This is also why the loans between Russia and Austria surged dramatically. The Tsarist Government couldn¡¯te up with enough cash in the short term and had to secure loans with physical coteral to pay for the goods.
This type of coteral had to be based on a stable Russian Empire; if a civil war broke out, much of the coteral would instantly plummet in value.
Currently, the Tsarist Government holds arge amount of real estate, such as: port docks, mines, farms, timber, city shops, residences¡
These properties are still good coteral, generating a portion of revenue each year. Once civil war breaks out, these would be worthless.
¡
In Moscow, Matetorski did not rush to instigate the uprising. With so many international friends involved in this rebellion, exchanging experiences with experts in revolt was only natural.
After specialized training, Matetorski evolved. To garner more support for the revolution, he was now instigating worker strikes and organizing peasant tax resistances.
War caused prices to surge while wages stagnated. Overtime increased, and everyone strove hard only to find that the day¡¯s earnings couldn¡¯t even feed a family, turning such hope into delusion.
Throughout the year of 1866, the Russian Empire witnessed 76 minor and major strike incidents. Without doubt, these unorganized resistances were futile and all suppressed.
The peasants weren¡¯t faring any better with their exorbitant war taxes already hard to bear.
Even though the actual war taxes of the Tsarist Government weren¡¯t high, incidents of over-collection by three or five dou were beyond even Alexander II¡¯s ability to prevent.
A young man spoke in a low voice, ¡°Sir, the Prussians are urging again. They want us to find a way to cut off the railway to Moscow, severing the Tsarist army¡¯s supply line.¡±
Russia had few railways, and Moscow just happened to have one. Cutting off this railway would make it much more difficult for the grain from the Volga River Basin and industrial products produced in Moscow to reach the front line.
In actuality, the strategic position of the Volga River was even more significant. As Russia¡¯s mother river, it could connect Moscow and St. Petersburg by waterway. However, when frozen in winter, it was of no use.
After pondering for a moment, Matetorski furrowed his brow and responded, ¡°Tell them not to worry, we will fulfill our promise!¡±
Clearly, he did not wish to cooperate with the Prussians. If there was a choice, Matetorski would not have bargained away Russia¡¯s interests.
The geographical location of Moscow was extremely important, not only as Russia¡¯s secondrgest industrial base but also as a crucial thoroughfare connecting east and west, and one of the most important grain-producing regions in the Empire.
Now, the three main grain-producing areas of the Russian Empire were the Polish Region, the area surrounding Moscow (including the Volga River Basin), and the Ukraine Region, with other regions still undeveloped.
Pnd was already a lost cause; if the areas around Moscow were also plunged into chaos, the Tsarist Government would only have Ukraine left.
Therefore, a shortage of grain would be a major problem for the Tsarist Government, an unsolvable one at that. When the time came, it wouldn¡¯t just be the soldiers at the front going hungry, but St. Petersburg would not hold out for long either.
The Prussians sent them to the Moscow area intending to cut off the Russians¡¯ logistical support, thereby weakening the Tsarist government¡¯s war potential.
Without domestic replenishment and relying on imports from abroad, setting aside whether the Tsarist Government¡¯s wallet could sustain the cost, their transport capacity simply could not meet the demand.
Matetorski did not want to be a puppet; his intention was to overturn the rule of the Tsarist Government and establish a free country.
Upon arriving in the Moscow area, he deliberately distanced himself from the Prussians, iming it was for the sake of secrecy when in fact he did not wish to cede territory.
However, he could not do without the support of the Prussians, and even less without the backing of the British behind the scenes. He had no choice but to behave as if he were deeply grateful.
In that era, Russia¡¯s industries were not yet developed, and the number of workers was not substantial. Overturning the rule of the Tsarist Government was far from possible.
Topensate for theck of strength, Matetorski set his sights on the numerous peasants. Alexander II emancipated the serfs and won everyone¡¯s support, presenting the greatest challenge for the uprising.
¡°Clearing the Emperor¡¯s Side¡± was a slogan generously sponsored by an international friend. The purpose was obviously to attract more people to the uprising since the Tsar had a good reputation among the people and a direct rebellion would not be epted.
This contradicted Matetorski¡¯s ideals. Due to European cultural traditions, flying this g meant that even if the government was overthrown, the Tsar would still be the Tsar, and at most, a constitutional monarchy could be used to impose some constraints.
Nichs I reimed Constantinople and left Alexander II with a sufficient political legacy. Alexander himself announced the abolition of serfdom and secured the support of tens of millions of newly freed Russian peasants.
Matetorski seriously doubted that even if the current government was overthrown, Alexander II could still hold considerable power.
While ¡°Clearing the Emperor¡¯s Side¡± was an appealing slogan, it ced him under the Tsar. Once the monarchy-subject hierarchy was established, he would naturally be at a political disadvantage.
Yet, this slogan gained the support of numerous international friends. The reason was self-evident, as all were monarchies and naturally upheld this system.
¡°Ah!¡±
He sighed deeply and resignedly chose topromise. The Revolutionary Party was no longer a monolith, with various factions already established; he as a leader could not reign with absolute authority.
The bourgeois ss supporting them just wanted to take control through the revolution, without any intention of toppling the Tsar.
Most members within the Revolutionary Party were in favor of retaining the Tsar. Without the Tsar, how could they overturn their fates to be nobility?
Do not expect their ideological consciousness to be high. Most revolutionaries rebelled due to dissatisfaction with their reality and not from any noble ideal of liberating humanity.
Matetorski could not go against the will of the people; otherwise, it would only take one meeting to rece the leader, perhaps following three or five days of arguments.
On December 12, 1866, under the leadership of Matetorski, many alliances of the Russian Revolutionary Partyunched the December 12 uprising in Moscow.
The rebel army used ¡°Clearing the Emperor¡¯s Side¡± as their political manifesto, calling on all Russian people to rise up, execute the corrupt officials, and return governance to the Tsar.
Chapter 598: Not the Main Character Anymore
After extensive research and discussions, Franz finally reached an unexpected conclusion: the British were starting to feel the strain.
This ¡°strain¡± didn¡¯t mean the British Empire was on the verge of copse. In fact, the empire was at its peak, with no one yet capable of threatening its global dominance.
However, the core purpose of a colonial empire is to generate profit. Now, with frequent international conflicts, countries were constantly undermining each other and setting traps, which significantly increased the costs of maintaining colonies.
As investments rise, the returns have not kept pace and, at times, have even diminished due to unrest. In this context, it is understandable that the British government would seek to halt unnecessary conflicts and reduce colonial expenses.
In the original timeline, there was also a colonial conference (the Berlin Conference), initiated by the Belgians, where King Leopold II sessfully capitalized on the rivalries among powers to acquire the Congo region.
Now that the Congo region has long fallen under Austrian control and most of Africa has been divided, Leopold II would naturally refrain from engaging in futile efforts. Without the Berlin Conference, the major colonial empiresck a significant opportunity tomunicate deeply and mediate their conflicts.
Although Britain, France, and Austria have formed an alliance, they¡¯ve only reached agreement on core issues, and there hasn¡¯t been time to discuss the details of every single colony.
Just because the three powers hold an advantage in the division of colonies doesn¡¯t mean they can act with impunity. In reality, none of the colonial empires are easy to deal with.
While their military strength may not match that of the three nations, they can still discreetly undermine them by promoting nationalism and supporting independence movements in the colonies.The recent surge of uprisings in colonies serves as clear evidence of this trend. Statistics would reveal a year-on-year increase in the frequency of colonial revolts.
If this situation persists, no one should expect to profit easily, especially the British, who possess the most colonies and thus incur the highest costs of governance.
The Austrian government does not feel the impact significantly, which is due to Austria¡¯s colonial policies and its unique geographical situation.
Although Austria has a considerable colonialnd area, the indigenous poption is rtively small. With so few people, how much chaos can they really create?
Rebellions that can be suppressed by the police are hardly worth mentioning. In contrast, the British face a tragic situation. Not only do they have thergest territories, but also the highest poptions.
In recent years, nearly half of the colonial uprisings have urred in British colonies, so it would be problematic if the British government were not concerned.
This situation is a result of the resentment the British have fostered everywhere. On the surface, other nations may not dare to confront them, but they feel little hesitation in secretly undermining them.
For instance, Austria invests millions annually to promote various ideologies and thoughts abroad, with a significant portion aimed specifically against the British.
The British government has attempted to retaliate, but the issue lies in their inability to find suitable allies. Otherwise, they wouldn¡¯t be so determined to support the Ottoman Empire.
The British have benefited the most from colonial endeavors but have also offended the most people. Now, it¡¯s not just Austria, almost all major European colonial empires are secretly plotting against them.
Such matters, as long as there is no solid evidence, leave the British government powerless except for covert retaliation.
Even if they wanted to find an excuse to apply diplomatic pressure on smaller nations, France and Austria would step in to mediate, leaving them with no outlet for their frustrations.
This is a downside of having arge poption. The British colonies have a total poption of around 400 to 500 million, while the French colonies only have about 40 to 50 million, and the Austrian colonies have fewer than 30 million¡ªthese figures are not evenparable.
In colonial ventures, the British receive the most substantial returns but also incur the highest governance costs.
The saying ¡°poption is wealth¡± is not always true. It requires a process of transformation. Only by effectively utilizing the poption can wealth be created.
Undoubtedly, the British cannot fully leverage the vast poption of their colonies. Otherwise, not just France and Austria, but even all European countriesbined would not be their match.
In terms ofbor utilization in colonial development, Austria has made the most efficient use of its workforce. This is not due to any exceptional ability of Franz or superior management by the Austrian government, but rather due to the quality of the poption.
Although the Austrian colonies have a small poption, European immigrants and their descendants make up more than half of the total poption.
This figure cannot be matched by France or Britain as theirrger poptions do not allow for such a high number of immigrants. Without enough immigrants and with local indigenous productivity being very low, the wealth created is naturally limited.
The French should feel this most acutely. Purely from a financial perspective, French colonies have been losing money for many years.
Such situations are not surprising. The financial losses in colonies are not unique to France but have been experienced by nearly all colonial empires.
Typically, these losses ur during the initial stages of colonial development, and once a certain level of development is reached, many colonies be profitable. Colonies that continue to operate at a loss are the exception rather than the rule.
Austria serves as a prime example, having incurred annual losses of tens of millions of guilders at its peak. Even today, many areas still operate at a loss, and overall, they have only achieved a bnce between ie and expenditure.
Of course, this is purely based on the direct fiscal revenue of colonial governments. If one were to consider the contributions of colonies to the domestic economy, the situation would change significantly.
The British are widely disliked because they upy the most fertilends. Even with the most primitive forms of governance, they can still turn a profit and earn more than anyone else.
In contrast, the French have fared poorly. Compared to the same period in history, they have managed their ¡°Desert Empire¡± even more thoroughly.
Given that it is a desert empire, one cannot expect thend to be particrly fertile. Until the natural resources underground were developed, French Africa was essentially a collection of wastnds.
If it weren¡¯t for Napoleon III moving immigrants from the Balkans and Italy to North Africa to develop it to some extent, it would have been even more disastrous.
However, having many deserts does have its advantages. At least in terms of governance costs, the French spend rtively little.
In other regions, bandits could roam everywhere and hide in ravines, but in the desert, as long as they were far from the oases, they would just perish. Therefore, French rule in North Africa remains quite stable.
After rifying his thoughts, Franz realized: negotiating to mediate international disputes and reduce conflicts has be an inevitable trend.
Driven by interests, almost all colonial empires have a desire to lower the costs of colonial governance. In this context, any obstruction would put one at odds with everyone else.
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Franz disliked futilely resisting the tide. Since this was amon goal, he might as well participate.
Austria, as a member of the colonial empires, would also benefit from reducing disputes, even if it wouldn¡¯t profit as much as the British.
Franz stated, ¡°Easing international conflicts and reducing colonial maintenance costs benefits everyone. There¡¯s no need for us to be the viins here. Now, let¡¯s think about what regions we can acquire this time.¡±
Can the costs of maintaining colonies really be reduced? Deep down, Franz did not believe it!
Perhaps there could be a short-term reduction, but in the long run, costs are bound to rise. Especially in densely popted areas where governance expenses will inevitably increase significantly.
Most matters can be managed, but ideologies and beliefs are uncontroble. Once they are spread, they cannot be retracted.
The seeds have already been sown, and no one knows when they will take root, sprout, and eventually bear fruit.
Prime Minister Felix said, ¡°Your Majesty, at this colonial division conference, we have essentially be spectators. There are too few territories that are suitable for us and that we can actually acquire.
The regions avable for colonization now are limited to the Ottoman Empire, Persia, parts of the Far East, parts of the Indochinese Penins, and some areas in East Africa.
South America is barely included, but they have already gained independence. Considering the costs of governance, these areas are only suitable as economic colonies.
The Ottoman Empire is the most suitable for us. Other regions either havepetitors that are too strong or are too far away for us to reach effectively. Even if we acquired them, it would not be worth the effort.
The British and French will not allow us to annex the Ottoman Empire, so it will be difficult for us to gain anything from this colonial feast.¡±
The term ¡°economic colony¡± is a new concept proposed by European schrs in response to the rising costs of colonial governance.
In simple terms, when direct governance bes too costly, it shifts to supporting proxy rule and extracting wealth through unequal trade agreements.
There are quite a few supporters of this idea. In everyone¡¯s understanding, colonies exist primarily for profit. As long as money can be made, the method of governance is not important.
Prime Minister Felix suggestedrge colonial territories. Besides that, there are many smaller scraps that are overlooked simply because they are too small orck significant economic value.
Among the regions up for division, the Far East is undoubtedly the wealthiest, but it is also the mostplex, with great powers vying for influence.
Austria has no established foothold there and has already missed its chance to participate. Furthermore, the distance exceeds Austria¡¯s capacity for investment.
Persia is viewed by the British as theirs for the taking, and being close to India, it is closely monitored by John Bull. Anyone who touched it would incur their wrath.
In the Indochinese Penins, the Kingdom of Prussia upies a corner, while the British and French are fiercelypeting. At this point, if Austria were to get involved, it would surely be pushed out.
The East African region is already a ¡°chicken rib¡± for Austria¡ªsomething that is dispensable. Its economic value is limited and will likely incur losses for a long time. Strategic locations have already been seized by the British, making acquisition nearly impossible.
While the South American countries were suitable as economic colonies, due to the distance factor, the influence of Britain and France was greater. Austria¡¯s influence was limited to the colonies near Central America such as Colombia.
Franz nodded helplessly. Austria was no longer a major yer in this colonial feast. Rushing in would only lead to being jointly excluded.
¡°I was too greedy. Austria has already gained enough benefits and has be quite unpopr. Now it¡¯s time to digest what we have.
In this colonial division feast, preserving our existing interests is sufficient. Any gains would be a pleasant surprise. If not, we shouldn¡¯t be upset. It¡¯s not worth getting worked up over scraps.¡±
With this timely adjustment in mindset, Franz felt much more rxed. Greed is humanity¡¯s original sin. If one cannot control their desires, they will inevitably walk down an irreversible path.
There were quite a few countries participating in this colonial distribution feast. While it may seem that there are substantial benefits left over, in reality, when distributed to any specific country, there isn¡¯t much to go around.
Chapter 599: Constitutional Monarchy (Bonus Chapter)
Notpeting does not mean not participating in thepetition. Even if one isn¡¯t particrly interested, it¡¯s still possible to join in just for the sake of it.
Given Austria¡¯s current strength, no one can ignore it, and it will certainly receive its share.
Even withoutpeting for colonies, Austria can still gain returns. By making concessions here, it canpensate for losses elsewhere.
The essence of international diplomacy is the exchange of interests. Wanting to take advantage without paying a price is simply unrealistic.
If all the benefits go to one country, how can others survive? If they can¡¯t afford to confront you, they will avoid you altogether and choose not to y.
We are not in an era of one dominant power and no country can cover the sky with one hand. To avoid bing isted, it is best to adhere to the established rules.
Once the rules are broken, the biggest losers will inevitably be those who set the rules. This is because the rules are established by the creators to protect their own interests, and no one can guarantee they will dominate if a reshuffle urs.
Coincidentally, Britain, France, and Austria are all established empires that have personally participated in and led the formtion of these rules. The current rules themselves represent Austria¡¯s interests.
With the main strategy in ce, Franz need not worry about the specifics of negotiations. What can be gained will only be known after negotiations take ce.Franz cannot assess each country¡¯s strategic objectives so any notion of advance nning ispletely nonsensical.
Just like British diplomacy, those who are unaware might think that the British have devised a series of ns, with the Foreign Office carrying out diplomatic work ording to a pre-established agenda.
However, from what Franz knows, there is no such thing as a long-term diplomatic n in British foreign policy. The core principle guiding their diplomatic efforts is national interest.
Specific ns are formted based on actual circumstances and are created on the fly. Detailed advance nning does not apply to diplomacy.
International diplomacy is ever-changing. Today¡¯s enemy might be tomorrow¡¯s friend. If one cannot even determine friend from foe, how can one ensure that other countries will follow your ns?
Any sessful diplomatic power will flexibly adjust its foreign policy around international interests rather than mechanically adhering to a set n.
Franz sees this clearly. Twenty years ago, Austria¡¯s most important diplomatic policy was the Austro-Russian alliance, but now it has transformed into an alliance among Britain, France, and Austria.
¡
Coordinating international rtions and easing conflicts among major colonial empires, as well as addressing the distribution of remaining colonies, is clearly not something that can be aplished overnight so this negotiation is bound to be a prolonged affair.
In Jerusalem, the conference among European nations to mediate the Ottoman-Persian conflict has already begun. Prior to the meeting, the Ottomans and Persians had exchanged fire multiple times along their borders.
However, both sides are exercising caution and restraint, with high-level officials in both countries suppressing the conflict.
Overall, both sides have seen victories and losses, with Persia suffering slightly more. This oue greatly disappoints Franz, who had initially intended to support Persia to create trouble for the British. Now he must reluctantly abandon that idea.
If they cannot achieve overwhelming advantages even against the weakened Ottoman army, then such a pawn isn¡¯t worth investing in.
It would be more practical to support Afghanistan, which, though it can only serve as a minor piece on the board, has already advanced forward. Its size may be small, but itsbat effectiveness remains reliable.
With support from Russia and Austria, Afghanistan has trained a new army in recent years. Unfortunately, Afghanistan is too poor. Constrained by finances, it has only managed to train three undermanned infantry divisions.
This is already a result of the Afghan government¡¯s militaristic approach and its partnership with Austrian funding. Otherwise, they would not even be able to maintain a single modern infantry division.
In contrast, Persia¡¯s situation is much better. Even though it has declined, its resources far exceed those of Afghanistan.
If the government is strong enough, training a modern army of 100,000 or 200,000 soldiers is not difficult. With such a military presence, it would be sufficient to deter British ambitions.
Overall, feudal agricultural states are not suited for the age of firearms. Their meager financial revenues determine their upper limits of power.
From the very beginning, the Jerusalem conference found itself in a predicament, as everyone understood that no results could be achieved here.
Whether it is the Ottomans or the Persians, both have great powers backing them. As long as the major yers behind the scenes continue to bicker, they can only hold on and wait.
Unfortunately, the British, French, and Austrians are still embroiled in their disputes, so no oues can be expected at the negotiation table.
Persia demands reparations from the Ottoman Empire, while the Ottomans requirepensation from Persia for pensions. The atmosphere is extremely tense, with representatives from both countries almost ready to duel.
¡
At the same time that the Jerusalem conference was in a deadlock, the British fulfilled their promise to the Ottoman Empire, with the first tranche of 3 million pounds in war loans now in ce.
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For Grand Vizier Midhat, this was the first piece of good news he had received since taking charge of the Ottoman Empire.
With this money, he could suppress domestic rebellions and restore order within the country. Following that, he could implement social reforms to revive the Ottoman Empire and seek revenge against Austria and Russia for past grievances.
Well, that might be a bit overly ambitious. But it¡¯s understandable for an idealist to have ambitions beyond their means.
An official from the Young Ottomans, Mehadra, reported quietly, ¡°Grand Vizier, in recent days, His Majesty has frequently summoned conservative and religious leaders.
All discussions are conducted in secret, but judging by the expressions on their faces as they leave, it seems they are having a pleasant conversation.
Afterward, these individuals have been unusually low-key, even reducing their daily social interactions.
At the same time, their covertmunications have increased, including contacts with several military generals. Our preliminary assessment is that their conspiracy is directed against us.¡±
The Young Ottomans came to power through a coup and had supported Abdul Hamid II¡¯s ascent to the throne.
However, this Sultan does not seem content. Before his ascension, he was supportive of the Young Ottomans. Otherwise, he would not have been able to take the throne. But after bing Sultan, the situation changed.
Abdul Hamid II was unwilling to be a puppet sultan. Originally close to the Young Ottomans, he naturally shifted towards the conservatives under the influence of power.
Now that the Young Ottomans held significant power, even though Abdul Hamid II attempted to court the conservatives, he still found himself somewhat powerless.
However, with the resolution of the refugee crisis, circumstances changed. The conservatives shifted all me onto the government, causing the Young Ottomans¡¯ reputation to plummet.
This gave Abdul Hamid II an opportunity to engage in subtle maneuvers, often making it difficult for the government led by the Young Ottomans to maintain its position.
Naturally, this sparked dissatisfaction among the Young Ottomans, leading to a very strained rtionship between the two sides. As a leading figure of the group, Grand Vizier Midhat was not one to sit idly by.
The Ottoman Empire is different from European countries. Every transfer of power is apanied by bloody violence. In this situation, taking a step back does not lead to a broad horizon but rather a bottomless abyss. It is no surprise that Midhat sent people to monitor the Sultan.
If it were not for the desire to avoid domestic turmoil, Midhat might have already sent someone to eliminate Abdul Hamid II. Having already deposed one sultan, he would not mind doing it again.
Midhat firmly stated, ¡°Notify the cab and all ministers that there will be a meeting here tomorrow afternoon to discuss constitutional reform.¡±
Not being able to depose Abdul Hamid II does not mean that Midhat cannot strike back. Reforming into a constitutional monarchy is the best option.
Currently, most European countries have adopted constitutional monarchies. However, there are many variations of constitutional monarchy. Some countries impose significant restrictions on royal powers, while others merely maintain a nominal monarchy without any real limitations.
Overall, in this era, monarchs still hold real power. No one has fallen so low as to be a mere figurehead. The authority of monarchs is currently at its peak, making them the most powerful individuals in their countries.
This does not prevent Midhat from using constitutional reform to marginalize Abdul Hamid II, as there is no unified standard for constitutional monarchy itself.
For example, in Austria, the constitutional monarchy effectively stiptes the emperor¡¯s pension, preventing him from using treasury funds for personal enjoyment.
In other respects, there are almost no restrictions, and some powers are even enhanced. The so-called constitutionalws were drafted by Franz himself, and the emperor retains the right to amend them at any time.
In contrast, the British constitutional monarchy imposes more restrictions on royal powers. However, overall, the king remains the supreme leader, wielding significant authority over the state.
The most striking example is the Russian constitutional monarchy, whichcks specific legal provisions to limit the tsar¡¯s powers. Manyter historians argue that Imperial Russia was a monarchy rather than a constitutional monarchy primarily because there was virtually no legal limitation on the tsar¡¯s authority.
These are minor issues. As long as they fly the g of constitutional monarchy, it suffices. Although Midhat is an idealist, he is not radical enough to arrogantly seek to abolish the Sultan and directly transition to a republican era.
Implementing a republic in a country like the Ottoman Empire, which is deeply rooted in religious beliefs, would be absurd. It could easily result in religious leaders being elected to power.
Therefore, under the guise of constitutional reform, reducing Abdul Hamid II to a mere figurehead would be sufficient. Going any further could lead to disastrous consequences.
Chapter 600: Speculator
Just as one wave calms, another rises.
While the Ottoman-Persian conflict remains unresolved, trouble has erupted in East Asia. The Japanese government, which has just begun preliminary social reforms, has shown its fangs to the outside world.
