candidates.
There are many issues to consider, including the diplomatic maneuvers of various countries, and the Polish parliament is currently in intense debate. The selection of a Polish king might encounter difficulties.
One clear contender for the throne is King William I of Prussia. If Pnd and Prussia were to share a monarch, a union between Pnd and Prussia could be a possibility.
Theoretically, forming a federal empire would be in the interests of both Pnd and Prussia. They facemon threats: Russia and Austria.
These two enemies are too powerful. Neither Pnd nor Prussia can face them alone; only by uniting can they have the strength to resist.
Clearly, this is only theoretical. Deciding who would be the leader is a major headache, and Pnd’s glorious history has be the biggest obstacle to this union.
Before the Russian threat disappeared, the Polish provisional government needed the help of the Prussians and almostpromised with the Prussian government. However, the international environment at the time did not allow it.
France and Austria did not want to see Pnd and Prussia united and issued stern warnings. At a critical moment in the war, the Prussian government also dared not offend France and Austria, so this n fell through.
Back then, they were already reluctant. Now that the immediate threat has disappeared, the Polish are even less willing to y second fiddle.
Of course, there have always been strong calls for the two countries to unite, and supporting William I as King of Pnd has considerable support in the Polish parliament.
However, this most popr candidate was dismissed from the beginning.
He faced strong opposition from France, Austria, and Russia. Even if the Polish parliament supported him unanimously, William I would not dare to take the throne.
If it were a matter of merging the two countries, William I might take the risk. But facing joint opposition from the three great powers just for a shared monarchy, William I remained very hesitant.
It wasn’t just his problem; the key was that the Polish parliament was even more hesitant. Facing intervention from the great powers, they dared not proceed with a vote.
Of course, the Prussian government has notpletely given up, and much of the ongoing dispute in the Polish parliament is due to their influence.
During this joint Prussian-Polish anti-Russian war, the Kingdom of Prussia also took the opportunity to infiltrate Pnd. Now, more than 80% of the officers and soldiers in the Polish army have been trained by Prussian instructors.
The pro-Prussian forces within Pnd are also very strong. Although people are reluctant to be subordinate to Prussia, it doesn’t mean they reject William I bing King of Pnd.
With such a significant advantage, the Prussians naturally want to seize the opportunity. They wouldn’t simply give up without trying — that’s not their style.
The international opposition is strong, mainly from France and Austria. The Russian Empire’s stance can almost be ignored for now, as they are too preupied with their own civil war to interfere with the Polish throne issue.
The British have not explicitly supported or opposed the idea, remaining neutral. There are many small countries in Europe, most of which are opposed, but their opinions are not significant.
Securing the Polish throne is crucial for Prussia’s eventual annexation of Pnd. If they cannot secure it, they would prefer to leave the Polish throne vacant for the time being.