In May 1875, Japanese warships, including the Un''y¨, invaded Busan, Korea, staging a show of force. The decaying and ipetent Joseon Dynasty failed to organize an immediate counterattack and instead hoped for intervention from their overlord.
Unfortunately for them, their neighboring overlord was also in decline, embroiled in internal strife and unable to attend to such minor matters, further fueling Japan¡¯s ambitions.
To test the limits of their neighbor, in September, Japanese forces invaded the area around Ganghwa Ind. This time, there was no escaping and the Korean army was forced to resist.
After suffering two casualties, the Japanese forces achieved victory in the battle. Under the threat of military force, the Korean government quickly capitted.
(Note: Approximately 35 Korean soldiers were killed.)
The specifics of the incident were not detailed in the telegrams, and Franz did not bother to investigate further. Such childlike skirmishes, however, still managed to refresh his worldview.
It is worth noting that the Kingdom of Korea is a country with a poption of over ten million and a standing army of around 200,000. The fact that it surrendered after losing just apany of troops is astonishing.This practically signaled to everyone that East Asia held a fat sheep too timid even to kick back, ripe for the picking.
Ambition is always fostered by indulgence. The current Japanese government is merely testing the waters. It is not yet the mid-20th century Showa government that sought to dominate the world.
Austria has entered the Far East too recently and has almost no interests in East Asia, so this news is just a source of amusement for the Austrian government.
However, the situation is different for other European powers. At least neighboring Russia has already been provoked. If it weren¡¯t for the deep-seated conflicts with Prussia, the Russian government might have turned its attention eastward.
In the original timeline, the Russian Bear¡¯s eastward shift was indeed a response to provocation. The West was filled with hard bones that were difficult to chew, while the East, though a bit farther away, was all soft flesh!
Bears eat meat; only dogs gnaw on bones. This choice is easy to make, driven purely by instinct.
Compared to the original timeline, the current international situation has changed dramatically, with overall stability maintained on the European continent.
Britain, France, and Austria are in a tripartite bnce of power, while Prussia and Russia are two secondary powers in opposition to each other. Below them are three medium powers: Spain, the Nordic Federation, and the German Federal Empire. This arrangement is precisely what the British have long desired.
Any nation that wishes to disrupt this bnce must bear pressure from multiple sides. When power is bnced among various parties, stability naturally follows.
Once the conflicts among Europe¡¯s major colonial empires ease, other independent nations around the world will feel greater pressure, especially countries like the Joseon Dynasty that are viewed as ¡°fat sheep.¡±
¡°What do you think about the changes in East Asia? Will this affect the global situation?¡±
There¡¯s no way around it as almost every colonial empire has a stake in East Asia. Originally, Japan was seen as a fat sheep that everyone had their eyes on, but suddenly everyone realized that this sheep had evolved into a wolf, jumping out topete for meat.
There are only so many interests to go around. If you take more, I take less. Adding one more yer to the mix significantly impacts everyone.
Foreign Minister Wessenberg stated, ¡°Your Majesty, Japan is not a concern. Their small skirmishes are inconsequential. Once they overstep their bounds, the British and French will teach them what the rules are.
Our interests are primarily concentrated in the South Seas, and the Japanese can only loiter around their own doorstep. They have no foothold in the South Seas at all.
Moreover, the unequal treaties signed with various countries are shackles that restrict their development. As long as they remain bound by these shackles, they cannot develop effectively.
Addressing these issues alone will likely take decades. For Japan to truly be strong, they have a long road ahead.
The Meiji Restoration slogan may sound impressive, but aside from training a second-rate military force, I see little else of merit.
Japan¡¯s recent sess is filled with chance. If it weren¡¯t for the neighboring Far Eastern Empire being busy with internal strife, they wouldn¡¯t have had any opportunity to assert themselves.¡±
¡°Disdain¡± is amon view in European society towards Japan. In this era, ¡°white supremacy¡± was still in vogue, and people of color were inherently discriminated against.
Even among whites, there were divisions based on rank: regional discrimination, ethnic discrimination, and national discrimination... For instance, Western Europeans look down on Central Europeans, Central Europeans look down on Eastern Europeans, and Europeans collectively look down on overseas territories.
The reason why the theory of unification spread in the German region is primarily that the German people were considered second-ss citizens, and they needed a strong nation.
This was evident in the 19th century in the United States, where German immigrants faced discrimination and, like the Irish, Italians, and Eastern European immigrants, upied the lower rungs of society.
In the original timeline, this situation persisted until after the unification of Germany improved their status.
Now, the situation is changing more rapidly. With Austria¡¯s resurgence, the international status of the German people is rising as well.
This is also why Austria can maintain its influence in the German region.
It¡¯s one thing not to go abroad, but for capitalists engaged in international trade, not obtaining a nationality from the new Holy Roman Empire would leave them feeling uneasy.
By acquiring imperial nationality and enjoying the benefits thate with being part of a great power, these individuals naturally aligned themselves with Austria.
In this context, even though many of Austria¡¯s actions may seem very conservative to German nationalists and do not fully satisfy their ambitions, they are still recognized as legitimate.
It is no surprise that the Japanese are looked down upon. The Meiji Restoration has only just begun, and their so-called ¡°development¡± is rtive.
For impoverished Japan, progress in any industry was a great achievement, but from Austria¡¯s standpoint, it wasn¡¯t even worth mentioning.
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For impoverished Japan, any progress in any industry is a significant achievement. However, from Austria¡¯s standpoint, these developments are hardly noteworthy.
The total industrial output of all of Japanbined is still less than that of a single industrial park in Austria. If we consider output value, it might not even match that of arge corporation.
The ¡°elite navy¡± trained by the Japanese government may not even be on par with Austria¡¯s fleet stationed in its colonies. A single battleship could easily defeat them.
As for the so-called modern army, it consists of only a few tens of thousands of troops, with subpar equipment. Coupled with inherent disdain, many people might view Japan¡¯s elite forces as inferior to Austria¡¯s reserves.
Under such overwhelming pressure, it is impossible for the Austrian government to take Japan seriously. In the original timeline, Japan was recognized by the world only after the Russo-Japanese War, having climbed to prominence on the shoulders of the Russians.
Franz did not attempt to change everyone¡¯s perceptions. Trying to force his thoughts into others¡¯ minds would be incredibly difficult.
Moreover, Japan¡¯s rise is still far off. Even if it does rise, it poses no threat to Austria. The strength of Austria¡¯s colonies in the South Seas (TN: Nanyang Region/Southeast Asia) is something the Japanese cannot challenge.
However, Franz does admire the current Japanese government¡¯s capabilities. They have managed to develop a semi-colonial and semi-feudal country under such difficult circumstances.
For example, right now, the Japanese government has chosen a good moment to act. They are taking advantage of European countries being distracted by the Ottoman-Persian conflict to create a fait apli.
If they had waited one to two years, when Britain, France, and Austria reached an agreement on colonial divisions and the international situation began to stabilize, the Japanese government would likely have faced severe repercussions.
Simply put, the Japanese do not yet have the strength to challenge the international order. They can only y on the fringes before European powers establish an international order concerning East Asia.
The ¡°Un''y¨ Incident¡± opened Korea¡¯s doors, but the Japanese government did not monopolize the benefits. All major powers could gain from it, so there was naturally little resistance.
It may seem that there are not many gains, but the political significance is considerable. The Japanese government has seized this opportunity to gain a chance for external expansion.
The European powers tacitly epted the actions of the Japanese government, which means that the internationalmunity is willing to ept Japanese colonization of Korea,ying the groundwork for future colonial expansion.
However, with benefitse drawbacks. ¡°Spection¡± and ¡°gambling¡± can easily be addictive, and once one bes involved in it, it is hard to break free.
Winning a gamble can indeed yield substantial rewards, but luck eventually runs out. One loss, and all could be lost.
This is the plight of small nations. If they do not take risks, they will never have the opportunity to rise. Yet once they sit at the gambling table, it bes difficult to walk away.
Victory can cloud judgment. Once one is caught up in it, all they see is sess, making it hard to continue viewing issues rationally.
Franz said, ¡°Let¡¯s observe for now! If the Russians turn their attention eastward, then Japan¡¯s opportunity wille. Compared to the Far Eastern Empire, the British prefer to support such small yers.¡±
Whether or not the Russians will look eastward is a question no one can answer. Everything depends on the oue of the next Russo-Prussian War.
Currently, France and Austria are sharing hegemony on the European continent. If the Russian government suffers a pyrrhic victory, then withdrawing from continental struggles will be inevitable, and looking eastward will be one option.
If the Russian government suffers a disastrous defeat, then everything will be over. A defeated Russian Empire will inevitably be dismembered. Even self-preservation will be a challenge, let alone continuing expansion.
From Austria¡¯s perspective, it would naturally hope for a draw between the two countries or for one side to achieve a narrow victory. Eliminating two potentialpetitors at once would be ideal.
Chapter 601: Colonization
After six months of negotiations, the representatives of Britain, France, and Austria finally reached a preliminary agreement. On December 12, 1875, they signed the ¡°Memorandum on Mediating International Conflicts¡± in Paris.
This memorandum can essentially be viewed as a draft for an international treaty, outlining the rules for colonialpetition. While the principle of ¡°survival of the fittest¡± remains, it is now cloaked in a veneer of legal legitimacy. The key points are as follows:
One: Actual upation takes precedence; firste, first served.
Two: Current colonial spheres of influence are recognized; each party acknowledges the sovereignty of the others.
Three: Interference in each other¡¯s colonial internal affairs is prohibited (specifically, this includes supporting local factions, smuggling weapons, and promoting nationalism).
Four: For unimed territories,petition is based on capability; allies are obliged to provide certain assistance as long as their own interests are not affected¡
The first three points are crucial as they aim to ease colonial conflicts among the three nations, while the fourth point depends on interpretation.
Assistance will certainly be avable. However, the extent and effectiveness of that support will depend on the actual circumstances.
For instance, if a colonial expedition encounters an ident and ends up stranded in an ally¡¯s territory, it is likely that everyone would be willing to offer some aid as a favor.However, if there is a need topete for a strategic location or a prosperous colony, securing help from allies will require negotiating benefits.
Otherwise, the treaty would not have included the condition of ¡°as long as their own interests are not affected,¡± which serves as a disimer since the concept of interests is so broad.
This is quite normal. If allies were to offer help without any conditions, it¡¯s likely that anyone would feel uneasy. Britain, France, and Austria are not naive. Wanting to take advantage of others is never that simple.
Perhaps one might gain something here but lose elsewhere. In international diplomatic battles, one must always think twice before acting.
Often, what seems like an advantage can actually be a trap set bypetitors. Franz is particrly adept at making rivals happily jump into pitfalls.
In contrast, the British represent another extreme. They excel at sowing discord. Dealing with the British requires caution, as it¡¯s easy to be led astray.
French diplomacy is rtively bnced, performing well across various aspects butcking any particrly outstanding strengths.
Byparison, the Prussian-Polish Federation and the Russian Empire are much easier to deal with. They tend to be impulsive in their diplomatic actions and are particrly susceptible to provocation or falling into traps.
This is Franz¡¯s personal assessment, grounded in factual evidence. The Russian Empire has long been marginalized by European society, with ineffective diplomacy being a major reason for this exclusion.
Otherwise, the period of the Napoleonic Wars would have been their best opportunity to integrate into the European world.
After the war, as saviors of European nations, the Russians suddenly became continental hegemons yet remained excluded from mainstream circles¡ªthis reflects poorly on their diplomatic efforts.
The Prussian government was overly reliant on military force, neglecting the development of diplomatic rtions. This is evident from various aspects, particrly during the time of the Russo-Prussian War, when Prussia, acting as the hired thug, failed to secure any alliances with Britain or France.
They missed an obvious opportunity. It wasn¡¯t necessary for the terms of an alliance to be particrly advantageous. Merely having a nominal agreement could have yielded significant benefits in post-war negotiations.
One could argue that after Bismarck, the Prussian government¡¯s diplomatic efforts were inadequate. Of course, this was a long-standing issue. Prussia¡¯s diplomacy had never been particrly effective.
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Otherwise, the leadership of the German region would have changed hands long ago.
Unfortunately, while the Kingdom of Prussia achieved military victory, it suffered a diplomatic defeat. Austria was not crushed. Instead, itpleted internal reforms due to external conflict.
As a result, although Prussia appeared to expand its territory as a victor, it was ultimately a pyrrhic victory.
Not only did it gain a new enemy, but it also lost the goodwill of the German princes, bing viewed as a ¡°thief¡± and ¡°bandit¡± who betrayed their trust.
Such an image cannot sustain a dominant position. Subsequently, the Habsburg dynasty made a strongeback, even annexing Hungary and widening the power gap between the two states.
¡
¡°When will the international conference be held?¡±
Franz did not inquire about the location. It seemed that Napoleon IV had inherited the showy tendencies of Napoleon III, as he was particrly eager to convene international conferences after ascending to the throne.
The French are especially generous in this regard. Whenever an international conference is held in France, they cover all rted expenses.
These expenses only apply to the daily living and amodation of the delegations in France, as well as the costs associated with the conference itself.
While it may seem that the number of participants in international conferences during this era is small and the costs are minimal, over time, these expenses can umte into a significant sum.
Both Britain and Austria focus on practical benefits. Unless there are exceptional circumstances, they typically do notpete with the French over the conference location. After all, they are not celebrities in need of the spotlight.
Foreign Minister Wessenberg stated, ¡°This conference will be at the ministerial level, so we need to coordinate schedules. The n is for it to take ce in February of next year, though the exact date has yet to be determined.¡±
Franz nodded. When ites to matters of interest distribution and establishing a new international order, a high-level conference is essential.
If the delegation consists of individuals whock decision-making power and must constantly seek approval from their governments, then meaningful discussions would be impossible.
Negotiations involving interests often take a considerable amount of time. In contrast, high-ranking government officials possess greater authority and can make decisions independently, resulting in much more efficient negotiations.
Resolving international tensions has be imperative. With each passing day, colonial governments face significant economic losses, and everyone is feeling the urgency.
¡°Are there any signs of rapprochement between Britain and France? I mean, are they making contact behind the scenes?¡±
Before every international conference, countries will showcase their diplomatic skills, trying to rally allies for support in order to secure greater benefits during the discussions.
This time, Austria¡¯s interests are not substantial, so the Austrian government naturally cannot afford to spend heavily on public rtions. However, it is still necessary to keep an eye on Britain and France.
Wessenberg shook his head and said, ¡°There have been contacts between Britain and France, but they likely haven¡¯t reached any agreements. Currently, there are significant conflicts over colonial interests between the two countries.
If it weren¡¯t for our experience with the ¡®Anglo-Boer War¡¯ as a cautionary tale, both nations wouldn¡¯t be more concerned about potential losses and might have already engaged in colonial disputes by now.
Especially in the Sudan region where tensions are running high. It is said that there have also been conflicts of interest between Britain and France in the Indochina Penins and the Far Eastern Empire. We haven¡¯t focused much on that area and are unclear about the specific reasons.
This situation also involves private colonialpanies. When ites to interests, neither side is likely to back down easily. Even if both governments want to intervene, it would be difficult to make them stop.¡±
Private colonialpanies are a unique product of this historical era, with the most famous being the British ¡°East India Company,¡± which, at its peak, had armed forcesparable to those of a medium-sized nation.
In some respects, the East India Company resembled a state more than a mere enterprise.
This ¡°state¡± was ultimately consumed by bureaucrats, as bureaucratic practices and corruption led to severe losses for the enterprise, culminating in the dissolution of the renowned East India Companyst year.
Such colonialpanies exist under various gs and are the vanguards of overseas colonial expansion. They are influenced by their respective governments but are not entirely controlled by them.
Those engaged in overseas colonization are often fortune seekers willing to take risks. In the face of profit, government orders often have little sway over them.
Many of the conflicts that erupt in various colonies are instigated by private colonial teams. As long as there is profit involved, there is little they won¡¯t dare to do.
Competition among colonialpanies from the same country is equally fierce. If two colonialpanies engage in a fierce struggle, there¡¯s no need to panic or be surprised. It¡¯s a good sign that they have made significant discoveries.
The intensity of their conflicts typically corrtes with the potential profits at stake. If an open gold mine is discovered, internal strife within the colonial teams could very well ur.
In contrast, colonial governments directly overseen by various countries tend to be more restrained. They usually consider their international image and think carefully before taking action, rarely charging in recklessly.
Currently, the ongoing conflicts between Britain and France over colonial issues stem fundamentally frompeting interests. While ¡°firste, first served¡± is a valid principle, what happens when both sides arrive at the same time?
This is also why France and Austria are keen to delineate their spheres of influence in Africa. If they do not rify these boundaries in advance, who knows how many conflicts might arise along their lengthy colonial borders?
However, it could be said that it is the desert that has saved Franco-Austrian rtions. Most of the current boundary lines of their colonies run through desert regions.
Desert areas have low value, and normal people would not take risks crossing deserts for thrills. With deserts acting as barriers, encounters are minimized, naturally reducing the likelihood of conflict.
Chapter 602: Black Technology
The eternal theme of this world: interests. The conflict of interests between Britain and France is severe, and without sufficient external pressure, they cannot truly unite.
In the original timeline, the German Empire exerted significant pressure on the French, to the extent that the French government preferred to spend considerable resources to court the Russians rather than align with the British immediately, which illustrates the situation well.
After the Franco-Prussian War, both Germans and British became France¡¯s biggest enemies, and in the following decades, Britain and France nearly went to war several times.
The conflict between Germany and France could surpass that between Britain and Francergely due to Kaiser Wilhelm II¡¯s reckless provocations, which repeatedly stirred up French nationalism and were exploited by the British.
After realizing that the Germans posed a threat to their own interests, the British took the initiative to extend goodwill to the French.
Even so, the French government hesitated for a long time before lowering its pride to be a subordinate. Otherwise, it would not have been so easy for both sides topromise.
Now it goes without saying that a resurgent France does not feel threatened. Why would it want to y second fiddle to the British?
With this thought in mind, Franz felt reassured. The intertwining conflicts among Britain, France, and Austria create a more stable arrangement.
In a situation where there are significant conflicts of interest among them, the fact that Britain, France, and Austria can sit down together is truly a testament to how delicate diplomacy is.With external issues resolved, it was time to address internal matters. In recent years, Austria¡¯s economy seems to have taken flight, thriving on the tailwinds of the Second Industrial Revolution.
Not only Austria, but the entire European continent is experiencing robust economic growth. Taking the railway industry as an example, from 1870, the total railway mileage in Europe increased by 58%.
Among them, the Prussian-Polish Federation and the Russian Empire saw the fastest growth, followed closely by Greater France and the Nordic Federation. Britain and Austria, having developed their railways earlier, are now experiencing a slowdown in growth.
Of course, this growth rate is rtive to the existing infrastructure. Austria¡¯s slower growth does not mean it has built fewer railway miles than other countries.
Russia¡¯s growth was the most astounding. Other countries grew by percentages, but Russia¡¯s growth is measured in multiples.
This rapid growth is not due to the Russian government¡¯s prowess in railway construction but rather because Russia¡¯s railway industry has developed slowly. After the Russo-Prussian War, the total railway mileage in the Russian Empire was less than 3,000 kilometers, so doubling that figure is not particrly difficult.
In contrast, Austria had already surpassed 60,000 kilometers of operational railway mileage by 1870. Given this substantial base, its growth rate naturally slowed down.
Franz¡¯s initial proposal for a major railway n has now progressed beyond mere ns. After more than twenty years of effort by the Austrian government, it is nearingpletion.
Perhaps twenty years ago, a total of 100,000 kilometers of railway seemed like a distant dream. However, today, Austria¡¯s operational and under-construction railways have already exceeded 100,000 kilometers.
By the end of 1875, Austria¡¯s operational railway mileage reached as high as 76,000 kilometers. Within five years, it is expected to surpass 100,000 kilometers.
Of course, this significant increase in data can be attributed not only to rapid domestic economic development but also to the ¡°African Integration Strategy.¡±
As of now, a total of 23 cities and regions have been approved by the imperial parliament to be incorporated into the homnd, bringing the area of this territory close to one million square kilometers.
With the increase innd area, the demand for railways naturally grows. The operational railway mileage in this territory approaches 10,000 kilometers, with an additional 8,000 kilometers under construction.
This data is kept strictly confidential and once disclosed, it would undoubtedly shock the world.
Of course, ¡°confidential¡± is rtive to ordinary people and for politicians, it is not a secret. Railways cannot be hidden. If one wants to know, it is rtively easy to investigate.
In this era, railway mileage does not necessarily equate to national strength. Austria has the highest operational railway mileage in the world, followed closely not by Britain or France but by the United States.
If it weren¡¯t for the division of America, they would certainly have the most extensive railway mileage today, as the third-ranking in total railway mileage is held by the Confederate States of America.
This is somewhat frustrating. European countries have limitednd areas. While regional railway density might be higher than that of Americans, they cannotpete in total mileage.
Currently, the country with the highest railway density is Britain. The British Isles are surrounded by water and have an astonishing 23,000 kilometers of operational railways. This density is something Austria cannot hope to match. Not only now but even if Franz¡¯s grand railway n were fully realized, it would still fall short of the British.
Franz understood this but had no intention of emting them. The high railway density in Britain isrgely due to significant redundancy in construction.
The distribution of railways in Britain is extremely uneven, as capitalists tend to invest only in economically developed areas, leaving economically backward regions neglected.
In the British Isles, surrounded by water, there is no need for so many railways in just the economically developed areas. With proper nning and allocation, Britain¡¯s transportation could reach new heights.
Clearly, this is impossible. Capital follows profit. Lucrative ventures attractpetition, while unprofitable ones are ignored.
If it weren¡¯t for Franz initially using monopoly as bait to entice capitalists into the fold¡ªtying together the railways of developed and underdeveloped areas¡ªAustria¡¯s railway construction might have followed in Britain¡¯s footsteps.
Austria¡¯s railway bundling n encountered an economic crisis on the eve of its dawn. Capitalists who originally thought they would make huge profits ended up facing severe losses due to ack of funding.
Such a tactic can only be yed once. Before this, Austria had notpleted its industrialization andcked the qualifications to even enjoy an economic crisis, so people¡¯s vignce was naturally low.
Capitalists overlooked the risks of long-term investments and were lured by the term ¡°monopoly,¡± which led them to get caught up in it.
It¡¯s not just that local capitalistsck experience. Even international capitalists from countries like Britain and France fell prey to the allure of ¡°monopoly,¡± with hundreds of millions tied up in railway construction.
Those with substantial financial resources managed to hold on, while those with less strength were forced to sell off their investments, allowing the Austrian government to pick up the pieces at bargain prices and continue its unfinished railway ns.
Now, railway investment remains highly sought after, but it is no longer frenzied. The main factor is policy. The Austrian government has already intervened in railway freight pricing.
There is a maximum price limit set in various regions, and the government has also stipted that railways are public infrastructure with a certain public welfare nature. Railwaypanies are not allowed to exceed a 30% annual profit margin.
To be frank, this figure is still quite tempting. Aside from the financial sector, very few industries can achieve a 30% profit.
However, this is entirely different from the exorbitant profits that capitalists pursue. After all, railways are major investment projects, and profits are calcted based on revenue, not total investment.
If total investment were taken into ount, no railway in Austria would have an annual return rate exceeding 30%, and it would be impossible to achieve this anywhere in the world.
The only advantage is likely the stability of returns. The revenue from Austria¡¯s railways has been steadily increasing, with annual growth rates generally not falling below 3%.
Due to economic development, some sections have even experienced revenue surges of several dozen percent in a single year.
In addition to freight charges, railwaypanies have other profit models. For instance, real estate projects around stations are often part of the railwaypanies¡¯ assets or involve their investment.
Stations are not particrly grand structures so many ces can amodate them. Railwaypanies are not foolish. If there were no benefits, why would they build stations there?
Shifting a station slightly forward or backward does not affect the normal operation of the railway. In an era withoutpetition from airnes or cars, even if a station is a few kilometers away, people still have no choice.
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After briefly reviewing the reports, Franz disyed a satisfied smile. In 1875, Austria¡¯s economic growth rate once again exceeded 8%. The benefits brought by the Second Industrial Revolution had begun to take effect.
The electricity industry has performed exceptionally well, with an astonishing annual growth rate of 23.6%, clearly outpacing all others.
In contrast, the growth rate of traditional industries appears much weaker. For example, the textile industry, which rose to prominence during the early Industrial Revolution, now has a meager growth rate of only 1.8%.
However, behind these figures, Austria¡¯s textile industry has seen a capacity increase of 5.6%. This indicates that the growth rate of production capacity far exceeds the industry¡¯s revenue growth, suggesting that profits in the sector are declining.
Of course, technological advancements have also led to lower production costs, which could potentially increase profits for specificpanies.
Nevertheless, the slowdown in industrial growth is an undeniable fact. Aspetition intensifies in traditional industries, declining profits are bing inevitable.
This is not something that can be changed by human effort. As science and technology advance, the added value of products increases. Primary industries with low technological content will see their profits shrink, ultimately leading topetition based solely on cost.
There are exceptions, such as the steel industry, which has a history spanning thousands of years and is firmly established as a traditional sector. Yet, the steel industry continues to grow rapidly.
In 1875, Austria¡¯s steel production surpassed 8 million tons, leaving the British behind and securing its position as the world¡¯s leader.
The steel production figures for major countries during this period are as follows:
Austria: 8.23 million tons; steel output: 960,000 tons
Britain: 7.42 million tons; steel output: 760,000 tons
France: 2.74 million tons; steel output: 235,000 tons
German Federal Empire: 1.556 million tons; steel output: 315,000 tons (including the Rhinnd region)
United States: 1.54 million tons; steel output: 146,000 tons
Russian Empire: 1.042 million tons; steel output: 24,000 tons
Prussian-Polish Federation: 968,000 tons; steel output: 126,000 tons
Confederate States of America: 346,000 tons; steel output: 38,000 tons¡
The remaining countries can be ignored. Big data indicates that the French have fallen behind, and this gap continues to widen.
This is not because the French government is incapable of developing the economy. It is entirely due to the harsh realities they face. France¡¯s coal mines are located quite deep, with shallow seams and apanied by gas.
The extraction costs are inherently high, and the quality is poor. While it can be used for iron smelting, steel production is another matter and importing is the only viable option.
Under these circumstances, the French have turned to ¡°ck technology,¡± specifically charcoal iron smelting. As Franz knows, French steelpanies are also researching charcoal steelmaking.
This is no joke. A significant portion of France¡¯s steel productiones from charcoal. Many French metallurgical experts confidently assert in newspapers that iron produced from charcoal is of the highest quality.
There is no need to be surprised. Charcoal iron smelting is a traditional process with a history of over a thousand years.
Now, the French are still researching charcoal steelmaking technology and have achieved some preliminary results. Inboratory settings, they have sessfully produced steel of good quality using charcoal.
Unfortunately, mass production remains unattainable. During industrial trials, the quality of steel produced with this technology cannot be guaranteed, and the costs are exorbitant.
These practical issues have not dampened the enthusiasm of French capitalists. They continue to pursue this dead-end path with determination.
Capitalists have their reasons for doing so. France¡¯s coal production is insufficient and of poor quality, but the country has abundant forest resources. If they can have a breakthrough in charcoal steelmaking technology, they could instantly escape their predicament.
If France were to follow the examples of Britain and Austria, relying solely on imported coke would already render its steel industry upetitive due to the associated costs.
In a country like France, where the financial sector is well-developed, most steelpanies are publicly traded. Regardless of whether they seed, they must present a narrative that convinces investors of the viability of charcoal steelmaking.
Driven by profit, capitalists must firmly believe this is the right path. Otherwise, how could they drive up stock prices?
Compared to the same period in history, France¡¯s steel industry is still performing rtively well, with the most significant impact felt by the United States following its division.
The United States inherited most of America¡¯s industrial capacity, but its development has been quite challenging. Without the Southern market and needing to recover from the wounds of war, the economy of the United States has struggled.
The Union, which inherited two-thirds of America, has aprehensive national strength that is less than half of what it was historically. The shrinking market andbor shortages are major factors hindering economic development.
Due to the butterfly effect, in the past twenty years, the number of immigrants from Europe to America has been less than one-third of what it was historically.
Without people and markets, industries will inevitably shrink. This is beyond human control.
Additionally, political factors have yed a role. The federal government¡¯s prestige has plummeted due to its defeat in war, leading many federal states to disregard the central government.
Each federal state has its own leadership team, and the policies they formte are centered around their respective states. The so-called sense of therger picture is nonexistent.
It ismon to see certain federal states erecting trade barriers to protect their local industries, while others open their doors wide to allow products from around the world to enter.
These policies are all driven by self-interest. If local industries can produce certain products, the government will set up trade barriers to protect them.
For industrial products that cannot be produced locally and must be purchased from outside, the decision is naturally based on which supplier offers the best price and quality.
As a result of this series of factors, in the post-war period, thebor-short United States had no choice but to import arge number of people of color.
Cheap contractborers were highly sought after by capitalists. The workers provided by thesebor-exportingpanies, while having nominal personal freedom, were essentially no different from ves.
The current scale of the U.S. steel industry owes much to these inexpensive foreignborers.
However, the side effects are quite serious. This exploitative approach has exacerbated racial tensions within the United States.
Addressing these issues is not something that can be aplished overnight. At the very least, there needs to be a strong government to integrate the various federal states.
Chapter 603: Suffering
It was another Christmas, and this year¡¯s celebration was particrly lively due to the return of Jerusalem. The whole of Austria was immersed in joy andughter.
Merchants seized the opportunity to hold promotions, with discount signs filling the streets. Some shops even gave away free candies and sunflower seeds to attract customers.
Standing on the rooftop, Franz took up his binocrs and gazed at the bustling street below, feeling a twinge of longing.
The joy of an ordinary person strolling through the streets was something Franz could not experience. The life ofmoners was not suitable for an emperor. That was the price of holding such a high position.
Sneaking out would be irresponsible. The emperor represents not just himself but also the country.
If something unexpected were to happen, Austria could be thrown into chaos. Despite the apparent stability in Austria, Franz was well aware that there were many hidden dangers within the empire, merely masked by surface prosperity.
It is not frightening for a country to have hidden dangers as solving them is what matters. What is truly frightening is knowing that dangers exist yet turning a blind eye and recklessly pursuing disaster, which could lead to severe consequences.
Franz understood that there were many people dissatisfied with the government¡ªthose who lost in power struggles and those whose interests were harmed by reforms...
He couldpletely understand the resentment harbored by these individuals. Understanding or not, those who needed to be suppressed still had to be suppressed.Even if there was discontent, since these individuals had not revolted, time could wash away everything. Franz also did not resort to extreme measures.
There is a prerequisite for this: opportunities must not be given to them. The rest is simply a matter of biding time, gradually wearing down their fighting spirit with the mundane struggles of daily life.
Just like the Hungarian independence movement of the past, after enduring societal hardships, the once passionate revolutionaries were defeated by reality.
Deep down, Franz constantly reminded himself not to be reckless. In another ten or twenty years, once he had raised his son and passed on the throne, he would be free.
¡°What¡¯s so interesting about this? It¡¯s freezing cold, yet you¡¯re up here.¡±
A familiar voice interrupted him. Franz lowered his binocrs and turned to see who it was, smiling as he did so.
¡°It¡¯s Christmas, and I wanted to see how the people are celebrating.¡±
His seemingly rxed response was filled with resignation. People often reminisce only after they have lost something.
Empress Helene took the binocrs from Franz and looked in the direction he had been observing, then frowned.
¡°Well, there are a lot of people on the street, but they¡¯ve made Santa us look quite ugly¡ªthere¡¯s no sense of artistic taste at all.¡±
Franz couldn¡¯t help but chuckle. The concept of ¡°artistic taste¡± was something he barely understood as an emperor. How could ordinary people who struggled daily for their basic needs grasp it?
Hisughter irritated Empress Helene, who shot him a sharp re and said, ¡°You¡¯re mocking me, aren¡¯t you?¡±
Although her question was calm, her eyes conveyed to Franz that he better provide a reasonable exnation. Otherwise, this Christmas would not go smoothly for him.
Thinking quickly, Franz found an excuse, ¡°No, I just found the Santa us outside a bit funny. If you look closely, doesn¡¯t he seem to be missing an arm or a leg? If Santa us looks like that and has to go around spreading cheer, that would be quite a challenge for him.¡±
Seeing that Empress Helene continued to look through the binocrs, Franz quickly changed the subject, ¡°By the way, what brings you up here? Don¡¯t tell me it¡¯s just for leisure. I remember you¡¯re always busy during Christmas.¡±
This was true. The royal family also had to hold celebrations for Christmas, and these activities were managed by the empress. This included preparing Christmas gifts for friends and family and inviting guests for banquets.
As if recalling something, Empress Helene¡¯s expression changed, ¡°Oh no, I have so much to do. You enjoy yourself. I have to go.¡±
After saying this, she handed the binocrs back to Franz and turned to leave. However, she added, ¡°Frederick is almost 20 years old now. As his father, you should show some concern for his future.
Don¡¯t forget, we have many sons, but there are only a limited number of suitable princesses in Europe of the same age. If we don¡¯t settle this in advance, you¡¯ll have something to worry aboutter!¡±
After this small exchange, Franz lost interest in watching the festivities. He hadn¡¯t really paid attention to the fact that European royal families were experiencing a surplus of menpared to women.
This was a consequence of the butterfly effect. The Habsburg family had a notably high birth rate for males, especially since Franz had four sons, disrupting the gender bnce among European royals.
However, Franz quickly pushed this issue out of his mind.
Aside from his eldest son, who needed to consider political alliances and should marry someone of equal status, the other sons could marry someone of lower status or wait a few more years if suitable matches were not avable.
In Franz¡¯s view, this was not a problem at all. As long as he lowered the standards for potential brides by one tier, he could at least increase the number of candidates by double digits.
...
It seemed that God wanted to enhance the festive atmosphere. As night fell, snowkes quietly began to fall.
The cold wind did not dispel the holiday spirit. Every household hung wreaths on their doors and built snowmen, while Christmas trees adorned the interiors.
After a busy day, Rennes returned to his small bedroom, picked up the prepared materials, and began to make his own Christmas tree.
Starting preparations now was a bitte, but what could Rennes do? He was poor.
Rennes was not a local. He had onlye to Vienna this summer to make a living. With little savings in his pocket, this small room of less than ten square meters was one he had reluctantly rented.
There was no other choice. Although Vienna imed to be the city with the highest per capita ie in the world, the problemy in the ¡°per capita¡± aspect. As someone at the bottom of society, Rennes was undoubtedly one of those averaged out.
In Vienna, aside from working in high-ie sectors like finance, research, education, and healthcare, there were also poor people engaged in service industries.
ording to legal regtions, Christmas must be a holiday, with the service industry being the only exception. If businesses closed on Christmas, how would anyone celebrate?
Considering the overtime pay, Rennes decisively chose to work extra hours. He knew that during such holidays, even the stingiest bosses would give their overtime employees a Christmas gift.
Rennes was fortunate as his boss at the grocery store was a devout believer. This year, with Jerusalem¡¯s return bringing him good spirits, he gave Ryan a bag of flour weighing fifty pounds.
This was the best Christmas gift Rennes had ever received. With that bag of flour, he had secured his food supply for the next month, which was far more practical than candy or sunflower seeds.
In a good mood, Rennespleted the Christmas tree in the shortest time possible. It may have looked a bit ugly, but that did not hinder his pursuit of a better life.
The choir from the church had begun to sing Christmas carols in front of each parishioner¡¯s door, and Rennes felt very excited.
He had never experienced this. Although there were churches back in his hometown, there was only one priest, and choirs were something only cathedrals had.
After watching the choir leave, Rennes fell silent. Alone in a strange city, without friends or family nearby, he didn¡¯t know how to spend the time ahead.
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Looking at the prepared Christmas gifts, Rennes smiled bitterly. The city was different from his hometown. Everyone was quite guarded, and many people put on masks.
When he first moved in, Rennes had tried to get to know his neighbors. However, the tenants living here were all at the bottom of society, struggling daily for their livelihoods and having no energy to entertain more people or matters.
Though they spoke politely, their tone conveyed a sense of distance that made Rennes abandon any further attempts at friendship. He didn¡¯t have time for that, anyway.
Vienna was a city that never slept, which meant that those working in service industries had it tough. Although Austria¡¯s Labor Protection Law stipted an eight-hour workday, this existed only in theory.
An eight-hour wage might allow one to survive in Vienna, but if you wanted to save money, you had better be prepared to work overtime!
Like most service industries, the grocery store where Rennes worked operated on a two-shift system, remaining open 24 hours a day except for Christmas Eve when it closed.
With the daily shift schedule, the busy hours totaled up to 14 each day. And that was on a good day. Every three days, the grocery store would restock. The boss would never hire extra staff for that, so employees had to work an additional 3 to 5 hours. Considering the overtime pay, Rennes decisively chose to work extra hours.
He only had two days off each month, so he had no choice but to prepare for some much-needed sleep! This was the daily life of an ordinary service worker in Vienna.
Rennes neverined. The conditions in most factories were often worse. While the working hours might not be as long, thebor environment was certainly notparable.
In the store, at least here there was hope. He interacted with different people and experiences every day, which broadened his horizons. If he paid close attention, he could learn a lot.
If he were to enter a factory, he would need to quickly learn a trade! If he couldn¡¯t ovee that hurdle, his life would remain stagnant.
Holding back tears, Rennes took out half a roasted goose he had bought on the way home and heated it by the stove, flipping over some potatoes that were nearly cooked. This was hisvish Christmas dinner.
As night deepened, the Christmas bells began to ring.
Chapter 604: Institutional Reform
After Christmas, Franz became busy again. There were always many tasks at the end of the year, including the government¡¯s year-end summary, ns for theing year, and the budget...
While specific tasks were handled by subordinates, Franz still needed to oversee the overall direction. As apetent emperor, he had to ensure his control over the government.
Finance Minister Karl presented the report, ¡°Your Majesty, here is this year¡¯s financial report.
The total revenue of the New Holy Roman Empire for 1875 was 865.2 million guilders, with total expenditures amounting to 876.4 million guilders, resulting in a budget deficit of 11.2 million guilders.
Austria¡¯s total revenue for 1875 was 157.41 million guilders, with total expenditures of 155.04 million guilders, yielding a surplus of 2.37 million guilders.
Bavaria¡¯s total revenue in 1875 was 11.32 million guilders, with revenues and expenditures roughly bnced.
The Kingdom of Jerusalem had a revenue of 220,000 guilders and expenditures of 3.14 million guilders, resulting in a deficit of 2.92 million guilders.¡±
Although the Austrian government was essentially the central government of the New Holy Roman Empire, it was important to maintain a distinction in financial matters.
If finances were not separated, and if the central government faced a deficit, there would be no way to request funds from the various state governments.It wasn¡¯t just a matter of financial separation. In reality, their functions were also different.
The Austrian government is primarily responsible for governing Austria itself, handling matters such as taxation, maintaining public order, economic development, education, and infrastructure construction¡ These are all limited to Austrian territory.
The central government, on the other hand, has a different role. These specific administrative tasks fall under the responsibilities of the individual state governments and do not require their intervention.
However, the central government is responsible for the entire New Holy Roman Empire, with its main functions including mediating rtions between the various states, enactingws, overseeing the judicial system, conducting foreign affairs, training and managing the military, issuing currency, collecting tariffs, and managing colonies...
It is normal for the central government¡¯s financial revenue to be lower than that of the individual states. Aside from ie from colonies, the central government relies mainly on seigniorage and customs duties.
While arge colonial territory does not necessarily trante to high financial revenue, it is currently fortunate that the central government can basically achieve a bnce between ie and expenditure, with a slight surplus.
However, this surplus exists only on paper. Once it passes through the central government, it is quickly consumed by local construction projects.
In earlier years, when the central government faced significant deficits, it had to rely on contributions from state governments to cover these financial shortfalls. Extracting funds from others was always challenging.
During those times, the end of each year was particrly painful for the Austrian government. They had to patiently persuade state governments to willingly contribute funds.
With the development of colonial economies, this situation changed. There was no longer a need for the central government to subsidize expenses.
This change was not weed by state governments. Not having to pay meant a decline in their status within the empire.
Politics is quite realistic. Wth the central government¡¯s financial bnce achieved, merging the Austrian government and the central government is now on the agenda.
Regardless of whether people are willing or not, this is an inevitable oue. After all, how can one govern once the colonies are integrated?
While the central government can directly administer the colonies, if it were to take direct control of the integrated provinces, these provinces would then hold political status equal to that of the state governments.
Undoubtedly, with the vast expanse of the African continent, its future development potential will certainly surpass that of the maind.
If integration is not pursued now and the system is not established, once these provinces begin to develop, they will undoubtedly seek political rights.
If they eventually transition into an era of democracy and freedom where decisions are made by popr vote, then it would not be far-fetched for the Emperor to lose his throne.
The primary reason for cing the colonies under the empire rather than under Austria was to ensure that all states contributed financially and to have a legitimate im for enticing immigrants in German-speaking regions.
Now that this had been achieved, it was time to eliminate redundant structures. Politics is indeed this practical. Franz has already decided to merge the administrative powers of Austria, Bavaria, and Jerusalem.
The year 1875 will mark thest year of separate financial ounting. Thereafter, everything will be fully merged. The government will no longer need to deal with theplexities of maintaining two budgets.
Franz took the documents and began to read carefully. The soon-to-end year of 1875 had been a good one. It was the first time since his ascension that the Austrian government had recorded a budget surplus.
Despite being a mere two million guilders, this was still a significant victory.
In the years leading up to his ascension, Franz had often struggled with financial issues, only managing to escape his difficulties after the eruption of the First Near East War which allowed him to profit from the conflict.
Following that, he elerated the pace of colonial expansion, but the government continued to run annual deficits with the best situation being a bnce between ie and expenditure.
Now was the era of the gold standard, not a time for fiat currency. For the government to print money, it had to first consider its gold reserves.
Stimting the economy through fiscal deficits required careful consideration of how much money was avable. It was impossible to cover losses simply by printing more money as prolonged deficits would only increase government debt.
The government¡¯s capacity to bear debt was limited. Once it exceeded that threshold, financial copse would ensue.
Greece serves as a cautionary tale in this regard. The previous government had recklessly distributed benefits without considering the consequences of fiscal deficits, ultimately leading to default.
Undoubtedly, the Austrian government also carried a heavy debt burden. The so-called budget surplus existed only on paper and was insignificantpared to its massive debts.
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After a moment, Franz closed the document and said, ¡°Let¡¯s use this budget surplus to reduce our debt! Our debt pressure is still quite significant. If we encounter an unexpected situation, we will be in a very passive position.¡±
At the beginning of the New Holy Roman Empire, small states were concerned that the central government would use imperial finances to subsidize Austria at their expense.
To reassure everyone, Franz established a rule: the central government could not incur external debt, and any fiscal deficits would be borne by the state governments.
The effect was quite clear. The central government struggled to cover its own expenses and had to rely on the state governments each year. Every expenditure was strictly audited, eliminating any possibility of misappropriation.
As a result, the central government¡¯s fiscal deficit shifted onto the state governments. Austria, being thergest, had to contribute the most, and with its own investments in infrastructure, its debt continued to rise.
To date, Austria¡¯s total debt had reached 500 million guilders, nearly 3.2 times its fiscal revenue, surpassing even the Russian government¡¯s foreign debt.
Of course, this calction was not entirely reasonable. Some revenues were not included in the fiscal ie but could still be used for debt repayment.
However, this figure was still somewhat precarious. During periods of rapid economic growth, it might not pose a problem, but once entering a phase of economic stability or even recession, issues would arise.
Franz did not even mention the fiscal deficit of the Kingdom of Jerusalem as it was an inevitable oue.
With all agriculturalnd lying fallow and cities undergoing redevelopment, expenses were mounting. If Jerusalem were not a holy city, it likely wouldn¡¯t even generate that 220,000 guilders in revenue and would simply be a pure investment.
Finance Minister Karl replied, ¡°Yes, Your Majesty.¡±
After a brief pause, Karl added, ¡°Your Majesty, our n for financial consolidation has met with opposition from the state governments. There may be trouble in the imperial parliament.¡±
Merging the central government with Austria was an inevitable trend that everyone was mentally prepared for. Franz had already discussed it with the kings of the various states, and generally speaking, there was no significant opposition.
There were no issues with administrative consolidation. From the beginning, the Austrian government had effectively served as the central government, and in reality, both sides had long been one entity.
Given the established facts that had already urred, the state governments understood that their opposition would be futile. As long as their own interests were not harmed, they tacitly epted this arrangement.
However, finances are different. The state governments have continuously been funding the central government. After finally achieving a bnce between ie and expenditure, it feels unfair to have Austria reap all the benefits. Anyone would feel ufortable in such a situation.
There is no room forpromise on this issue. If the finances cannot be merged, how can integration be aplished?
After hesitating for a moment, Franz made a decision, ¡°If we cannot persuade the state governments to agree, then we will postpone merging the financials for now.
Let Jerusalem announce its reconstruction n and prepare the necessary documents to apply for membership in the New Holy Roman Empire at the imperial conference early next year.¡±
The Kingdom of Jerusalem had never been part of the New Holy Roman Empire, but if Jerusalem wanted to join, no one could oppose it.
No Catholic nation could refuse the inclusion of the holy city. Otherwise, public outrage could easily lead to the government being overthrown.
Adding Jerusalem to the empire would not only increase the influence of one more state but also introduce a significant challenge.
The Kingdom of Jerusalem was impoverished and just beginning its reconstruction efforts, which would require substantial funding. Undoubtedly, Jerusalem had no money of its own.
Rebuilding the holy city was a religious imperative. Once it joined the New Holy Roman Empire, those expenses would fall on the central government. ording to convention, this expenditure would ultimately be passed down to the state governments.
Franz had already devised a n to rely on the Vatican to raise funds for Jerusalem¡¯s reconstruction from around the world. To this end, he promised governance of the city of Jerusalem to the Holy See.
However, this was still under confidential negotiation. For the Vatican to gain control over Jerusalem, it needed to cooperate with Austria to stabilize the entire Middle East.
This did not prevent Franz from using the enormous costs of rebuilding Jerusalem to exert pressure on the state governments.
Chapter 605: Developing Lanfang
Alongside rapid economic development, many hidden challenges are emerging, with the widening wealth gap being one of the most concerning.
Currently, no specific index measures this disparity, so Franz relies on avable government statistical data. This data, essible only to the government¡¯s upper echelons, remains unaltered and confidential.
In 1875, the homnd¡¯s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) was approximately 5.46 billion guilders, cing it at the top globally (including figures from integrated African territories and other states).
Looking at the data alone, the homnd¡¯s GDP is twice that of Great Britain¡¯s¡ªa seemingly impressive figure. However, a closer look at additional metrics reveals a less favorable picture.
Austria¡¯s European poption is around 78.26 million, with another 6.2152 million in the integrated African regions, totaling about 84.47 million,pared to Britain¡¯s 30 million.
While Austria¡¯s poption is 2.8 timesrger, its total economic output barely exceeds twice that of Britain. In terms of per capita ie, Austrians nowg behind the British.
Due to iplete data, the Austrian government estimates Austria¡¯s per capita ie at roughly 70% of Britain¡¯s.
The only constion is that it remains higher than France¡¯s. Italy¡¯s economic struggles have impacted France, resulting in a lower per capita ie than Austria¡¯s.
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Comparing totals alone offers limited insights. Apart from Austria¡¯s own surveys, other countries¡¯ data are typically economist estimates, with a usual margin of error of one or two percent.
However, this one or two-percent margin is significant. Currently, Austria¡¯s economicmunity holds diverse views, though there is consensus on the world¡¯s top five economies: Austria, Britain, France, the Far Eastern Empire, and India.
The debate on their rankings, however, remains unsettled, with no side convincing the others.
One view ranks them as follows: Austria, France, Britain, the Far Eastern Empire, and India.
A second opinion states that the Far Eastern Empire and India were on par with Austria, France, and Britain.
A third opinion ranks them as the Far Eastern Empire, India, Austria, France, and Britain¡
(TN: The Far Eastern Empire most likely refers to Great Qing or the Qing Dynasty of China)
Without detailed survey data, each view has its own theoretical basis, and Franz cannot discern which one is most urate. Nheless, this does not deter the Austrian government from positioning itself at the top.
Even if Austria is not currently the world¡¯s leading economy, it is only a matter of time. This is the era of the Industrial Revolution, with rapid economic growth favoring industrialized nations over those still primarily agricultural.
Beyond domestic figures, Austria¡¯s colonial GDP also drew attention, with Franz surprised to discover that the output of the South Sea colonies nearly rivals that of Austrian Africa (excluding integrated regions).
It is worth noting that the Austrian government ces much greater strategic value on Austrian Africa than on the South Sea colonies, as their scales are vastly different.
Currently, Austria¡¯s territories in the South Seas include Borneo, New Guinea, and several smaller inds. While not among the wealthiest in the South Seas, these territories have nheless achieved substantial economic output.
Specific data:
Austrian Africa: 450 million guilders
Austrian South Seas: 360 million guilders
Austrian Central America: 250 million guilders
Austrian South America: 11 million guilders
Austrian ska: 54,000 guilders
(The Austrian Arabian Penins has not been fully upied and is in a state of chaos, so it has not been ounted for.)
From a data perspective, a gap of twenty percent remains¡ªsignificant, though it has narrowed by eight percentpared to five years ago.
Noticing Franz¡¯s confusion, Minister of Colonies Stephen exined, ¡°Your Majesty, the development of the Austrian South Seas has elerated remarkably in recent years, especially in the Lanfang Autonomous Province, where agriculture has seen impressive progress. ??¨¤??¨®?¨§?
The world¡¯srgest rubber ntation has been established there, along with new pepper ntations. Local residents have opened approximately 15 million hectares of farnd to cultivate rice, corn, pumpkins, and other crops.
Moreover, recent discoveries include several gold mines on the ind and coal mines in the southwest, which are already being actively mined.¡±
Franz was left even more perplexed. From his memory, while a few areas in Borneo were fertile, most of thend was not particrly suitable forrge-scale agriculture.
Of course, crops could be grown, but without the benefit of modern fertilizers, yields would likely be modest.
Franz knew that Chinese settlers were adept at farming but would still weigh the expected returns. With so much farnd now in use, he wondered¡ªdid Borneo truly have that much arablend?
Franz asked, ¡°What is the current poption of the Lanfang Autonomous Province? How is the output from that much farnd?¡±
Minister of Colonies Stephen replied, ¡°The poption in the Lanfang Autonomous Province is growing rapidly. It¡¯s currently around eight million and could exceed ten million within a few years.
Agricultural methods on the ind remain somewhat primitive, primarily relying on human and animalbor with minimal machinery. Despite this, the output is only slightly lower than that of the homnd.
I must say, the people of Lanfang are exceptional farmers. They¡¯re still highly motivated to clearnd. If other regions had even half their enthusiasm, there would be a surplus of food worldwide.¡±
Unlike the British, French, and Italians, the Germans showed a notable enthusiasm for farming, as reflected in the number of farms within their colonies.
In this era, most colonists are more interested in seeking fortune than farming, preferring to take risks over settling down to cultivatend.
Austria, however, has been fortunate. Many German farmers aspire to bendowners, and these individuals have be the backbone of Austria¡¯s colonial economic development.
Yet, they are practical: farming must be profitable. They would never work barrennd, and much of Borneo is indeed seen as unproductive.
Franz frowned slightly, ¡°How do they sustain food production? I remember the survey report described thend in the Lanfang Autonomous Province as barren,cking agricultural value.¡±
The Austrian government has assessed every colony, detailing areas suited for development and those that are not, providingprehensive data for colonial officials to reference.
The Lanfang Autonomous Province was no exception. After it raised the Austrian g, these foundational tasks became essential.
After a moment of thought, Stephen replied, ¡°Guano. Lanfang Province relies heavily on guano as fertilizer. We have several guano inds in the Pacific, near the Marshall Inds.
Initially, these inds were not under our control. Only after the Lanfang Province submitted a request did the Colonial Ministry include them in its jurisdiction.¡±
Franz nodded. Unless mistaken, this likely referred to what wouldter be known as Nauru.
Austria controls no fewer than ten thousand inds, and due to the butterfly effect, many ind names have changed entirely, making it difficult for Franz to recognize them.
¡°Well done. Guano is a valuable resource and ys a significant role in agricultural productivity. It¡¯s a gift of nature, and for long-term development, we need to protect and use it responsibly.
The colonial government should promptly draft regtions to prevent any hunting around the guano inds. Guano harvesting must also ur in the appropriate seasons to avoid disturbing bird poptions.
We should expand our efforts in this area. im more uninhabited inds. Even if they currently hold no value, at the very least, we establish a presence.
Consider it an extension of maritime territory. Given the current climate, after next year¡¯s international conference, the delineation of spheres of influence will likely include coastal areas.
Particrly for inds with ports, regardless of immediate utility, we should secure them first.¡±
Protecting the guano inds is essential. If the birds disappear, the guano industry disappears with them.
This unexpected wealth presents a valuable opportunity. With sustainable management, it could bring benefits for many years, so reckless exploitation must be avoided.
Seizing inds is crucial. In this era of ¡°g-nting,¡± those who act quickly will seed, while the slow will miss out.
Once the internationalndscape stabilizes and spheres of influence are established, such opportunities will be lost.
For Austria, this new order holds promise. Once international boundaries are recognized, the gold mines in ska can be developed.
Franz could hardly contain his anticipation. Unfortunately, ska is not well-suited forrge-scale settlement, with a harsh climate even in the valleys.
This makes it challenging for Austria to establish a strong foundation there. Although no one might openly attempt to seize the territory, the risk of covert sabotage remains.
Moreover, the long border between ska and Canada means that Austria cannot fully prevent gold smuggling.
When international order is established, however, the situation will change. Nations will sign treaties agreeing to avoid underhanded actions, forcing them to exercise restraint.
If they were to break these promises right away, they¡¯d undermine their own credibility on the world stage.
Although ska¡¯s gold reserves are substantial, they cannot be extracted all at once. The currently essible deposits are not worth risking John Bull¡¯s reputation over.
Of course, Austria¡¯s ability to retaliate is a key factor.
If the Austrian government were to abandon restraint and actively trouble John Bull, it might not destabilize their colonial empire, but it would certainly increase their governance costs by several million pounds each year.
Given current technology, it remains uncertain whether mining ska¡¯s gold could yield several million pounds in annual profit.
John Bull may be inclined to act in ways that harm others without clear benefit to himself, but the British government would hesitate to engage in actions that damage both sides.
Minister of Colonies Stephen added, ¡°Yes, Your Majesty. The Colonial Ministry will work diligently to bring as many uninhabited inds as possible under our jurisdiction before the Paris Conference concludes.¡±
Chapter 606: Resource Curse
The era of colonial expansion has ended, and the Austrian government¡¯s focus has once again shifted back to domestic issues. Austria¡¯s most pressing problem now is the uneven economic development within the country, leading to a widening wealth gap.
Looking solely at the per capita ie of 64.6 guilders, this figure is already quite substantial. After excluding children and the elderly, the per capita ie for thebor force exceeds one hundred guilders.
However, the reality is thatrge capitalists and nobles earn annual ies in the tens of millions, while the vast majority of ordinary workers have actual annual ies of less than 30 guilders.
Franz himself is also a beneficiary in this regard. As someone who has contributed to raising the average ie, he now finds himself troubled by the expanding wealth gap.
Vienna, for example, boasts the highest per capita ie in the world: its average annual ie is 328 guilders.
This ie level ces one in the middle ss and above in any country or region worldwide.
As Austria¡¯s financial, cultural, technological, and educational capital, it seems unsurprising that Vienna has reached this level with so many resources at its disposal.
However, statistical data tells Franz that this is merely superficial prosperity as serious internal issues exist.
Vienna has a poption of 1.06 million, with approximately 620,000 of them being of working age. Of these, less than 11.2% earn an annual ie of 328 guilders or more, and only 29.6% earn over 100 guilders, while 24.6% earn less than 30 guilders (calcted only for thebor force poption).This is still the capital. With such a number of low-ie individuals, other regions would likely be even more severe.
ording to statistical data, the number of people with an annual ie below 20 guilders has reached as high as 31.2%. This is not a figure one would expect from a developed country, yet reality is as such.
The stark wealth gap is only one aspect. The regional development imbnce is even more rming. The per capita annual ie in the poorest small counties is less than eight guilders.
This ie barely covers the cost of potatoes. This is still under the assumption that Austria is a grain-producing country. if it were in Britain, they would have to settle for foraging for wild vegetables.
Moreover, this disparity continues to grow. The poorer regions are getting poorer, while the richer regions are bing richer.
Old problems remain unresolved, and new issues are emerging. With economic development, the urban-rural gap is widening at an astonishing rate.
The five years from the abolition of serfdom in 1848 to 1854 were a golden period for rural economic development in Austria, with agricultural output increasing by 56% during that time.
However, rural economic growth slowed rapidly afterward, especially after the agricultural crisis of 1873, when Austria¡¯s rural economy even experienced negative growth for a time.
While the national economy surged, rural economic growth in 1875 was less than 1%, nearly stagnating.
With so many problems converging, Franz felt like he was losing his hair from worry. Solving these issues sounds simple, but how should they be addressed?
This is not just Austria¡¯s problem. No country in the 19th century was exempt from these issues and none managed to resolve them effectively.
Since Franz raised these issues, the Austrian government has been trying to find solutions, but reality remains harsh.
Franz even hesitated to order the bureaucrats to resolve these problems because once such an order was given, he feared he would no longer see the true data. ?
This is not the inte age. In this era of poormunication, covering up the truth is all too easy. All it takes is a stroke of the pen to tweak the numbers.
Deceiving superiors and concealing the truth is a skill that bureaucratic groups excel at, as exemplified by the neighboring Russian government. Since Alexander II pushed for reforms, the Russian Empire has shown astonishing growth on paper.
Looking solely at the figures, Russia¡¯s industrial strength has already surpassed Austria¡¯s and is likely to exceed that of continental Europe in just a few years. Perhaps during Alexander II¡¯s lifetime, the Russian Empire could even surpass the entire world.
Compared to the Russian bureaucrats, Austria¡¯s officials are still somewhat conscientious. While data falsification does ur, it is certainly not as extreme.
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This is Franz¡¯s achievement. As apetent emperor, it was necessary to have clear rewards and punishments, so he established a strict reporting reward system.
You can falsify data, but you must ensure that everyone cooperates. It is not enough to guarantee cooperation from just the next government, you must ensure that even future governments willply.
Under a lifetime ountability system, anyone who knows and fails to report bears collective responsibility. All honors received will be revoked, and they will spend the rest of their lives in prison together.
Whistleblowers will be promoted directly by three ranks and can work in investigative departments specifically tasked with rooting out data falsification.
As a sacrifice for this policy, the bureaucrats of the Bosnia and Herzegovina province were the first to suffer. An official whom Franz had originally held in high regard was also ced on the cab¡¯s list and fell victim to the fallout.
In a single sweep, over a thousand public officials were imprisoned, and the entire bureaucratic group in Bosnia and Herzegovina was implicated, resulting in nearly aplete copse.
Following this incident, everyone became more restrained, and the data quickly returned to normal.
In the political arena, who doesn¡¯t have a few political enemies? If local governments were all united, the Austrian government would have long since lost sleep over it!
With strict oversight from above, those below naturally dared not act recklessly. It¡¯s just statistical data so it¡¯s best to report it honestly. Falsifying data may yield political achievements but is far more likely to lead to imprisonment.
At the Vienna Pce, during an economic meeting, Franz mmed his hand on the table and said, ¡°The domestic economy is developing rapidly, but the wealth gap, regional disparities, and urban-rural divides are bing increasingly severe. It is now time to address these issues.
If we continue to dy, it will only be more difficult to handle in the future. I do not expect aplete resolution of these problems, but we must ensure that the situation does not continue to deteriorate.¡±
The bar is set low because, given the current state of productivity, Franz knows these issues can¡¯t be entirely resolved.
Not being able to solve a problem does not mean ignoring it. Regardless of how things go, taking action is better than inaction. Even maintaining the current status quo would be a significant achievement.
Prime Minister Felix responded hesitantly, ¡°Your Majesty, the biggest issue with regional economic development imbnce is the limitations imposed by natural conditions.
We can only adapt our policies to local circumstances and formte appropriate economic development strategies. A significant portion of these areas is constrained by natural conditions, making both agriculture and industry unsuitable for development.
From a broader perspective, we must make choices regarding these regions and focus on developing areas where progress is more feasible.
The widening urban-rural gap is a global issue. With the advancement of industrial technology, the disparity between agriculture and industry will only worsen.
In the short term, the most effective approach is to promotend consolidation and adoptrge-scale farming models to rece the smallholder economies prevalent in many areas.
However, this is also the least desirable solution. The social problems brought about bynd consolidation are far more severe than the widening urban-rural gap.
In fact, neither of these two issues is the key problem. The most important issue remains the expanding wealth gap and the increasing number of people living in poverty.
As long as we address the ie issues of the lower sses, both regional development imbnces and widening urban-rural gaps can be epted.¡±
This is a false proposition. If they do not address regional development imbnces and urban-rural disparities, how can they reconcile the wealth gap?
The three issues have always been interdependent. Ie differs from others as it is regted by the market, and the government cannot forcibly control it.
Franz was no longer an economic novice. He did not naively believe that simply setting a higher minimum wage would raise everyone¡¯s ie.
This was impossible, as thebor costs that each industry could bear varied significantly. For certain traditional industries, their marketpetitiveness relied on cheapbor.
Many countries inter years deindustrialized, and aside from the nominal excuse of ¡°environmental protection,¡± the primary reason was thatbor costs in developed countries were too high.
Or rather, unions had be tools for certain individuals to profit, and in pursuit of higher investment returns, capitalists had no choice but to relocate their factories.
Austria had not yet reached that point. Many capitalists were still in the phase of making money while lying down, and the profits in most industries were quite good.
The main reason why the ie of the lower sses remained stagnant was the supply-demand rtionship in thebor market. The notion thatbor costs affected marketpetitiveness was, in reality, quite absurd.
Currently,bor prices are rtively low. Labor costs ount for a very small proportion of total expenses. In many industries, apart frombor-intensive sectors,bor costs are less than one-tenth of product prices.
Compared to their Britishpetitors, Austria¡¯sbor costs are much cheaper, and raw material costs are also significantly lower, yet the retail prices of products in international markets are nearly the same.
This greatly dissatisfied Franz. With so many advantageous conditions, capitalists were failing topete with the British for market share. Clearly, the domestic market had already satisfied them, leading to ack of ambition.
If this situation is not changed and they do not develop a sense of crisis, Austria might get inflicted with the ¡°resource curse.¡±
In the original timeline, the capitalists of Britain and France were just like this. Since they could make money, why bother working harder?
Each one indulged in eating, drinking, and having fun,pletelycking a sense of crisis, and ultimately watched as Americans and Germans surpassed them.
Changing the current state ofcency among domestic capitalists is the core focus of this economic meeting.
Franz said, ¡°Addressing the wealth gap is indeed a core issue. What ns does the government have?¡±
Prime Minister Felix replied, ¡°In the short term, the simplest way to raise everyone¡¯s ie is through immigration. While there is an oversupply ofbor domestically, there has been a persistent shortage ofbor in the colonies.
We have been facilitating immigration in recent years, but we have not done enough. In the ind areas, we have hardly done any promotional work. This situation must change now.
The government ns to migrate ten million people from the homnd to the colonies within five years. This time, the primary areas for immigration will be rural regions with excessive poption density and impoverished remote areas.¡±
As desperation sets in and masses move to the colonies, the domesticbor market will inevitably see a shift in supply and demand, ending the era of capitalists¡¯ reliance on cheapbor.
Franz was not being ruthless. He was simply forced by reality.
The German Empire of the original timeline is the best example. Apart from coal and iron, itcked almost all other resources, had higherbor costs than the French, and had no colonies to plunder, yet it still managed to develop.
The talents obtained frompulsory education is one aspect, but more importantly, it is the crisis awareness of enterprises that drives everyone to push for technological innovation.
Austria has implementedpulsory education for many years, and the quality of its poption is not low. It also possesses a richer market and resources, so there¡¯s no reason it shouldn¡¯t seed.
The Second Industrial Revolution began in Austria, and logically, with Franz¡¯s encouragement, new technologies should have developed faster than in history. However, reality has proven otherwise.
In 1875, newly registered patents in Austria showed that royal industries ounted for one-third of the total, and this percentage has been rising year by year.
After conducting research, Franz discovered that the core issue was that businesses were toofortable. With profitsing easily, capitalists were simply unwilling to push for technological innovation.
This was driven by self-interest. Cheapbor, low raw material prices, and a vast market meant they could make money without effort.
On the other hand, investing in new technology research is fraught with uncertainty. Investments and returns do not necessarily corrte, and people are generally reluctant to take risks.
Without pressure, one must create pressure. In this era before the internationalization of capital, Franz was not afraid of capitalists fleeing.
Engaging in international trade requires government endorsement. Every multinational conglomerate has government backing. Even so, these groups are often taken advantage of by local yers.
There are many ssic examples of this: for instance, British and French capital invested in Austrian railways and infrastructure construction but ended up being exploited by Franz during an economic crisis.
Simrly, British capital invested heavily in railway construction in the United States and ultimately lost everything.
Those with backing can be exploited within the rules. As for those without backing¡ªthere¡¯s no need to be concerned about appearances.
Chapter 607: Labor Strike Movement
Immigrating ten million people sounds terrifying, but when spread out over five years, it amounts to only two million immigrants per year.
Considering Austria¡¯s current poption base and a growth rate of 2%, the native poption adds about 1.7 million each year, and it could be even more.
In an era without any entertainment activities, people were still keen on procreation. Coupled with the Austrian government¡¯s birth subsidies, Austria¡¯s poption growth rate has consistently ranked among the highest in the world.
Although the total native poption won¡¯t decrease significantly, the impact will still be considerable. We are currently at the cusp of the Second Industrial Revolution, where emerging industries are continuously expanding, leading to an increasing demand forbor.
Whilebor demand is rising, the supply is decreasing, which alters the supply-demand rtionship in thebor market and inevitably drives upbor costs.
Compared to traditional industries, the most notable characteristic of emerging industries is their vitality. During periods of rapid development,panies enjoy higher profits and can naturally afford to pay higher wages.
In this context, traditional businesses must innovate technologically if they do not want to be eliminated from the market.
In fact, many new production devices have already emerged. However, some capitalists are reluctant to rece them to save costs.
This is not a mere guess by Franz as there is evidence for it. Some capitalists have evenined in newspapers: Now that mechanical equipment is being updated so frequently, if we rece it today, it might be outdated again in a few years. Since our current equipment still works, it¡¯s better to wait for something better toe along before making aplete switch.For a long time, thefortable business environment has made capitalists conservative. Many even oppose technological progress because it increases uncertainty.
A typical example is the electric era. To save costs, many factories still insist on using gasmps.
It¡¯s not that capitalists are unaware of the advantages of electric lights, but they are unwilling to spend money on installing electrical equipment.
After all, they can continue using gasmps and still make profits, so whyplicate things?
In Austria, the impoverished poption is not primarily in the vast rural areas but concentrated in cities. The main reason for this situation is that everything is rising in price, yet wages remain stagnant.
From 1848 to now, Austria¡¯s per capita ie has increased by 2.3 times, but workers¡¯ wages have only risen by 56%, and in many factories, wages have not changed at all.
The economy is developing, but ies have not kept pace, so it¡¯s no surprise that people are falling into poverty.
Now Franz is resorting to immigration as a strategy, which is actually ast resort. If this situation does not change, it will inevitably lead to problems sooner orter.
¡
Mn, as the capital of the Kingdom of Lombardy, has always been the most prosperous city in Italy. No, it should now be said that it is the most prosperous area in the German region.
Geographical boundaries have always been artificially defined. Now that Austria is powerful, Franz has directly ssified Lombardy as part of the German region.
Regardless of whether people ept it or not, all official documents state that Mn is part of the German region. The theoretical basis for this is that the Lombards are a branch of the Germanic people.
Although there are more Italians in the area, it doesn¡¯t matter. History can be rewritten, cultural traditions can change, and ethnicity can be changed.
The internationalmunity has recognized that the Kingdom of Lombardy is indeed part of the German region. Along with Lombardy, many other areas have also been ssified as part of the region of Germany, such as neighboring Venice, and even further ces like Hungary and parts of the Balkans...
Even the Kingdom of Jerusalem is about to be part of the German region. Looking at the current map of the German region can make historians go red in the face.
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All those natural conditions and historical factors are nonsense. The real basis for division is very much a product of its time: anywhere within the range of Austrian artillery is considered part of the German region, or rather, the Austrian region.
It¡¯s just a name so calling it whatever doesn¡¯t affect anyone¡¯s interests. After hearing it a few times, people will get used to it.
The Dekker Textile Factory is a well-knownrge enterprise in the Mn area and ranks among the top three textile factories in Austria.
It includes more than a dozen factories such as silk mills, woolen mills, cotton mills, dyeing factories, and garment factories, employing over 130,000 workers.
In the Mn area, where there is an independent industrial park, factories would typically be bustling at this time, but now there is an eerie silence.
Those in the know understand that another strike has urred here.
Austria is promotingpulsory education, and the Kingdom of Lombardy is no exception. Thanks to the cultivation of a sense of discipline from a young age, the currentbor strike movements tend to be much more harmonious.
People havee to realize that machinery is essential for their livelihoods so vandalizing equipment only jeopardizes their own jobs.
This does not hinder their right to go on a strike legally. As long as it does not disrupt public order, going on a strike remains a fundamental right that does not require approval from anyone.
Mn has been heavily influenced by Italian maritime culture and is the birthce of the Renaissance. Compared to other regions in Austria, new ideas are much more vibrant here, and strikes are also more frequent.
Of course, this is not the main factor behind the strike at the Dekker Textile Factory. Like most traditional enterprises, the once-thriving Dekker Textile Factory has gradually fallen into decline.
With the onset of the Second Industrial Revolution, the Dekker Textile Factory did not seize opportunities and sided with conservatives, failing to update its equipment in a timely manner, which led to fatigue in marketpetition.
Due to declining profits, thepany has not raised wages since 1870, while prices have continued to rise without waiting for them, naturally leading to strikes.
Like mostpanies, the Dekker Textile Factory is a family business. The current head, Dekker Lanoue, is already an old man in his seventies.
In his youth, he was also a prominent figure. During the Austro-Sardinian War, he decisively bet on Austria, and after the war ended,petitors who chose the wrong side faced dire consequences. Dekker Lanoue took the opportunity to take over their factories and began a life of ease.
Taking advantage of the market gap, Dekker Textile Factory rapidly developed, at its peak employing over 180,000 workers and achieving annual production values that ced it among Austria¡¯s top 100panies.
However, this industry,cking core technology, shares amon problem: there are manypetitors.
After the Austrian government implemented the cultivation of mulberry instead of wheat, the Kingdom of Lombardy quickly became Austria¡¯s most important silk-producing region.
Being close to the source allowed the Dekker Textile Factory to enjoy the first wave of profits, as local production significantly reduced costs.
Even now, the Dekker Textile Factory upies more than half of Lombardy¡¯s silk processing market. With aplete industrial chain, it should be thriving.
However, with the arrival of the Second Industrial Revolution, circumstances began to change. Various mechanical devices were constantly being updated, but the aging and conservative Dekker Lanoue did not keep pace with the times in pursuit of greater profits.
Being slow to adapt led to being left behind. Capitalpetition is relentless, andpetitors would not leave them any opportunities.
New technologies not only improve productivity but also enhance product quality. When prices are simr, higher-quality goods are undoubtedly more popr.
In just a few short years, Dekker Textile Factory¡¯s market share was eroded by one-third bypetitors, and thepany¡¯s profits plummeted.
After receiving news of the strike, Dekker Lanoue suddenly mmed his hand on the table and said, ¡°Another strike! These ungrateful people don¡¯t even think about who¡¯s supporting them!
If we go under, they won¡¯t have jobs at all. If they don¡¯t want to work, then fine. There are plenty of people who want to work in ourpany.
Send out the order that ording to the old rules, 10% of the strikers will be fired and order them to return to work immediately. Those who are thest to return are going to be kicked out!¡±
This was the method Dekker developed to deal with strikes. Among the workers, he had also bought off spies. Whenever this happened, as long as someone took the lead in returning to work, the strike would falter.
Typically, those who stayed until the end were the stubborn ones and they naturally needed to be fired. Whether or not he really intended toy off 10% was not important. What mattered was getting rid of the stubborn troublemakers, or the ringleaders, as a warning to others.
In this era ofpetition, Dekker believed he was doing quite well. At least he was following thew, which was much better than underground sweatshops.
Of course, this was limited to his personal view. In the eyes of the workers, he was a vampire. Complying with the Labor Protection Act? Sorry, norgepanies in Austria dared to break it and only small businesses took the risks.
There was no choice. The Austrian government kept a close watch, and enforcement was very strict. Moreover, the Labor Protection Act was not excessive. It effectively protected the interests of both parties.
It wasn¡¯t that no one threatened the Austrian government with factory closures, but it was utterly useless. When it came to upholding the dignity of thew, Franz was very thorough.
No matter what consequences arose, whether going to prison or not, one had to face it. If you threaten the government, you¡¯d better hope you have no skeletons in your closet, or you¡¯ll find your assets seized, leaving you with no factory to close.
Arge portion of Austria¡¯s state-owned enterprises were confiscated, and almost every few years, the Austrian government auctions off a batch of state-ownedpanies, most of which are small factories.
After these precedents,ter generations became much more cautious. It¡¯s one thing to exploit legal loopholes, but openly opposing the government? Forget it!
Although the bourgeoisie seems powerful, their actual strength is very limited. They rely on money to create an illusion of influence.
Not to mention, who can sessfully unite the bourgeoisie, which has severe internal conflicts of interest? Do you believe that someone won¡¯t turn traitor in a heartbeat?
This situation is most evident in Austria. After thew mandated that news must guarantee authenticity, capitalists have been much quieter.
Making empty promises and boasting alsoes with legal responsibilities. You can brag all you want, but newspapers won¡¯t dare to publish it.
The Young Lanoue objected, ¡°Father, this isn¡¯t right! Over the past year, we have already fired 20,000 long-time workers. Now, many of the new hiresck the necessary skills, and our defect rate has increased by two percent.
The rise in defect rates will affect our product reputation. Withpetition so fierce right now, if we can¡¯t ensure product quality, our market share will be taken by ourpetitors.
This creates a vicious cycle. It would be better to send someone to talk with the workers¡¯ representatives first and then fire these troublemakers afterward.¡±
As a qualified capitalist, profit is always the top priority.
After weighing the pros and cons, Dekker Lanoue shook his head, ¡°We cannotpromise since human desires are endless. Once this precedent is set, we will never have peace.
Do you remember that canning factory next door? McDougall, who was such a shrewd person,promised with the workers to rush an order, and then he was directly dragged down by highbor costs.
Remember, even if we need to raise wages, it must be initiated by us. Making concessions under their pressure will not earn us any gratitude.¡±
The Young Lanoue had heard this example many times before. However, his view was quite the opposite. Even though the canning factory closed down, McDougall was still living quite well, clearly not unable to affordbor costs.
The fact that there isn¡¯t a singlerge-scale canning factory in the Kingdom of Lombardy already speaks volumes. The vast majority of food factories in Austria are concentrated in Hungary and the Balkans, and the reason is simply proximity to raw material sources.
Are they going to use mulberries as raw materials for canning in Mn? Don¡¯t be ridiculous, who would they sell this stuff to?
Currently, the best-selling canned goods on the market are meat products. Canned fruits and vegetables are only procured by ship crew members. Unfortunately, Mn has no advantages in this regard.
However, he did agree with thest statement. Making concessions at this time would indeed fail to win people¡¯s hearts.
As for afterward, since they have already returned to work, why increasebor costs?
Chapter 608: Ludwig II (Bonus Chapter)
As times progress, so do people.
Since the Dekker Textile Factory¡¯s management announced its decision, the striking workers had begun to talk among themselves in small groups.
A in-looking young man sneered, ¡°Same old trick. Don¡¯t they know how to try something new?¡±
Clearly, the young man was still cautious, not daring to say any names. Everyone knew there were informants among the workers. Some people had been fired forining in private before.
But times were different now. If they got fired, so be it¡ªthey could always find work at another factory. If that failed, they could even go to the colonies. At least they wouldn¡¯t starve.
With this extra option, people had much more confidence. If the Dekker Textile Factory had offered good benefits, perhaps they wouldn¡¯t have been so willing to lose their jobs.
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Unfortunately, while the factory might have had decent benefits a decade ago, that was no longer the case.
A middle-aged man shot him a fierce re, ¡°Shut up, Ryker!¡±It was clear from his expression that the middle-aged man was worried. Factory management in these times was far from harmonious, and beatings were not umon.
The Lanoue family had a reputation for severity. They had zero tolerance for any challenge to their authority.
Although Ryker hadn¡¯t mentioned any names directly, word could easily spread, and he might still face repercussions.
Ordinary workers couldn¡¯t stand up to the capitalists. A few years ago, someone had even suffered an ¡°ident¡± after badmouthing the boss.
Officially, it was called an ident, but those in the know understood it had been arranged to make an example of him.
The so-called ident could never be traced back to the boss. The worker responsible for causing it took full me, the factory paid a sum inpensation, and the matter was closed.
Everyone had been on edge since then, knowing there were informants around and that trust was scarce unless it was among close friends.
In recent years, the Kingdom of Lombardy has begun cracking down on factory issues. Factories with frequent idents couldn¡¯t pass safety inspections, so the Lanoue family had been forced to rein in their behavior.
While they no longer dared to ¡°arrange idents,¡± unfair treatment and firings still urred often.
A young man, about fifteen or sixteen, spoke up nearby, ¡°Don¡¯t worry, Uncle Raoul. Ryker will be fine. With everything that¡¯s happening, who has time for these minor issues?¡±
That was true. With more than a hundred thousand people on strike, there were plenty ofints. If management wanted to retaliate, they¡¯d have to consider whether it would create mass panic.
Right now, management is too busy worrying about how to get people back to work. Petty reporting was on the back burner.
¡
In thepany¡¯s meeting room, the atmosphere was bleak. Theyoff strategy, once prized by Dekker Lanoue as the go-to solution, suddenly seemed ineffective.
In the past, they only needed to hold out for two or three days, and, with help from nted informants, workers would soon be driven topromise.
But this time, things were different. On the fifth day, less than a tenth of the workers had returned, and the rest seemed more willing to risk beingid off than to give in, creating a dilemma.
Firing all the remaining workers was easier said than done. Each day the factory remained shut, the economic losses were significant.
Recing all the workers on short notice would be nearly impossible, meaning it could take Dekker Textile Factory two to three years to restore production capacity.
In that time,petitors would easily seize their market share. Old Lanoue looked grim, his inability to bring the workers back to work was also a blow to his reputation.
The rapid growth of the Dekker Textile Factory was not solely due to the Lanoue family¡¯s efforts. Numerous partners had contributed along the way.
Especially after going public, the board had somewhat limited Old Lanoue¡¯s authority. Although he still presided over thepany, as the factory faced increasing difficulties, dissenting voices also grew louder.
Many began to believe that Old Lanoue was too old to continue leading thepany. Now, with this strike, the situation has only be more unfavorable.
The coffee¡¯s rich aroma on the table couldn¡¯t lift Old Lanoue¡¯s spirits. The question of whether to promise¡± or not was a frustrating one.
The impact of the factory¡¯s shutdown went far beyond the obvious. It affected thepany¡¯s brand reputation and market share as well.
The Dekker Textile Factory was a well-known brand, and if news of the strike got out, it would undoubtedly damage the brand¡¯s value and thus impact its market.
A middle-aged man dressed in fine clothing spoke up, saying, ¡°Mr. Lanoue, it¡¯s already the fifth day. If this strike doesn¡¯t end soon, we won¡¯t be able to keep it out of the media.
Dekker Textile Factory doesn¡¯t have the power to block every newspaper worldwide. Rumors are already spreading. Journalists might even be on their way as we speak.¡±
Largepanies often have intricate ties to the press, and capitalists have long since mastered the art of using capital to influence public opinion. Unfortunately, there are too many newspapers to control them all. If even one leaks the story, the lid is off.
If news of the strike gets out, the first to suffer will be the stock market, meaning that the wealth of everyone present here will take a significant hit.
In fact, if it weren¡¯t for Vienna¡¯s strict stock exchange regtions, some board members might already have sold their shares.
Dekker Textile Factory has been facing significant difficulties in recent years, no longer making it a sound investment. Now, with this incident, cashing out while the stock price is still decent seems a tempting option.
However, the Austrian government strictly forbids insider trading. Even if one wants to cash out, they must wait until the news is public.
Since the Dekker Textile Factory is listed in Vienna, it naturally falls under Austrian government regtion. Concealing information isn¡¯t impossible, but getting caught would mean forfeiting all earnings.
This ¡°earnings¡± would mean forfeiting all assets from the transaction. Franz felt that differentiating between ¡°legal¡± and ¡°illegal¡± earnings was tooplicated, so, to make things easier forw enforcement, they simply confiscated everything.
Harshly punishing offenders serves as a warning to others not to break thew.
There was once someone who, to pay less tax, conducted stock trades privately, intentionally lowering the contract amount. When caught, they couldn¡¯t distinguish which parts of their wealth were legally or illegally obtained, and they ended up losing their entire fortune.
Everyone here has a lot at stake, and they¡¯ve already climbed to the top. No one wants to risk their entire fortune.
Old Lanoue nodded, signaling he understood. This was expected as keeping a strike by tens of thousands of people a secret was simply impossible.
Although it hadn¡¯t made it into the papers yet, it was already an open secret in Mn. Perhaps the entire Kingdom of Lombardy already knew.
¡°Keep up the PR work with the press. We need more time.
Making concessions now would only fuel those ingrates¡¯ arrogance, and soon we wouldn¡¯t be able to manage the factory properly.
Today, they demand a wage increase. Tomorrow, they¡¯ll ask for better meals, and the day after that, they¡¯ll want shorter working hours and more vacation¡
Our wages may be low, but they¡¯re not the lowest. If the market has epted this wage, then it¡¯s proof that it¡¯s reasonable.
They can have higher wages, but only once the business improves. If thepany isn¡¯t profitable, where would we get the money to pay them?
Son, send someone to talk with the workers. Tell them that the factory is facing difficulties right now, but once we get through this, I¡¯ll give them a raise.¡±
Old Lanoue had already sensed the crisis. Although the Dekker Textile Factory¡¯s wages aren¡¯t the lowest, they¡¯re close. He had considered improving wages, but as Dekker Textile¡¯s performance continued to decline, raisingbor costs would only reduce profits further.
A poor earnings report would undoubtedly affect the stock price, and just getting past the board would be a challenge.
Most importantly, as Dekker Textile¡¯srgest shareholder, any drop in profits would hit him the hardest.
For argepany to be so cautious about increasing wages, it was highly unusual.
Young Lanoue understood the situation even better. He knew that a wage increase had be inevitable. The main reason was that workers could no longer make ends meet.
Austria has developed rapidly in recent years, creating a lot of new job opportunities. Recently, the Austrian government had even announced arge-scale immigration n.
These factors would inevitably affect thebor market. From his perspective, Young Lanoue. naturally opposedrge-scale immigration, as it would drive up domesticbor costs.
But there was nothing they could do. The influence of capitalists was still limited against government decisions.
Besides, not all capitalists were opposed. Some even saw this as an opportunity.
Asbor costs rise, stagnantpanies will gradually be edged out, while innovative ones can move forward.
On the one hand, thepetition would decrease. On the other hand, market purchasing power would grow.
When workers earn more, they¡¯ll spend more. With more money circting, it bes easier for everyone to earn. After making its rounds in the market, the money eventually returns to the capitalists¡¯ hands.
This is a healthy economic cycle. Higherbor costs don¡¯t necessarily mean everyone¡¯s profits will go down.
¡
The telegraph is a great invention, speeding up the spread of information. By the time Young Lanoue took action, it was already toote.
As soon as he entered the workers¡¯ district, Young Lanoue was surrounded by a group of reporters, including some from the official media.
¡°Mr. Lanoue, what are your thoughts on this strike?¡±
¡°Mr. Lanoue, will you be suppressing this strike?¡±
¡
Looking at the camera set up not far away, Young Lanoue felt a wave of helplessness.
Of course, he had his ¡°thoughts¡± on the matter, but there was no way he could share them!
¡°Suppression of the strike?¡± That was a joke! Especially with all these reporters here, who would dare suppress it?
Besides, even if they wanted to, they didn¡¯t have the means to break up a strike. With tens of thousands of workers, even if they were unorganized, any unrest would be earth-shattering.
The workers were striking legally, simply staying home or wandering around. Anyone who tried to escte the situation would be in for it with the Lombardy government.
They¡¯d bought off newspapers and tried to cover the story, and it seemed to be working¡ªexcept they had overlooked the feelings of the one in the royal pce.
What ruler would want an uncontroble situation on their hands?
King Ludwig II was no different. He couldn¡¯t confront them openly, but that didn¡¯t mean he wouldn¡¯t quietly make their lives difficult.
The sheer number of reporters here already pointed to deeper problems. Normally, journalists from across the country wouldn¡¯t arrive in such numbers unless someone was pulling strings behind the scenes.
The Dekker Textile Factory had significant power, with a solidly established local interest group that no ordinary person would dare provoke.
Strikes were amon enemy of capitalists. Evenpetitors wouldn¡¯t support abor movement now, as strikes had a way of spreading.
If Dekker Textile workers seeded in gaining rights, it would ripple to other factories nearby. Whoever exposed this would be an enemy to all capitalists.
The exception, of course, was the Lombardy royal family. The fragmented bourgeoisie at its core feared the powerful and preyed on the weak. When they encountered something they couldn¡¯t handle, they wisely turned a blind eye.
Young Lanoue didn¡¯t know who was working against them, but he knew that the Dekker Textile Factory was in serious trouble. If the news got out, the chance of workers backing down would only diminish.
They had initially nned to have management quietly speak to the workers, using intimidation and persuasion, but that was no longer an option.
Otherwise, if they encountered someone with enough backbone who leaked this to a journalist, he would find himself in a heap of trouble.
Chapter 609: Getting Worse and Worse
Once the newspaper published the story about the strike at the Dekker Textile Factory, it quickly became a hot topic in society.
The government of the Kingdom of Lombardy swiftly intervened, and the first to suffer were a few news agencies in Mn. The Government Press Bureau invited their heads for a ¡°chat over coffee.¡±
Newspapers have a responsibility to reveal the truth. Not reporting it may affect the newspaper¡¯s credibility but it does not constitute a crime. However, if there is a transaction of interests and deliberate cover-up of the truth, that is indeed a crime.
Reporters from news agencies all over the country have now arrived, yet the local newspapers in Mn remain silent, naturally arousing suspicion.
Undoubtedly, in the end, nothing substantial could be found. If they dared to help with the cover-up, they were certainly prepared for the investigation.
Newspapers and businesses have always had business dealings, and transactions of interest aren¡¯t always directly in cash. They¡¯re often dispersed within advertising contracts, making it very difficult to uncover the truth.
Take the Mn Daily, for example. They sent reporters far away early on, and aside from the regr staff, several chief editors went on vacation to Vienna.
With the senior management absent and reporters sent out of town, it seems somewhat understandable that they ¡°missed¡± the Dekker Textile Factory strike due to being understaffed.
Escaping the investigation does not mean the matter is resolved. For a news agency, the most important asset is credibility. Without credibility, who would subscribe to your newspaper?Many insightful people have alreadye to realize that this time, it is very likely that Ludwig II¡¯s focus isn¡¯t actually on the Dekker Textile Factory. After all, a major enterprise like this is crucial to the Kingdom of Lombardy¡¯s economic development. If it were to copse, it would lead to massive unemployment.
The King must also consider the consequences. It is far more likely that he is targeting the domestic news agencies.
In these times, controlling the press means controlling public opinion. It¡¯s only natural that Ludwig II would seek to strengthen royal authority by extending influence over the newspapers.
This trend was started by Franz, who began establishing newspapers even before ascending the throne. After bing monarch, his influence only grew, and now virtually every major Austrian newspaper falls under royal influence.
The results speak for themselves: the royal family¡¯s image has been greatly elevated in the press.
There were naturally many imitators. Monarchies are still at their peak across Europe, with royal families wielding significant power, making it all too easy to reach into the media.
The Lombard royal family, being neers, were a step behind. But after years of groundwork, the timing is finally right for them to exert influence over public opinion.
It¡¯s an open secret, but there¡¯s no evidence. Officially, the royal family has no connection to the press, and the government¡¯s warning to newspapers is proof enough.
Behind the scenes, though,pliance with the royal mandate is inevitable. Otherwise, they wouldn¡¯t have so easily ovee this recent challenge.
If someone wanted to probe deeper, they could look into advertising deals as a means of exchanging favors. Prices don¡¯t lie, and an investigation into ad rates could reveal a lot.
Ludwig II¡¯s actions were not hidden, and Franz in distant Vienna received the intelligence immediately.
However, this is an internal matter for the Kingdom of Lombardy, and Franz has no intention of interfering. A king influencing the press is a minor issue, after all.
In a way, this is a positive beginning. When ites to power, the emperor and kings are on the same side. As Ludwig II strengthens the authority of the monarchy, he also bolsters the authority of the emperor.
This alignment can be seen in Vienna¡¯s media: newspapers rarely criticize the country¡¯s kings. When criticism does appear, it¡¯s usually directed at the regional governments instead.
Franz is not concerned with Ludwig II¡¯s actions. Rather, it¡¯s the Dekker Textile Factory strike that worries him.
If the issue isn¡¯t resolved quickly, it could trigger a chain reaction. European workers tend to act in solidarity. Once one group takes a stand, imitators are never far behind. ?
¡°Your Majesty, this is an urgent telegram from the Kingdom of Lombardy.¡±
The voice of his attendant interrupted Franz¡¯s thoughts.
Taking the document and skimming it, Franz had to admit he had a ¡°crow¡¯s tongue¡± tendency.
¡°Good things don¡¯te true, but bad things always do.¡± He had just worried about the strike at the Dekker Textile Factory causing a chain reaction, and now it had happened.
Since Lombardy switched from cultivating wheat to mulberry, it has relied on domestic sources for grain. Compared to the grain-producing regions, prices are naturally higher.
A high cost of living doesn¡¯t necessarily mean high wages. Due to the proximity to Italy, Italian workers oftene for jobs, keeping wages in the Mn area from rising.
Compared to most regions of Austria, wage levels in the Kingdom of Lombardy are rtively low. Low iebined with high expenses inevitably leads to conflict.
The Dekker Textile Factory strike is just the tip of the iceberg. Lombardy has always been the region with the most strikes in Austria, by far.
Strikes are contagious, and due to the influence of the strike at the Dekker Textile Factory, workers at nearby factories are also joining in. Thebor movement is spreading across Lombardy.
Putting down the document, Franz ordered, ¡°Notify the cab to convene, and have the Minister of Labor join us as well.¡±
The crisis has erupted. Thete 19th century is not only a period of rapid economic growth but also one of the most intensebor-capital conflicts.
Strikes are frequent in this era. Some capitalists have even resorted to machine-gunning workers, while others have been killed by workers in turn. Overall, it¡¯s a chaotic time.
The eight-hour workday, as knownter, was won through the sacrifices of countless workers in this period. Due to Franz¡¯s influence, the eight-hour workday arrived somewhat earlier in this timeline, and now workers are fighting for better benefits.
Even with the Labor Protection Act in ce, wages and benefits remain low. The government cannot decide wages so workers must fight for it themselves.
Thew of supply and demand determinesbor market prices. Now, it¡¯s a time when workers are fighting for higher wages, but the oue remains uncertain.
The Labor Protection Act protects the interests of bothbor and capital: workers can demand better wages, and employers can refuse. Neither side can force the other.
Withpeting interests at stake, this struggle is bound to be prolonged. Soon, this issue won¡¯t just affect Austria and all industrialized European countries will face it. None will be spared.
¡
After reading the contents of the telegram, the people who had rushed in did not even take a moment to rest. Everyone was aware of the strike at the Dekker Textile Factory, but in just two days, it had spread throughout the entire Kingdom of Lombardy.
The number of people participating in the strike has now surpassed the initial 100,000 and has reached an astonishing 300,000, with the number still rising.
Franz said, ¡°You¡¯ve all seen the telegram. The situation is even more severe than we anticipated. It¡¯s not just in the Kingdom of Lombardy, other regions of Austria are facing the same problem.
If things go as expected, we are about to see a nationwide strike, and possibly even a Europe-wide strike.
This is something that cannot be stopped. What we can do is quickly implement emergency ns to avoid being caught off guard when the timees.
The Ministry of Labor has issued warnings to businesses with poorbor conditions. If they don¡¯t want to face arge-scale strike, they must proactively raise wages!
Tell them that the government will not interfere before the situation spirals out of control. But if the situation does get out of hand, they will be responsible for the consequences.¡±
Businesses with poorbor conditions are mostly traditional industries. Emerging industries, which are in a period of rapid growth, require higher-quality workers, so theirpensation is naturally better.
Now, the best way for capitalists to avoid a strike is to increase wages. How many capitalists will heed this advice, Franz isn¡¯t sure.
However, one thing is certain: if you stop production and yourpetitors continue, it won¡¯t take long before you lose your market share. On the other hand, you can take the opportunity to seize yourpetitor¡¯s market share.
This is both a crisis and an opportunity. Afterbor costs rise, if businesses continue to becent, it won¡¯t be long before they are eliminated by the market.
The era of ¡°survival of the fittest¡± is about to begin. In the uing marketpetition, businesses without core technology will find it much harder to stay afloat.
Prime Minister Felix proposed, ¡°Your Majesty, how about we raise the minimum wage standard to sound a warning to the capitalists so that some of them don¡¯t take it lightly?¡±
Franz hesitated. Raising the minimum wage standard is indeed effective. However, intervening in the market can easily lead to unforeseen consequences, and there is a certain risk involved.
¡°We could start by making an announcement, allowing local governments to set a minimum wage standard based on local conditions and submit it for approval.¡±
After careful consideration, Franz decided to test the waters first. Managing businesses these days is quite chaotic, and it¡¯s very difficult for outsiders to determine how much profit capitalists are making or how much they can afford inbor costs.
Some industries, clearly making huge profits, can easily make money, yet there are still some that are losing money. The core issue here is poor management.
Businesses with poor management are not isted cases but a widespread problem throughout society.
These businesses have very poor survival abilities and little risk tolerance. They can only make money due to favorable market conditions, lowbor costs, and cheap raw materials.
If any one of these factors goes wrong, they will immediately fall into difficulties. Right now, Austria¡¯s economy is in a transitional period, and under normal circumstances, these businesses would be eliminated by the market.
It¡¯s one thing to be eliminated by the market, but quite another to be eliminated by administrative intervention. These are two different concepts.
Franz didn¡¯t want to take the fall for the capitalists. If they mismanage their businesses and then me the government, it would turn into a textbook example of how government intervention in the market can go wrong, ording to the experts.
¡
At the headquarters of the Dekker Textile Factory, Lanoue Sr. sighed alone. The strike had begun to spread, and the situation was no longer under his control.
The situation had developed to this point, and the Dekker Textile Factory was now at a critical juncture. If not handled properly, the business he had worked so hard to build over most of his life could be destroyed.
Should he make concessions to the workers to resume production? He could have done that before the news spread, but now, if he were to do so, he would have to consider the consequences.
There was no way around it. This wave of strikes had been triggered by the Dekker Textile Factory. If he were topromise with the workers now, it would only further fuel the strike, and he would end up offending not just a few people, but many.
The capitalists whose interests had been harmed would certainly hold a grudge. Offending so many people, including many business partners, would make the future of Dekker Textile Factory look bleak.
Notpromising meant the factory would remain shut down, and it would lose at least tens of thousands of guilders each day. While this was a significant loss, Dekker Textile Factory, being arge enterprise, could afford it.
The real problem was that the Dekker Textile Factory didn¡¯t have much inventory left. Once the stock was sold out, if goods were not replenished in time,petitors would snatch away the market share.
For any business, short-term losses weren¡¯t that scary. What was truly frightening was losing market share.
Losing the market could be caused by one wrong decision and trying to regain it would depend on whether thepetitors would allow it.
Lanoue Jr. spoke in a low voice, ¡°Father, we can¡¯t sit idly by any longer. We¡¯ve reached this point, and we must make apromise now. At worst, we can give up some sharester and bring in more people. There¡¯s always a way to solve problems.
Dragging this out will only increase our losses, and it won¡¯t help the situation in any way. The strike is escting, spreading everywhere, and it may even surpass the great revolution of 1848.¡±
Faced with harsh reality, Lanoue Jr. had already advocated forpromise. Survival was the priority. Everything else could be discussedter.
If they had offended anyone, as long as they were willing to offer some concessions, everything could be resolved. In the game of capital, as long as there was enough to offer, enemies could be friends.
Lanoue Sr. walked back and forth and said, ¡°The situation now is different from 1848. Just look at the workers¡¯ actions, and you¡¯ll see that a revolution won¡¯t happen in Mn.¡±
Clearly, Lanoue Sr. had wavered. Just because Mn wouldn¡¯t revolt didn¡¯t mean Dekker Textile Factory would be safe. On the contrary, this meant they were in danger.
The Lombardy government would not allow this situation to continue. To stabilize the situation, Dekker Textile Factory, as the source of the storm, would likely be the sacrifice to quell the strike.
Despite theirrge size and economic importance in Mn, once the ruling ss made up their mind, they wouldn¡¯t even have the strength to resist.
After a brief pause, Lanoue Sr. added, ¡°Let the management negotiate with the workers, but it must be done separately.
Remember, we cannot let the workers unite. We must create divisions among them as much as possible. Especially these worker representatives. Afterward, we must find an excuse to dismiss them.¡±
Chapter 610: Containment
The capitalists conceded, bringing a sessful resolution to the Dekker Textile Factory strike.
This oue was inevitable. Workers in these times didn¡¯t ask for much and the strike was simply about being able to make a living. With the capitalists willing topromise, the strike naturally came to an end.
However, the impact was just beginning. The victory of the Dekker Textile Factory workers undoubtedly inspired workers in other regions, strengthening their determination to fight for better pay and benefits.
This was no longer just Austria¡¯s issue. Within a month, the strike wave had spread across the European continent, affecting every industrialized nation.
Facing an esctingbor movement, Franz began considering countermeasures. Finding an effective system to protect both workers¡¯ and employers¡¯ interests had be the most pressing issue for the Austrian government.
With so many interests at stake, Franz knew he had to be cautious when drafting policies.
Labor Minister Maggiore hurried over, saying, ¡°Your Majesty, something has happened. Even the police in Venice are on strike.¡±
¡°Police on strike?¡± Franz couldn¡¯t believe his ears. Worker strikes weremon, but it was the first time that government employees had joined.
Barely containing his anger, Franz asked, ¡°What are their reasons for striking?¡±Deep down, he had already decided to take action against the bureaucrats in Venice. If they couldn¡¯t even manage their own, they were truly a useless bunch.
Labor Minister Maggiore replied, ¡°They say the workload is too high. They haven¡¯t had a single day off for a month. They¡¯ve also demanded a pay raise.¡±
Since the strike movement began, police officers everywhere have faced increased pressure, with frequent overtime, and Venice was no exception.
Franz was still furious. ¡°High workload, no days off¡±¡ªthese were temporary issues, and it wasn¡¯t as if they weren¡¯t being paid overtime. Companies might sometimes withhold pay, but no one in the government would dare to shortchange anyone.
As forints aboutpensation, that was entirely unreasonable. Austrian public servants were well-paid, and police officers were generally above the average ie level. In major cities like Venice, theirpensation was even higher.
Franz mmed his hand on the table and said, ¡°If they want to go on a strike, they don¡¯t need toe back. Deploy the military to maintain order, and immediately dismiss all public employees involved in this strike.
No government agencies or state-owned enterprises are allowed to rehire these dismissed individuals.
Circte a notice nationwide to make an example of this incident. Inform all public employees to remember their responsibilities.
If they find the job too hard, they should vacate their positions for capable individuals. Disrupting and threatening the government at such a critical time is the kind of behavior that will not be tolerated.¡±
He had to take decisive action. The lessons from the February Revolution in France were still fresh in his mind. If not for the police¡¯s dereliction of duty, the Orl¨¦ans monarchy might still be standing.
The strike by Venice¡¯s police force was a clear warning. If he didn¡¯t suppress this trend early, Vienna¡¯s police could go on strike tomorrow.
This could even spread to other government departments. Such examples weren¡¯t rare in history. For instance:
Liberian healthcare workers went on strike during the Eb outbreak.
Ukrainian troops went on strike during the Russia-Ukraine conflict.
In Bolivia, police, dissatisfied with their pay, upied the National Riot Police headquarters, disguised themselves as civilians, covered their faces, attacked the National Intelligence Agency headquarters, broke windows, and took furniture, files, andputers before setting fires.
Brazil had simr instances with the police and military...
These disruptive actions made it necessary for Franz to stay vignt. As government employees, they needed to have a sense of the bigger picture. Issues could be raised, but letting things fall apart at a critical moment and threatening the government? Uneptable.
As for sry and benefits, as long as they weren¡¯t below the average ie and came with adequate benefits, public servants were effectively among the high-ie group. After all, the majority were at or below the average.
Labor Minister Maggiore replied, ¡°Yes, Your Majesty.¡±
There was no reason to oppose it as setting an example was necessary. The Venice police strike came at the worst possible time, right into the line of fire, bing the prime example. ?
Thanks to mandatory education, Austria never had a shortage of public servants. Recruiting new hires and reallocating some core staff from other regions would quickly restore the local police system.
After a sigh, Franz asked, ¡°Maggiore, how far has the strike wave spread? How many people are involved domestically, and how many cases have been resolved?¡±
Labor Minister Maggiore answered, ¡°Your Majesty, the strike wave has spread across the entire European continent. The situation is most critical in France, where, if the French government doesn¡¯t handle it well, a revolution might break out.
Domestically, the situation has somewhat improved. As of now, 1,876panies nationwide have gone on strike, with over three million workers participating.
Through negotiations, only about a third have resumed production. The rest are still in talks. The government has reinforced police presence to maintain order, and the situation is stable for now, with norge-scale unrest.
However, many negotiations betweenpanies and workers are at a standstill due to significant differences in demands, making it difficult to reachpromises in the short term.¡±
These numbers allowed Franz to breathe a sigh of relief. After all, a reduction in the number of strikers was a good start.
From the data, it seemed that quite a few capitalists had heeded the government¡¯s warning and taken steps to appease workers early on. Otherwise, the strike wave wouldn¡¯t have been contained.
Whether it was through raising wages, adding benefits, or merely offering empty promises, that was no longer Franz¡¯s concern.
¡°Well, continue to counsel both sides, but don¡¯t get directly involved. The government¡¯s role is just to mediate. If they can¡¯t reach an agreement, don¡¯t force it, or we¡¯ll end up being med by both parties.¡±
This reflected Franz¡¯s genuine outlook: forcing apromise without a mutual understanding would only lead to more problemster. Letting both sides go their separate ways in advance would be better.
Workers could choose to leave, and employers could opt toy off workers, as long as they followed the provisions of the Labor Protection Act.
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Therge-scale immigration n was already underway, so even if a wave of unemployment erupted, it could be quickly absorbed. With the changing dynamics ofbor supply and demand, wages would naturally rise.
Allowing the market to adjust wages was far preferable to government interference.
The differences among individuals were significant. Even among workers, productivity levels varied. Some had better skills, while othersgged behind. Imposing uniform treatment without regard to productivity would create a far bigger problem.
...
As the birthce of revolution, Paris has always been at the heart of every Europeanbor movement. This time was no different. Although this strike wave started in Mn, the enthusiasm of the Parisian workers could not be contained.
Unlike Austrian workers who would strike and be done with it, Parisian workers were already marching with banners on the streets, staging demonstrations that brought the city¡¯s transportation to a standstill.
At the Pce of Versailles, Napoleon IV was feeling exasperated. If workers wanted a raise, they should take it up with their employers, not protest outside the pce!
Finance Minister in advised, ¡°Your Majesty, this strike is unlike any other. Since the Dekker Textile Factory strike, all of Europe has been thrown into chaos. The demonstrators are appearing in front of the pce, likely due to someone¡¯s deliberate instigation. We must stay vignt to prevent a repeat of the February Revolution.¡±
The French government appeared stable, but the revolutionary zeal of Parisians was another matter. With the outbreak of the strike wave, any instigator could easily stir up unrest.
Napoleon III may have gone, but his adversaries remained. The Legitimists, the Orl¨¦anists, and the Republicans were all enemies of Napoleon IV.
These adversaries weren¡¯t just external as the French government itself had many internal opponents. The checks and bnces Napoleon III designed had a hidden purpose: to reveal enemies in waiting.
Enemies in the shadows are far more dangerous than those in in sight. The Orl¨¦ans monarchy was a textbook example of this. Without internal coboration, the February Revolution would not have seeded so easily.
After a moment¡¯s hesitation, Napoleon IV clenched his teeth and ordered, ¡°Deploy the Fifth Division into the city. ce Paris under full lockdown, and ban all demonstrations. At the same time, send invitations to worker and employer representatives for negotiations. We must resolve this crisis as quickly as possible.¡±
Keeping his position secure was Napoleon IV¡¯s top priority. Any negative consequences were secondary.
Minister of Police Sansouci quickly advised, ¡°Your Majesty, please reconsider. The situation hasn¡¯t escted that far yet. Deploying the military in the city could very well intensify the conflict and push the situation further out of control.¡±
Paris is unlike other cities¡ªdemonstrations and protests are almost a way of life here, a necessary part of daily life.
While it hadn¡¯t yet reached the point where people protested out of boredom or whim, participating in a protest every week or two was practically a routine, even considered beneficial for mental well-being.
Restricting people¡¯s right to demonstrate would likely cause significant discontent. If anyone were to exploit this, the consequences could be unpredictable.
Napoleon IV shook his head, ¡°As long as we control the army carefully, we hold the situation in our hands. These agitators aren¡¯t capable of causing real trouble. The immediate priority is to end the strike wave as many cities are already paralyzed, and the ongoing losses are severe.¡±
Since Napoleon III¡¯s passing, Napoleon IV had felt insecure, even doubling the pce guard to feel safe. He hade to see the army as his only source of security.
Whether this reliance on the military was ultimately good or bad remained to be seen, but it had undeniably strengthened his ties with the armed forces.
Chapter 611: Signs of Stock Market Crash
Watching Europe engulfed in a wave of strikes, Franz felt deeply unsettled. Anyone who hadn¡¯t experienced the Revolution of 1848 couldn¡¯t truly understand this sense of unease.
The first ce to spark serious trouble was Rome, where an Italian independence group took advantage of the strike wave to incite an uprising.
The bizarre part was that they actually seeded. When Franz heard the news, he was stunned. Most likely, so was the leadership of the Italian independence group.
With just a few rallying cries, they had managed to reim Rome. It seemed unbelievable, considering they hadn¡¯t even prepared adequately. They¡¯d only intended to proim the idea of national independence.
Reality was indeed unpredictable. Rome¡¯s police force, mostly locals, had long been discontented with the French presence, so they simply turned a blind eye and allowed the uprising to unfold.
The French garrison was stationed outside the city and consisted of only an infantry battalion. When the uprising began, the French forces awaited orders, but with the telegraph lines cut, they received themand toote.
It wasn¡¯t themander¡¯s fault for not acting independently since this was the French military protocol. Any troop movement required an order from above, and lower-ranking officerscked the authority to mobilize forces, even in the event of a rebellion.
To be honest, with the current international situation, Italy wasn¡¯t ready for an independence uprising. The Paris Conference had only recently begun, with everyone focused on reconciling conflicts and reducing international tensions.
By staging an uprising now, the Italian independence movement would find it difficult to gain support internationally. Even their biggest backer, the British, would hesitate to assist at this moment.Without external intervention, how could the Italian independence organization possibly achieve victory with its limited strength?
The French were no pushovers, and even if Italy were already independent, it wouldn¡¯t be a match for the French.
To Franz, this uprising seemed like a farce. A messy sess, but only on the path to being inevitably suppressed by the French. Its only real impact might be to weaken Napoleon IV¡¯s authority and intensify France¡¯s instability.
On March 12, just a week after the Rome uprising, another riot broke out in the Rhinnd.
This time, it wasn¡¯t just the working ss involved, capitalists joined as well, primarily in opposition to immigration.
The Prussian government¡¯s immigration policies were clearly unpopr, as they cut off the locals¡¯ economic prospects. With skilled workers being drawn away, how were the remaining capitalists supposed to thrive?
Capitalists had long been wanting to fight back butcked the strength to confront the Prussian government directly. The wave of strikes now gave them an opportunity.
They shifted the me for stagnant wages onto the government, openly criticizing its high taxes and immigration policies, iming that these left businesses unable to afford higherbor costs.
Some capitalists even promised that, if they could drive out the Prussian government, everyone¡¯s wages would be raised by fifty percent.
From the capitalists¡¯ response, Franz could tell that Prussia¡¯s immigration efforts must have been very effective. Otherwise, they wouldn¡¯t have pushed the capitalists to take a stand in this conflict personally.
Sess or failure aside, Prussian-German rtions had already be tense. For Austria, this was also an opportunity.
The Customs Union had always posed a threat, and Franz had long wanted to dismantle it. Unfortunately, several previous ns had fallen through at thest minute.
Now, with the addition of the Rhinnd, the situation had changed. If the Prussian government didn¡¯t crush these capitalists, the Rhinnd would likely be a staunchly anti-Prussian region in the future.
But if Prussia did eliminate these capitalists, that would also create significant issues, as it would leave every capitalist in the German region feeling threatened.
Before Franz could take action, a new crisis arose in Spain. Republicans in Madrid staged an uprising in an attempt to overthrow Alfonso XII. Although the rebellion was suppressed, it added to the growing instability in Spain.
In the first half of 1876, the mostmon words in European newspapers were ¡°uprising,¡± ¡°riot,¡± ¡°revolution,¡± and ¡°suppression.¡±
In just half a year, Europe saw a preliminary count of 36 uprisings with over a thousand participants each, while smaller uprisings were too numerous to count. ?
Even Austria wasn¡¯t immune as its own police had to suppress a ¡°great empire¡± and two kingdoms. This ¡°empire¡± was hardly more than a fanciful joke, with a poption of just over two digits.
For the sake of political appearances, Franz had to send these people to mental hospitals. Of course, from a rational standpoint, these individuals may indeed have been mentally unstable.
No ordinary person would engage in such behavior. One of these ¡°empires¡± had been ¡°in hiding¡± for seven years in a manor on the outskirts of Prague.
The manor¡¯s owner dered himself emperor, his wife was the empress, and their three sons were all crown princes. The manor residents included ministers, generals, guards, and maids¡
Franz had encountered hidden ¡°empires¡± in remote forests before, but this was the first time he¡¯d heard of an ¡°empire¡± nestled in the suburbs.
No wonder they hadn¡¯t been discovered, it was an absolute farce. The neighbors who noticed probably thought they were putting on an opera.
Their cover was blown when a traveling merchant tried to sell goods at the manor and was forced to pay a tax, which he reported to the Prague police.
This immediately changed everything. Until then, the manor owner had dutifully paid taxes to the government. Even though he considered himself an emperor and his family as ministers, everyone assumed they were just theater enthusiasts.
Once they started imposing taxes, it became a case of rebellion, which caught the attention of the Prague police. The investigation¡¯s findings were so startling that the case eventually reached Franz.
When he reviewed it, Franz found it both amusing and exasperating. If they wanted to act like emperors in private, fine. But why go so far as to collect taxes?
If they had just kept to themselves, they could have exined it away as ¡°acting enthusiasts¡± if caught. Without any real action, the police wouldn¡¯t havebeled them as ¡°rebels.¡±
In Austria, there was a threshold for being a ¡°rebel¡± and not just anyone was qualified. These people clearly didn¡¯t meet the standard.
Better aedy than a revolt, Franz thought. A bit of humor to lighten the tense national mood wasn¡¯t bad.
It proved that as long as themon people had enough to eat, they wouldn¡¯t rebel.
Austrians weren¡¯t yet starving, and even those who were truly destitute and struggling could still sign up for immigration.
Many colonialpanies were actively recruiting, and signing a contract meant meals were provided. The requirements weren¡¯t high. Anyone able-bodied, of any age or gender, could join.
After all, the colonies were desperate for people. Even if the quality was lower, the colonialpanies couldn¡¯t afford to be picky.
...
In Mn, Lanoue Sr. was worrying over the stock market. Due to the impact of the strike, Dekker Textile Factory¡¯s stock price had plummeted.
Even though the strike had ended, the stock continued to fall. No wonder as they were now infamous.
As the origin of this wave of strikes, Dekker Textile Factory had be widely known across Europe, even more famous than some small countries.
Unfortunately, it wasn¡¯t good publicity. Both the bourgeois-leaning and the worker-leaning newspapers were ruthlessly criticizing them.
Although they had resolved the strike, only Austrian papers covered it. Foreign media pretended not to notice.
Lanoue Sr. knew perfectly well why this was happening. Dekker Textile Factory had made a lot of enemies, and disgruntled capitalists were taking it out on them.
Regardless of how newspapers framed their content or which ss they favored, the papers were still owned by capitalists. Broadcasting Dekker Textile Factory¡¯spromise would only encourage workers to strike more.
These negative factors were hitting Dekker Textile Factory¡¯s stock price hard. This quarter¡¯s financial report was still in Lanoue Sr.¡¯s hands, and he dared not release it.
Due to the strike¡¯s impact, Dekker Textile Factory reported its first loss in a decade. Although the loss was minor, releasing this news would shake market confidence.
Lanoue Jr. cautioned him, ¡°Father, we can¡¯t release this quarter¡¯s report publicly. The stock market is already in a slump. If we publish this news, Dekker Textile Factory¡¯s stock will copse.
If it triggers a market-wide crash, we¡¯re finished. The major financial consortiums haven¡¯t fully pulled out yet. If the market crashes now, they¡¯ll suffer huge losses, and they definitely won¡¯t let us off the hook.¡±
The term ¡°financial consortium¡± has many definitions, but it generally refers to a coalition ofrge conglomerates and banks controlled by financial oligarchs, often involving the alliance of several wealthy families.
In a certain sense, the Dekker Textile Factory is also part of such a consortium. They, too, have allies, though they haven¡¯t adopted the official ¡°consortium¡± title.
Consortiums aren¡¯t as unified as people imagine. They are often rife with internal conflicts and only align when mutual interests are at stake.
The reason consortiums became so powerful inter times was that, as cooperation deepened, their interests intertwined. They reached a point where each group was bound within the other, gradually easing internal conflicts.
The Dekker family, simrly, has deep coborative ties with several prominent Lombard families. Lanoue Sr. once aspired to form a consortium, but the others were nobles, while he was merely a capitalist.
They could work together for mutual benefit, but to truly be epted, he still needed the ¡°entry ticket¡± of nobility.
Many capitalists have transformed into nobility, but far more have failed, and among them was the Dekker family.
During the African colonial expansion, the frugal Lanoue Sr. hired a cheap Italian mercenary force to cut costs.
The oue was predictable: they were cheap but ineffective. After years of struggle on the African continent, they gained no achievements and almost faced total defeat.
However, there was some silver lining. Lanoue Sr. soon saw a business opportunity and made a fortune inbor exports, followed by establishing cotton ntations, creating a self-sustaining supply chain.
Opportunities don¡¯t wait. While he made money, he missed the chance to enter the noble ss. The gains and losses are hard to judge from the outside, but Lanoue Sr. often regrets his choices.
After a moment of hesitation, Lanoue Sr. shook his head and then said, ¡°It¡¯s not that simple. Everyone is well aware that we had a strike this year. Countless eyes are on us. If we falsify our financial report now, it¡¯ll be easy for others to spot issues.
A stock market crash is just a potential oue, and the consortiums can prop up the market if needed. But if a falsified report gets exposed, we¡¯re finished.
As for retaliation, at worst, we can give up part of our overseas market. Do you really think they would dare to make moves in Mn?
Or do you believe that domestic consortiums would have the guts to manipte the market on that scale?¡±
He paused, then added, ¡°Remember, what you see isn¡¯t necessarily the truth. It might be exactly what others want you to see.
Those finance folks have a far keener sense of the market than you¡¯d imagine. Their withdrawal rate is faster than you¡¯d think.
If not, someone would¡¯ve warned us by now. They¡¯re probably fully prepared, just waiting for us to deal the final blow to the market.
As for the apparent losses from a stock market crash, that¡¯s just for the public to see. Later, you¡¯ll find that what they gained far outweighs any losses.¡±
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Despite saying this, Lanoue Sr. still felt uneasy. Given the current situation, Dekker Textile Factory was likely to be the scapegoat once the dust settled.
Legally, they wouldn¡¯t be responsible for a stock market crash, but public opinion could be another matter. Sometimes, public scorn alone can ruin a business. If thepany¡¯s reputation suffers, doing business will be much harder.
There are plenty of simr products on the market. Why would people choose the infamous ¡°Dekker Textile Factory¡± brand?
This isn¡¯t like modern times, where any publicity, good or bad, can lead to profit.
People today are rtively straightforward. Many still believe that a reputablepany has quality products, while one with a bad reputation must have poor products.
If the public starts to boycott their goods, and their products go unsold, then they¡¯re truly done for.
Chapter 612: One Misfortune Begets Another
Today is thest Friday of May, and the Vienna Stock Exchange entrance is packed with people.
The Austrian Securities Management Act clearly stiptes that listedpanies must publish financial reports every three months, with the release scheduled for the following month.
Becausepanies went public at different times, the reporting periods vary, and severalpanies release their financial statements at the end of each month.
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Friday is the preferred day, as the stock market is closed on Saturday and Sunday, allowing the market time to react and preventing investors from impulsively selling everything at once.
If there¡¯s good news, of course,panies don¡¯t wait until the end of the month. They can announce it anytime.
Financial newspapers also publishpany reports, but theye out a few hourster than the stock exchange, so it¡¯s usually less crowded.
Today is an exception. Over the past few months, strikes have swept across Europe, and the affectedpanies¡¯ performance has undoubtedly suffered, so everyone is already braced for bad news.
Maldonado is an investor. Under normal circumstances, he doesn¡¯t check the reports at the stock exchange. It being Friday, even if he did, it wouldn¡¯t make much difference.But today is different. Thepany he holds the most shares in, Dekker Textile Factory, is about to release its financial report. Deep down, Maldonado hopes Dekker Textile Factory has minimized its losses.
There¡¯s nothing he can do as his investments are already trapped. Since the strikes began, Dekker Textile Factory¡¯s stock price has been on a steady decline, with far more people selling than buying.
The stock price hasn¡¯t hit rock bottom, as Dekker Textile Factory is argepany with aplete industrial chain, strong risk resistance, and still maintains some investor confidence.
Seeing the crowded scene, Maldonado decisively entered the coffee shop across the street to wait. Just as he reached the third floor, he heard someone calling him.
¡°Maldonado, over here!¡±
Maldonado walked over.
¡°You¡¯re all here. Seems like today¡¯s results aren¡¯t looking too good.¡±
The few of them were old friends from the stock market who¡¯d been in the industry for years. They only gathered like this to wait forpanies to release their financial reports when they had low confidence in the market.
A balding middle-aged manined, ¡°Damn it, can¡¯t you say something nicer? Even a little sugar-coating would be better than being so blunt.¡±
Maldonado shrugged, ¡°Come on, Caron. Fooling you isn¡¯t easy. If you were optimistic about today¡¯s market, you wouldn¡¯t be here either.¡±
Clearly, the two knew each other well and spoke very casually.
As retail investors, they might look morous on the surface, but in reality, they live in constant anxiety, not daring to rx over any small change in the market.
Just looking at their receding hairlines, it was clear they¡¯d been under a lot of stress.
An elderly man nearby pointed to the exchange across the street and then said, ¡°Looks like it¡¯s been announced.¡±
As seasoned investors, they had their own ways of interpreting market trends. For instance, while others were still pushing through the crowds below, they just observed the crowd¡¯s reaction from here to get a sense of the news.
Caron set down his coffee, sighing, ¡°It¡¯s bad news, as expected. Maldonado, I have to say your mouth brings bad luck!¡±
Maldonado smiled bitterly and retorted, ¡°It¡¯s not like I wanted this. Now I have to go down there and confirm just how bad it is. Anyone want to join me?¡±
The group exchanged nces, and the elderly man replied, ¡°Let¡¯s wait a bit longer. The market¡¯s already closed, and it¡¯s crowded down there anyway. A few minutes won¡¯t make much difference.¡±
Time passed quickly, and by the time their coffee had gone cold, the crowd had mostly dispersed. Only then did they head downstairs.
They soon realized that it wasn¡¯t just small investors like them. Several big yers in the industry had shown up as well. Clearly, many people were interested in thepany¡¯s financial report.
With a heavy heart, Maldonado looked over Dekker Textile Factory¡¯s report, his eyes freezing on the bold ¡°LOSS: 1.248 MILLION.¡± He closed his eyes, unable to look any further.
The reason didn¡¯t matter anymore. This astronomical loss had far exceeded his expectations, leaving only one thought in his mind: ¡°Cut my losses.¡±
For context, Dekker Textile Factory¡¯s entire profitst year didn¡¯t exceed 1.5 million guilders. This single loss essentially wiped out any hope of breaking even this year.
Maldonado could already hear people cursing, angrily condemning Dekker Textile Factory¡¯s management as ipetent and inflexible.
¡
If he had a choice, Lanoue Sr. wouldn¡¯t have released the financial report at this time. But there was no alternative. Failing to release the report on schedule would not only result in fines but also trigger an investigation by regtory authorities.
Fewpanies could withstand such scrutiny, and Dekker Textile Factory was no exception. Even a minor finding could deal a fatal blow to the business. Too many eyes were on them now, and even the smallest issue could be blown out of proportion so Lanoue Sr. didn¡¯t dare falsify the report.
With over a month of continuous strikes, it would be suspicious if thepany didn¡¯t report a loss.
Shipment volumes, transaction totals, and tax payments were all verifiable figures. Attempting to manipte them wouldn¡¯t be easy.
In theory, a product worth one guilder could be sold for ten thousand guilders legally, but thepany would need to pay taxes based on the transaction value.
When items are sold at well above market prices, they¡¯re ssified as luxury goods, which are subject to luxury taxes¡ªmuch higher than standard taxes.
So, in theory, apany could easily achieve positive earnings if it were willing to spend extravagantly to inte its performance. In practice, however, no sane business would do this as the cost of falsifying records would be far beyond what capitalists were willing to bear.
Following the disastrous news of Dekker Textile Factory¡¯s significant losses, Monday brought a wave of selling on the Vienna Stock Exchange as soon as trading opened.
The market was flooded with sell orders, with virtually no buyers in sight, causing the stock price to plunge. By the afternoon close, Dekker Textile Factory¡¯s stock price had dropped by 14.7%.
It might seem like this drop was manageable, but in reality, this was the nth time Dekker Textile Factory¡¯s stock price had fallen since the onset of the strike. The stock had already hit rock bottom, and with thistest drop, Dekker Textile Factory¡¯s market value was only 63% of its peak.
Dekker Textile Factory wasn¡¯t the onlypany affected. All businesses saw declines in their stock prices, with those facing strikes experiencing the biggest losses. Investors believed thatpanies affected by strikes, like Dekker Textile Factory, would suffer severe losses.
In a market economy, everything is interconnected. When apany¡¯s production suffers, so do the suppliers upstream and the sales channels downstream. Not one will get away unscathed.
Stock declines tend to spread, and manypanies with good performance records also suffer undeserved losses. By the end of that day¡¯s trading, the Vienna Stock Exchange¡¯s overall index had dropped by 4.2%, with widespread distress across the market.
As the market¡¯s negative factors persisted, Vienna¡¯s stock market continued to hemorrhage value over the next several days. Manypanies¡¯ stocks plummeted to mere ¡°bargain prices,¡± marking the official onset of a stock market crash.
By Friday¡¯s close, the Vienna Stock Exchange¡¯s index had fallen by 11.8%, with Austria¡¯s stock market losing hundreds of millions of guilders in just five days.
The stock market crash had arrived!
With the help of newspapers, news of the stock market crash in Vienna quickly spread across the European continent, and smart investors immediately began selling off their stocks.
With economic growth, the ties between European economies had be ever closer, and Austria¡¯s stock market crash meant that other European nations could not remain unaffected.
A strange scene unfolded: in London and Paris alike, there was a flood of stock sell-offs, yet buyers were few and far between. No matter how much experts and schrs tried to promote optimism, the markets continued to plummet.
¡°Bailout¡± became the next big topic after the strikes, yet before it could happen, the strike issue had to be resolved.
Ifpanies couldn¡¯t resume production, how could stock prices be stabilized? The capitalists grew anxious. Only a select few were in a position to benefit from the market crash, while most were simply victims of it.
To restore production quickly, capitalists tried various strategies.
Some chose to negotiate andpromise with workers while others resorted to bribery and divide-and-conquer tactics. Some even had hired thugs to arrest workers¡¯ family members to coerce them back to work, while the most ruthless brought out Gatling guns, firing on strikers and forcingborers back through bloody violence¡
All manner of tactics yed out across Europe, bringing bothughter and bloodshed to the public.
Where there is oppression, there is resistance. Bloody repression brought not only reluctant returns to work but also wave after wave of worker uprisings.
It was chaos¡ªtotal chaos¡ªEurope was like a boiling cauldron. A variety of radical ideologies spread swiftly, creating an atmosphere of frenzy and upheaval.
In the Vienna Pce, Franz was troubled as he observed the turbulent situation. The Austrian government¡¯s early intervention had preventedrge-scale worker uprisings in Austria, but the stock market crash was painful enough on its own.
Due to the stock market crash, manypanies found themselves in financial difficulty. If this wasn¡¯t resolved, it could lead to a new wave of economic crisis.
If it were merely a cash flow issue, thesepanies could simply seek bank loans. However, many of these cash-strappedpanies also had serious internal problems.
These issues included chaotic management, unresolved strikes, conservative business strategies, outdated machinery, and more.
With all theseplicationsbined, banks naturally concluded that these were high-risk ventures.
When the market is strong, banks don¡¯t mind high-risk ventures as high risk often brings high returns. As long as the potential profit is big enough, banks are willing to take risks.
But with the stock market crash, the situation was different. Many banking operations were already impacted, and most banks were tightening their credit. Even low-risk loans were hard to secure, and loans without coteral were simply out of the question.
Franz was powerless in this situation. He couldn¡¯t just direct banks to issue loans knowing thesepanies had major problems.
Doing so wouldn¡¯t solve the crisis. It would only dy its eventual eruption.
In the short term, this might benefit economic development, but in the long run, it would drag the entire economy into hell.
Hoping thesepanies would be reborn from their struggles seemed overly optimistic. Franz felt it might be better to let them copse and rebuild from scratch. It would at least be cheaper and consume fewer social resources.
Survival of the fittest is a fundamental market principle, and Austria¡¯s market wasn¡¯t limitless. Rescuing thesepanies also sacrificed the interests of other simr businesses, inherently undermining the principle of fairness.
Chapter 613: The Trigger
The dazzling and splendid sun high in the sky, the gentle and refreshing breeze that stirs the heart, the ancient and lingering chimes, the vast, silent night sky, and the brilliant, radiant stars¡ªall thesee together to adorn the vibrant splendor of early summer.
A concert was taking ce at the Vienna Pce, one of the few forms of entertainment of the time and the most prestigious musical event in Austria.
Originally, Franz had nned to hold an awards ceremony, but after considering his own tastes, he decided to abandon the idea. Judging music is notoriously tricky, as personal preferences vary widely, and a misstep could easily lead to embarrassment.
Following the Revolution of 1848, Austria was experiencing a golden age of musicposition, with many ssic pieces emerging.
Franz wasn¡¯t very familiar with the Western music scene. He couldn¡¯t distinguish which pieces originated in the original timeline and which were products of the butterfly effect.
But he was content to simply enjoy the music. The privilege of performing at Vienna Pce was itself a mark of recognition. This asion wouldn¡¯t beplete without mentioning thete Marshal Radetzky as every concert¡¯s signature piece was the Radetzky March.
Composed in 1848 by Austrianposer Johann Strauss Sr., the march celebrated the Austrian army¡¯s victory in the Austro-Sardinian War,posed to honor this triumph.
The piece carried an undertone of Habsburg military pride, andbined with thete marshal¡¯s legacy, it also conveyed political significance.
Thanks to the Austrian government¡¯s promotion, the Radetzky March had already spread across much of the world, bing a symbol of Austrian music.Franz was also very fond of this march. It was the closing piece at every concert in the Vienna Pce, highlighting its significance in Austrian music.
With an economic crisis looming, Franz had little mind to enjoy the concert. The high-ranking officials of the Austrian government were simrly upied and had to regretfully miss this musical event.
They couldn¡¯t entirely miss it, though, as they were meeting next door, where they could still hear the music, even while in discussion.
Franz asked in a serious tone, ¡°Has the situation spiraled out of control?¡±
Prime Minister Felix replied, ¡°Domestically, the situation is still rtively stable. The strike incidents are calming down, and mostpanies have reached agreements with workers, allowing production to resume.
Internationally, however, things are in turmoil. Several countries have already deployed their military to suppress strikes, making the situation very tense. Now, with the stock market crash on top of it, an economic crisis seems unavoidable.¡±
Using military force to suppress strikes was not unusual in the 19th century as it happened often. Bismarck, known as the ¡°Iron Chancellor,¡± had earned the ¡°iron¡± part of his reputation by suppressing strikes.
There were manyplexities in these incidents. They couldn¡¯t be judged simply as right or wrong. Unlike Austria, which had strong control over its regions with police arriving immediately to maintain order, other countries were often unresponsive when strikes broke out.
They let the capitalists handle it on their own, and escting conflicts became almost inevitable, eventually leading to incidents of smashing machines, destruction of infrastructure, and more.
Some strikes were brutally suppressed by the capitalists, while others ended in victory for the workers. But victory didn¡¯t mean the end as human nature often falters under such trials.
If there were someone among the workers to restrain the crowd, they could rationally pursue their rights. However, once that restraint is lost, even one or two impulsive people could cause the situation to quickly spiral out of control.
To stabilize the situation swiftly, the government would likely resort to suppression. At that point, questions of right or wrong be irrelevant; officials simply need to quell the chaos and restore order.
Later, when me is assigned, it¡¯s often the ordinary workers¡ªwhock any voice¡ªwho suffer. Even if some in the government sympathize with them, they¡¯re likely overwhelmed by the capitalists¡¯ influence.
In Franz¡¯s view, the main culprit behind such tragedies is often government inaction or deliberate favoritism toward capitalists.
Due to his influence, most European countries now havebor protectionws. If governments intervened early to mediatebor conflicts within a legal framework, major upheavals could likely be avoided.
But this makes it harder for capitalists to seek greater profits, as mostpanies do not meetborw standards. Otherwise, a strike wave wouldn¡¯t be sweeping across Europe.
Austria managed to curb its strike wave, not only because capitalists feared disruptions in production but also because they feared the government would intervene and find them in vition ofborws.
Many capitalists took timely steps at the first sign of strikes, offering better terms to cate workers.
As for thosepanies that faced strikes, some failed to recognize the danger, while others hesitated in the face of profits and were too slow to act.
In reality, wages often rise and fall with market trends. If all other factories improve their conditions while one doesn¡¯t, the skilled workers will likely leave before long.
With economic growth,bor costs naturally rise. This pressure drives progress in productivity. Without it, capitalists wouldn¡¯t voluntarily pursue technological innovation.
Strikes affect not only production but also shrink consumer markets. Without wages during strikes, workers must tighten their belts, and purchasing power declines ordingly.
Adding the stock market crash into the mix could lead to broken cash flows and even bankruptcies for somepanies, raising unemployment for a time.
The conditions for an economic crisis are all in ce. Austria was already in a fragile state, and with international markets struggling, not even divine intervention could prevent a crisis.
Franz nced out the window and made a hard decision, ¡°The sooner we cut out this malignant tumor, the better!¡±
The sooner such a tumor is treated, the faster the recovery. Letting it grow uncontrobly could prove fatal.
Economic crises have both drawbacks and benefits. Each crisis brings significant losses but also new opportunities.
In essence, an economic crisis is a market¡¯s way of self-regting and correcting, bringing an off-course economy back on track.
And with the mass migration strategy just beginning, no matter how many people be unemployed in this crisis, there will always be somewhere for them to go.
¡
Following Franz¡¯smand, the Austrian government adopted a conservative economic approach, abandoning its initial n to bail out the market.
On June 18, 1876, to stabilize the financial market, the Austrian Central Bank announced a tightening of the money supply and raised the benchmark deposit interest rate by 0.16%.
Restricting the money supply during a liquidity crunch was hardly a ¡°bailout.¡± It was more like adding insult to injury.
Austria had many banks, and the Central Bank functioned simrly to the Federal Reserve inter eras, able to regte and influence the financial market. While the Central Bank could suggest a rate increase, it couldn¡¯t mandate that all banks raise their deposit rates.
In reality, to attract deposits, most banks offered interest rates higher than the benchmark.
Previously, Austria¡¯s one-year deposit benchmark interest rate was 1%, so even with a 0.16% increase, it only reached 1.16%.
This rate was still below what many major banks offered, yet the impact was profound.
Through the Central Bank¡¯s actions, it became clear that the Austrian government would not be funding a market bailout, leading many investors to despair.
Astute individuals realized an economic crisis was now unavoidable and began gathering funds to brace for a downturn, causing the stock market to decline further.
On June 24, 1876, the Munich Vida Textile Factory, due to a broken cash flow, applied for bankruptcy restructuring with the Munich government, which approved the request¡ªmarking the official onset of the economic crisis.
In just a single month, over 200panies, including 30 publicly listed ones, applied to the government for bankruptcy restructuring, while more than 400panies dered bankruptcy outright. The economic crisis had fully erupted across Austria.
Withpanies going bankrupt on arge scale, the wave of strikes naturally came to an end, reced by a wave of unemployment.
Social opinion became chaotic, with capitalists desperately shifting the me, attributing the entire economic crisis to the workers¡¯ strikes.
But this had no effect. At the peak of the Second Industrial Revolution, failing to keep up with the times and choosing to go against the flow meant inevitable elimination by the market.
The ¡°strike incident¡± was merely a trigger. Crises and opportunities inherently coexisted at this juncture of transition between old and new.
Affected by Austria¡¯s economic crisis, the Russian Empire and the German Federal Empire soon followed suit, each experiencing economic crises of their own.
And this was only the beginning as the rest of the European countries were quickly drawn in. By August, the crisis reached London, and every industrial nation in Europe was engulfed.
Seeing everyone suffer together, Franz felt at ease. This was simply the nature of capitalist economic cycles, and it had been nearly a decade since thest crisis. How could the market not encounter issues?
It was clear that problems had long been umting, just waiting for a spark to ignite.
Another round of ¡°big fish eat small fish¡± began. Watching the power of the financial conglomerates grow relentlessly, Franz couldn¡¯t tell if this was a blessing or a curse.
Chapter 614: Immigration
Prime Minister Felix reported, ¡°As of now, there have been 1,876 business bankruptcies nationwide, and unemployment has reached over 2.47 million people¡ªa historic high.
The cotton textile industry has suffered the most, with one-quarter of textile mills going bankrupt and over half announcing production cuts, reducing output by 37%.
Next in line is the shipbuilding industry. Due to a decline in international trade, shipyards have received almost no new orders in recent months. Even many existing orders have been canceled or dered in default due to the economic crisis.
Steel¡¡±
The bad news continued to echo in Franz¡¯s ears¡ªan inevitable oue of the economic crisis.
During a major recession, market contraction forces businesses to cut production andy off workers to survive, which in turn shrinks the market further, creating a vicious cycle.
The solutions are straightforward: either find a new market to shift the crisis or wait for natural market recovery.
In the current situation, it¡¯s clear that all of Europe has been affected by Austria¡¯s crisis, leaving no ce to shift the burden. Recovery will have to rely on the market¡¯s self-regtion.
After the process of natural selection, outdated capacity will be eliminated, leaving only thosepanies with strong management or advanced technology. Each economic recovery is also a period of technological boom.Unlike previous crises, this time, the Austrian government hasn¡¯t increased investment in public infrastructure or created new jobs after the economic downturn. Instead, it has allowed the market to regte itself freely.
Franz asked, ¡°How is the immigration effort progressing?¡±
A crisis isn¡¯t frightening, the real threat lies in the unemployment it creates. In these times, the working ss has very limited resilience. A few months without work might be manageable, but a year or more without ie could lead to serious problems.
Getting through the crisis is simple enough: encourage migration. The colonies are under development and urgently need arge workforce.
Under normal circumstances, only the restless or fortune-seekers are willing to leave home for the colonies. Simply put, the golden period for making a fortune in the colonies has passed. As development continues, living conditions improve, but opportunities for quick wealth are dwindling.
Early immigrants who were willing to work hard and managed to survive usually seeded. Now, while opportunities are still somewhat better than at home, they aren¡¯t as abundant as before.
To achieve sess now requires not only courage and hard work but also a sharp mind and a bit of luck.
With diminished allure, enthusiasm for immigration has also dropped. Even though Austria had begun a colonial integration policy, the colonies¡¯ infrastructure was still far behind what was avable at home, especially in transportation, healthcare, and education.
The transportation issues stem from the short development period, while the healthcare and education challenges are due to ack of skilled personnel.
It¡¯s not that Austria has a shortage of doctors and teachers. Rather, those professionals already have afortable life at home andck the motivation to venture into the colonies.
To address these issues, the Austrian government has established schools on the African continent to train doctors and teachers locally.
This solution, however, won¡¯t show immediate results. It requires time to yield a substantial workforce. Training doctors, in particr, is a lengthy process. Under Austria¡¯s current education system, medical programs take no less than seven years, with at least a decade needed to produce a qualified doctor.
This isn¡¯t due to Franz setting high standards, it¡¯s a necessity of the times. In an eracking advanced medical equipment, doctors rely heavily on personal skills, making quick training impossible.
Colonial Minister Stephen reported, ¡°As of now, the number of people registered for immigration has surpassed 1.2 million, and we¡¯ve already relocated 680,000. Registrations continue to increase, and given the current economic situation, the total number of immigrants might exceed three million.¡±
This is typical of an economic crisis. Early on, people can rely on savings, but as time goes on, life bes increasingly difficult.
In such a climate, registering for immigration bes a logical choice. If it were up to pure voluntary interest, there likely wouldn¡¯t be many willing to leave Austria for the colonies.
The Austrian government has worked tirelessly to promote immigration. Many colonialpanies offered two options for recruits: direct immigration or going to Africa for work.
Most people choose the second option. Even though the Austrian government offers relocation subsidies for direct immigrants, it doesn¡¯t sway many.
Many still harbor dreams of working in Africa for a few years, saving enough money, and then returning home to buy property. However, the reality is that most end up staying in Africa after a few years.
There¡¯s little choice¡ªie is the main factor. With a shortage ofbor in Africa, wages for ordinary workers are naturally higher than at home.
Once ustomed to high wages, going back to lower pay¡ªand thus a lower standard of living¡ªis hard to ept for most.
To attract more people, the colonial government even encourages immigrants to bring their families. Africa is no longer a wilderness. For convenience, many even relocate their entire households.
Franz nodded, ¡°Keep pushing on with immigration efforts. Now is the best opportunity. Once the economic crisis ends, it won¡¯t be easy to get this many immigrants again.
What¡¯s the situation abroad? How far has the Paris Conference progressed, and is there any chance of an agreement in the short term?¡±
¡°Yes, Your Majesty! The Colonial Ministry has ns to absorb as many immigrants as possible during the economic crisis,¡± Stephen replied.
Foreign Minister Wessenberg replied, ¡°Your Majesty, all European countries are deeply mired in economic troubles, and times are difficult for everyone.
However, overall, the situation has been stabilized. The French suppressed the Italian uprising, and Napoleon IV ced Paris under direct military rule. Although the opposition has intentions of stirring up unrest, theyck the power to act.
It¡¯s worth noting that rtions between Prussia and the German Federal Empire have deteriorated sharply,rgely due to the outbreak of the Rhinnd uprising, which has broken thest fragile link between the two.
ording to agreements, the Rhinnd was nearing the official transfer period at the time of the uprising. The German Federal Empire wanted toplete the transfer early, but the Prussian government refused.
To gain more immigrants, the Prussians dispatched troops to suppress the uprising, forcibly relocating arge number of people.
From the intelligence we¡¯ve gathered, the Prussian government has essentially drained the Rhinnd of its most valuable resources, capturing engineers, scientists, doctors, teachers, and other skilled professionals in one sweep.
Due to intervention from various European countries, the Prussian government has only just begun the transfer to the German Federal Empire, though the process is very slow.
You can support the trantion at /dragonlegion
Our preliminary estimate is that the Prussian government might drag this process out until after the new year. Meanwhile, they¡¯re using the remaining time to ¡®extract¡¯ people, so that when the German Federal Empire finally takes over, they may be left without even technical workers.
The economic crisis is also hampering the Paris Conference. Most governments are distracted, and some even have delusional ideas about using their colonies to escape the crisis.
Regarding colonialpetition, no one is willing topromise, and the British are making matters worse by stirring the pot, hoping to benefit from the chaos. This only dims the prospects of the Paris Conference further.¡±
Franz nodded. The Kingdom of Prussia relocating over a million people from the Rhinnd was surely a major blow to the German Federal Empire.
Prussia¡¯s ¡°resource extraction¡± was undercutting the German Federal Empire. The Rhinnd¡¯s true value lies not in its mineral resources but in its highly skilled poption. It¡¯s remarkable the two sides haven¡¯t alreadye to blows.
As for the British sowing discord among nations, that¡¯s a familiar pattern, a ssic maneuver. If they weren¡¯t doing it, Franz would find it suspicious.
Although the Paris Conference was officially convened to mediate international conflicts and reduce tensions, from Britain¡¯s perspective, its true goal was to lessen conflicts involving Britain itself.
Do they care if other colonial empires sh? Not at all. Stirring up trouble among nations is second nature for John Bull. If all European countries had no more conflicts and enjoyed peaceful, neighborly rtions, could the British government even sleep at night?
Chapter 615: The Smart Ones
The impact of the economic crisis was even greater than Franz had anticipated. Due to the butterfly effect, global industrial output was significantly higher than in the same period in history, yet market demand hadn¡¯t increased by much.
When the economic crisis hit, these hidden issues came to light. By the end of 1876, the economic crisis had crossed the ocean and spread to the Americas.
Ironically, it was the Southern ntation owners, not the Northern capitalists, who were hit first.
The downturn in the textile industry wasn¡¯t unique to Austria. It was affecting all European countries. This led to a sharp decline in demand for cotton, causing the South¡¯s cotton to pile up unsold for the first time on arge scale.
Although this seemed like an ordinary event, its implications were far-reaching. In the Confederate States, calls for developing their own cotton textile industry began to rise, and some even started taking action.
Southern ntation owners, in pursuit of greater profits, were no longer content to be mere raw material suppliers and began extending their reach into downstream industries.
Upon receiving the intelligence, Franz merely smiled. The Confederacy developing its own industry posed little impact on Austria. In some ways, it was even a positive development.
This trend would mean that the power disparity between the North and the South would gradually narrow. In recent years, European countries have tacitly limited immigration to the North to maintain this bnce.
Even with this assistance, the bnce only just held. The North still had a clear advantage.You can support the trantion at /dragonlegion
Were it not for the deterrence of Britain, France, and Austria, which restrained the ambitions of Northern capitalists, a second civil war between the North and South might already have begun.
From Austria¡¯s perspective, it was preferable for the Southern government to have some industrial capacity, allowing it to counterbnce the North, rather than relying solely on Europe¡¯s support.
In case a major event in Europe ever left them unable to focus on the Americas, the South would at least need enough strength to defend itself.
Franz wasn¡¯t worried about the military¡¯sbat effectiveness. History had already proven that the Northern capitalists couldn¡¯t defeat the Southern ntation owners. However, modern warfare now depended on industry and organizational capacity.
Among these, ¡°industry¡± was the prerequisite. Without sufficient industrial capacity, ensuring a steady supply of weapons and ammunition would be impossible, and organizational strength would be meaningless.
Naturally, this development came with both benefits and drawbacks. While industrial development in the South would add apetitor to the international market, disrupting it, the first to suffer would undoubtedly be the British. After all, they were the dominant force in the textile industry.
The Austrian government had already bet on the Second Industrial Revolution, with its core industries transitioning to emerging sectors. In this regard, Austria was not afraid ofpetition.
It wasn¡¯t just the Americans, even Britain and Francegged behind. The gap wasn¡¯t in technology but in talent cultivation.
Even when new technologies were developed, Austria could industrialize them within months, while Britain and France required 2 to 3 years of preparation.
In Austria, you could find potential engineers walking down almost any street, whereas in Britain and France, this ratio was significantly lower.
As for the Confederate States, their education system was even more backward. The most suitable path for them now was to emte European countries.
Initially, they could rely on pirating technologies to grow their industrial foundation. Once it reaches a certain scale, quantitative changes could lead to qualitative leaps, eventually paving the way for independent innovation.
This was the same path Austria initially took. However, it had the advantage of catching the wave of the Second Industrial Revolution, allowing it to leap forward and save considerable time. ??
¡
¡°Immigration¡± was a hot topic in 1876, with the government heavily promoting the benefits of relocating to Africa and publicizing the high wages avable there.
In a Vienna general store, the shopkeeper Lars was busy trying to dissuade his staff from considering immigration.
¡°Africa isn¡¯t as wonderful as they make it sound,¡± he began, ¡°There are venomous insects, dangerous beasts, and brutal, savage cannibal tribes. One misstep, and you could end up on a spit over a fire.
Don¡¯t be fooled by how good it looks in the newspapers. If it were so easy to strike it rich, I¡¯d already have moved there myself¡¡±
After his long-winded speech, many of his employees started second-guessing their ns to emigrate. Everyone understood that while Africa might not be as bad as Lars described, it certainly wasn¡¯t as idyllic as portrayed.
Even the newspapers never imed that Africa was paradise. They mainly emphasized the ¡°high wages¡± and ¡°opportunities,¡± downying the risks.
Even up to now, Africa¡¯s mortality rate was still higher than in Austria. Despite the dangerous conditions in domestic sweatshops, they couldn¡¯tpare to the toll diseases took in Africa.
This information wasn¡¯t a secret. Newspapers covered it, and the government even distributed a ¡°Survival Handbook for Africa¡± outlining precautions and tips for staying alive.
All of this proved that Africa was no paradise and that making money required survival first.
Seeing that his audience was starting to waver, Lars nodded in satisfaction.
Vienna wasn¡¯t an industrial city, so it felt a smaller impact from the economic crisis. Aside from a slight effect on the financial sector, other industries were mostly unaffected, and business at the general store was still holding up.
Unlike previous downturns, when cutting wages was an option, now Lars¡¯ first concern was retaining his staff.
While being a shop assistant might seem like unskilled work, it wasn¡¯t something just anyone could do.
First, good memory was essential. They had to know exactly where each item was so they could quickly locate products for customers.
Second, some basic literacy and numeracy skills were needed to keep the ounts in order.
Finally, they needed a sharp eye. In an era without surveince cameras, spotting and catching shoplifters was crucial.
For someone with natural talent, it might take only a few days to master the job. For thosecking it, even years of training could still result in frequent mistakes.
Most shop assistants held lifetime positions,rgely because hiring new staff posed risks. If someone ipetent or dishonest came on board, it could lead to significant losses for the owner.
Just as Lars was feeling pleased with his persuasive speech, a familiar voice interrupted.
¡°Mr. Lars, I¡¯ve signed up to immigrate.¡±
Lars said, ¡°It¡¯s okay, Rennes. Even if you¡¯ve signed up, you can still withdraw. Immigration is entirely voluntary so no one will force you.¡±
After a brief moment of silence, Rennes lowered his head, ¡°I¡¯m sorry, Mr. Lars. Thank you for looking after me, but I still want to go out and try my luck.¡±
Lars was fuming internally, but to maintain his gentlemanly demeanor in front of everyone, he suppressed his anger, ¡°You¡¯d better think this through. Once you take this step, it will be hard to turn back.¡±
Rennes kept his head down, seemingly too nervous to respond.
Seeing Rennes¡¯ demeanor, Lars knew he had made up his mind. With a sigh, Lars feigned magnanimity and said, ¡°Fine, since you¡¯ve decided, go out and give it a shot!
If things don¡¯t go well out there, you can alwayse back. This will always be your second home. May God bless you!¡±
Seeing the expressions of gratitude on everyone¡¯s faces, Lars¡¯ anger finally subsided. Losing Rennes might have been a setback, but he had won over the goodwill of the others.
Unlike factories where workers could be driven by the whip, a general store couldn¡¯t be managed that way. Losing the trust of the staff could lead to significant losses, as any employee could sabotage the business if they wanted.
Lars had learned this lesson from observing countless failed businesses. Over time, he had grown his operation by avoiding those pitfalls.
Now, Lars owned five general stores across Vienna, all running smoothly thanks to his ability to perform such public disys of generosity. It was the cheapest way to earn loyalty.
The incident at the general store was just a small episode. Few people were leaving Vienna for immigration. The highest number of emigrants came from the highly industrialized Bohemia region, followed by Lombardy, Via, and Bavaria.
The main group of immigrants now consists of unemployed workers. Affected by the wave of unemployment, many people, after losing their jobs and sources of ie, have no choice but to seek opportunities elsewhere.
The departure of unemployed workers hasn¡¯t raised much concern. For many, they couldn¡¯t be happier to see these people disappear entirely.
During every economic crisis, unemployed workers are the most unstable factor in society. With fewer of them around, public security has significantly improved.
But for capitalists, the situation is different. Watchingrge numbers of people emigrate has left many business owners deeply worried. If the workforce leaves, where will they find cheapbor?
Originally, many nned to use the economic crisis to suppress the recent rise in wages. Now, they wouldn¡¯t dare to act on that thought.
They fear pushing workers too hard and causing their factories to empty out entirely. There are already cautionary tales about this, as covered in the newspapers.
For instance, the Dessendier Machinery Factory in Bavaria failed to negotiate abor dispute, leading to workers resigning or emigrating en masse.
The newly hired workerscked the necessary skills, resulting in a high defect rate in production. This loss of productpetitiveness eventually forced the factory to shut down.
There are plenty of simr stories of reckless decisions reported in the newspapers, including cases where promises of better wages were broken, prompting workers to strike again.
While such negative oues exist, there are also positive effects. Due to rising wages, the domestic market, which should have shrunk during the economic crisis, instead experienced unexpected growth.
Although some of the poption has emigrated, the purchasing power of those remaining has increased. For the first time in Austria, the economic theory of ¡°cultivating the market¡± has shown significant results.
Aside from industries heavily reliant on exports, most businesses focused on the domestic market had begun to gradually recover from the crisis by the end of 1876.
Chapter 616: The Paris Conference on the Edge of Collapse
As the world¡¯srgest import and export trading nation, Britain can be considered the biggest victim of this economic crisis.
Domestic strikes had not yet subsided when the contraction of international markets caused export volumes to plummet. This led to a sharp rise in unemployment and intensified social tensions.
To ease domestic conflicts and divert public attention, the British Parliament decided to hold an early election.
Unsurprisingly, the Liberal Party, led by dstone, was defeated in the election, making way for the Conservative Party under the leadership of Benjamin Disraeli.
This seems to follow the pattern of British politics. Except for the first Prime Minister, Robert Walpole, who served for twenty years, most other terms have not exceeded eight years.
(Author¡¯s Note: The term for British Prime Ministers and Parliament is five years.)
Returning once again to 10 Downing Street, Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli found joy only on the first day after the election victory. The rest of his time has been consumed by the headaches brought on by the domestic economic crisis, which has turned more of his hair white.
Colonial Secretary Robert said, ¡°The domestic economy is already in a very precarious state. To survive this crisis, we must findrger markets for our goods. I propose the resumption of the Persian War. Having just experienced a refugee crisis, Persia is now at its weakest. This is highly advantageous for our military operations.¡±
Chancellor of the Exchequer Arthur Balfour said, ¡°The government¡¯s finances remain robust, providing us with ample funding for war efforts. I propose that, whileunching the Persian War, we should also resume the Ethiopian War.In the previous conflict, we only achieved a nominal victory. Most of Ethiopia remains outside our control. In recent years, the Austrians have been steadily infiltrating Ethiopia. If we don¡¯t act swiftly, one day we might wake up to find Austrian gs flying over Ethiopia.
It¡¯s not just Ethiopia, the entire East Africa is in jeopardy. If we don¡¯t act promptly, France and Austria certainly won¡¯t hesitate to capitalize on this.¡±
First Lord of the Admiralty John Vassall added, ¡°It¡¯s not just East Africa, Asia is also at stake. The French are expanding into the Indochinese Penins, and they are on the verge of reaching India¡¯s borders.
We must take preemptive action to seize control of the Konbaung Dynasty. This region is the gateway to India, and if it falls into French hands, the consequences would be dire.¡±
(Author¡¯s Note: Burma was under the Konbaung Dynasty during this period, referred to as the Third Burmese Empire by Westerners.)
¡
Prime Minister Benjamin is hailed as a staunch defender of colonialism, so having a cab full of pro-war memberses as no surprise. The vast British colonial empire was built through war and conquest, and historically, pro-war and pro-colonial factions have always been inseparable.
For Britain, relying on domestic demand to weather the economic crisis is out of the question.
The poption of the British Isles limits the size of the domestic market, meaning that oveing the economic crisis requires external markets.
With its vast colonies, Britain could emerge from the crisis with rtive ease but that takes time.
To recover quickly from the economic crisis, the only option is to wage war and shift the burden elsewhere.
Foreign Secretary Edward said, ¡°Hold on. I agree that everyone has valid points, and the issues raised are indeed pressing for Britain, but the reality doesn¡¯t allow for such actions.
Let¡¯s not even discuss whether our national resources can support multiple simultaneous wars, the diplomatic troubles alone would exhaust us.
If we don¡¯t want to see every European power tripping us up, we must prioritize and act in sequence. Engaging in multi-front wars brings nothing but heightened risks and pressure with no added benefit.¡±
The driving force behind Britain¡¯s wars has always been profit. Everyone understands that the British government cannotunch multiple wars simultaneously, yet such proposals continue to emerge.
This reflects the ongoing struggles between different factions, including the military, political officials, and capitalists.
The campaign chosen tomence first not only determines who ¡°benefits¡± first but also reflects the strategic importance of that region in the eyes of the British government.
Colonial Secretary Robert said, ¡°I believe we should prioritize the Persian War. The situation in Persia is the mostplex, involving both Russia and Austria.
The Russian Empire is currently bogged down by the Prussian-Polish Federation and cannot intervene in Persia in the short term. But Austria is a different story as they¡¯ve already extended their influence into the Persian Gulf.
Although their immediate focus is on the Ottomans, that doesn¡¯t mean theyck ambition for Persia.
The Persian government is doing everything it can to court the major powers. If we don¡¯t stay vignt, Austria might one day expand its influence into the Persian region.
Looking at the map, it¡¯s clear that if the Ottoman Empire copses, the entire eastern Mediterranean coast will likely fall into Austria¡¯s hands. At that point, Persia would border Austria directly.
If we don¡¯t secure Persia as a buffer in advance, India will face immense pressure.¡±
First Lord of the Admiralty John Vassall objected, ¡°Sir Robert, you¡¯re exaggerating. We already hold an absolute advantage in Persia. Unless the Ottoman Empire copses tomorrow, Austria has no way topete with us there.
From the current situation, the Ottoman Empire can survive for at least another twenty years. If theyplete internal reforms, they might even endure indefinitely.
The greater threat lies in Indochina. The Konbaung Dynasty haspletely weakened and can no longer resist French advances.¡±
Chancellor of the Exchequer Arthur Balfour intervened, ¡°Gentlemen, let¡¯s not overstate the urgency. It¡¯s not as if we¡¯ll be at war with France and Austria tomorrow.
Right now, the three of us remain allies. Without sufficient incentive, they wouldn¡¯t risk provoking us unnecessarily.
The immediate priority is oveing the economic crisis. We should all consider the situation more from an economic perspective.
Since the Suez Canal opened, trade between East and West has grown rapidly. Nearly 40% of European maritime trade now passes through the Suez Canal.
This golden waterway has be vital to Britain¡¯s economic lifeline. Unfortunately, we failed to pay enough attention, allowing control of the Suez Canal to fall entirely into French and Austrian hands.
Of course, this was the responsibility of our predecessors, but we are the ones who must bear the consequences.
For France and Austria, the Suez Canal is their lifeblood, and it¡¯s impossible for us to intervene directly. The only option now is to adopt an indirect strategy and expand our influence over the Red Sea Strait.
In recent years, the French have been expanding into Sudan, and the Austrians into Ethiopia. The two have reached an understanding and are jointly squeezing our sphere of influence.
If we allow this situation to continue, we will eventually lose our foothold in East Africa. Even with our naval superiority, we would only be able to hold on to areas immediately surrounding key ports.
Take the Cape of Good Hope, for instance. Although it appears under our control, if rtions with Austria were to deteriorate, it could fall at any moment.¡±
¡°Sir Arthur, this joke is not funny at all. The idea that France and Austria could truly unite is the biggest joke of the century.
Unless one of them abandons the pursuit of continental dominance, the two nations will never genuinely align. Right now, they see each other as their greatest rival!¡± Colonial Secretary Robert retorted.
Abandoning continental dominance sounds simple enough, but why would anyone believe it?
Unless one of them loses the power topete for dominance, verbal promises are entirely unconvincing. And unless one of the two powers declines, the struggle for continental dominance will persist.
Currently, their ability to coexist peacefully is only because they appear evenly matched, and the presence of third, fourth, or even fifth parties makes neither side willing to start a war and risk benefiting others.
Foreign Secretary Edward responded, ¡°Sir Robert, the possibility of France and Austria forming an alliance is very real. When the stakes are high enough, anything can happen.¡±
¡°Sir Edward, I¡¯m not saying that France and Austria cannot form an alliance, but that under the current international circumstances, such an alliance is impossible.
What appears to be friendly Franco-Austrian rtions is actually riddled with underlying tensions. If we wanted to, provoking conflict between France and Austria wouldn¡¯t be difficult,¡± Colonial Secretary Robert exined.
¡°No, Sir Robert, what we need is precisely the current situation: France and Austria appearing friendly on the surface but secretly hostile toward each other.
Provoking a Franco-Austrian conflict that leads to a continental war and disrupts the bnce of power in Europe is not in our interest. So that option is off the table.
We recognize the importance of the Suez Canal, and so do France and Austria¡ªlikely even earlier than we did.
Over the past decade, we have repeatedly attempted to acquire shares in the canalpany, only to be rejected. This alone speaks volumes.
If we fail to act, France and Austria might very well join forces over control of the Suez Canal and push us out of East Africa.
This wouldn¡¯t be unprecedented. They¡¯ve worked together before, and we were nearly ousted from the Mediterranean,¡± Foreign Secretary Edward warned.
This is the most troublesome aspect. On one hand, Britain needs France and Austria to remain in conflict to prevent them from aligning; on the other hand, they must avoid exacerbating their tensions to the point of triggering a continental war, which would upset the European bnce.
From Britain¡¯s perspective, whether France or Austria emerges victorious in a war, it would spell disaster. The current three-way bnce is the most suitable for Britain¡¯s continental strategy.
Benjamin interrupted the argument, ¡°Gentlemen, no one seems able to persuade the other, so let¡¯s put it to a vote. Continuing this debate endlessly won¡¯t solve anything, and time is of the essence.¡±
While this appeared to be a neutral approach, it subtly revealed his stance. Support for the resumption of the Ethiopian War was evidently stronger, driven by the demands of overseas trade.
Expanding in East Africa would increase Britain¡¯s influence in the Red Sea and enhance its leverage in matters rted to the Suez Canal.
If rtions with France and Austria ever deteriorated, Britain would still have the ability to flip the table rather than be entirely at their mercy.
This may have been one of the most efficient decisions ever made by the British government. From identifying the issue to reaching a resolution, the Cab took only a single day.
Under normal circumstances, the process of initiating a war would involve months of debate, sometimes stretching to three or five years without any conclusion.
This time, however, was an exception. The economic crisis was pressing, and the Cab quickly reached a consensus, immediately submitting the proposal to Parliament.
As expected, the proposal passed with record speed. The government didn¡¯t even need to lobby the members of parliament as capitalists were already restless.
The sooner the war began, the sooner the economic crisis could be resolved.
The downfall of the previous administration wasrgely due to dstone¡¯s insistence on resolving colonial disputes through the Paris Conference beforeunching any colonial wars.
While this approach reduced international pressure, the Paris Conference was not something that could be wrapped up overnight. With the economic crisis already underway, the capitalists simply couldn¡¯t afford to wait.
In a sense, they were also caught in Franz¡¯s trap. If the Austrian government hadn¡¯t deliberately triggered the crisis, the economic downturn wouldn¡¯t have erupted so quickly.
Politicians must have integrity, especially once they are in power. Political positions should not change arbitrarily. Constantly shifting policies not only undermines the government¡¯s prestige but also leads to public disdain.
The dstone administration made a misjudgment by proposing colonial expansion after the Paris Conference before the economic crisis had even erupted.
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There was nothing inherently wrong with this proposal, and it gained widespread domestic support. Unfortunately, the timing was bad. Shortly after it was put forward, the economic crisis broke out.
To quickly ovee the crisis, Britain needed tounch a war abroad, which meant a change of government was necessary.
The Benjamin Cab was filled with war hawks, not because they were naturally pro-war, but because the situation demanded it.
On November 28, 1876, the British Parliament passed the ¡°Resumption of the Ethiopian War¡± proposal.
International public opinion was in an uproar, condemning the British. Britain¡¯s actions were also a heavy blow to the ongoing Paris Conference.
The world was once again thrown into turmoil. If the British could use the excuse of not having signed a treaty tounch colonial wars during the Paris Conference, other European countries could do the same and expand their colonial territories during the talks.
Originally, there had been hopes of negotiating and demarcating spheres of influence to divide up the remaining unimed territories. Now, it had returned to an era where power determined who seized what.
Chapter 617: The Struggles of an International Student (Bonus Chapter)
At the Vienna Pce, ever since the British broke the unwritten rules, Franz¡¯s desk had been flooded with requests for military action.
Don¡¯t misunderstand¡ªthese weren¡¯t aimed at fighting the British. The Austrian military wasn¡¯t so bold as to challenge the might of the Royal Navy, which still held significant deterrence.
The target of these requests, naturally, was the unimed territories yet to be divided. Since it was a game of strength, the Austrian military wasn¡¯t about tog behind.
Franz casually remarked, ¡°The military¡¯s operational ns are all here, covering nearly every unimed territory. If anything has slipped through, it¡¯s likely beyond our reach. Now, you can just pick one from this list!¡±
The fervent colonial race, which had stirred up greatmotion elsewhere, seemed like a trivial matter here. Franz¡¯s nonchnt demeanor betrayed no sense of urgency.
Colonial Minister Stephen spoke up, ¡°First, we can rule out Persia. The British have been entrenched there for a long time, with India as their stronghold. Asters, we would find it very difficult topete with them.
Next, the Indochina Penins can also be excluded. British, French, and Prussian forces are all deeply entangled there, creating a highlyplex situation.
Oh, and ording to our intelligence, the French and British arepeting intensely, and the Prussians are about to be squeezed out. If we were to intervene, we would likely meet the same fate.
This leaves East Africa and South America as the most viable options.In South America, the countries have already gained independence and are recognized by the European powers. Taking action against them could spark fear among smaller European states, damaging our international image.
Byparison, expansion into East Africa is much easier. With the British nning to target Ethiopia, we can seize the opportunity to im our share, perhaps by upying the Horn of Africa (the Somali Penins).¡±
Hearing ¡°Horn of Africa,¡± Franz¡¯s first reaction was to think of it as ¡°chicken ribs¡±¡ªof little value but hard to discard entirely.
What does the Somali Penins have to offer?
The answer: pirates!
That was Franz¡¯s main impression of Somalia. Well, that and poverty. There might be some resources or minerals, but they¡¯re certainly not abundant. Otherwise, Franz wouldn¡¯t have such a nk impression of the region.
Its only value, perhaps, lies in its ¡°significant¡± strategic importance. However, even this so-called significance depends on the context. For example, right now, the strategic value of the Somali Penins isn¡¯t very evident.
While it appears to be on the critical route of the Suez Canal, the British are already blocking the way ahead.
Austria already controls the Arabian Penins, but with its navy not being a match for the Royal Navy, the Somali Penins¡¯s strategic importance is greatly diminished for the Austrian government.
Foreign Minister Wessenberg weighed in, ¡°From an international perspective, East Africa remains the most suitable region for us to colonize. Beyond Britain and France, there are no significantpetitors.
The French are focused on Sudan and haven¡¯t extended their influence this far so they won¡¯tpete with us for the Somali Penins.
While the British ce importance on East Africa, their resources for operations in Africa are limited. Engaging in a war with Ethiopia means they won¡¯t have the capacity to contest the Somali Penins with us.
The only drawback is that the Somali Penins has very little economic value and will bring us minimal tangible benefits.¡±
East Africa was already dominated by the British, French, and Austrians¡ªa yground reserved for the three major powers. Naturally, no smaller nations would dare intrude, andpetition was sparse.
However, this also meant limited returns. Were it not for the opening of the Suez Canal, the British likely wouldn¡¯t even nce at Ethiopia.
Franz nodded in agreement, ¡°Then the Somali Penins it is. Even if it has no economic value, its ability to curtail British expansion makes the strategic benefits sufficient to justify the costs.¡±
With such low expectations, there was no room for disappointment. The world had already been carved up, leaving only scraps. As long as the venture wasn¡¯t a financial loss, it would be considered a sess.
¡
Austria had made its move, and other nations were not sitting idly by. A new web of alliances and rivalries began to unfold while the Paris Conference devolved into a farce. ?
Perhaps, once the final wave of colonial partition wasplete, the Paris Conference might yield some results. The reason the conference hadn¡¯t been officially dered over yet was due to the British diplomatic effort.
The British government cared about maintaining appearances. The Paris Conference had been convened at Britain¡¯s initiative, and if it copsed because of their breach of agreements, Britain¡¯s reputation would bepletely tarnished.
Even if it was mere self-deception, they were determined to keep this fig leaf intact. However, no one took the conference seriously anymore. One by one, delegations returned to their respective countries, leaving only the resident diplomatic staff in Paris to continue the charade of negotiations.
¡
The University District of Vienna is Austria¡¯srgest educational hub. It is home to more than 30 universities and boasts the world¡¯s most advanced education system.
Today, the influence of Austrian universities extends far beyond their borders. International students from all over the world bring a vibrant, cosmopolitan atmosphere to the city.
In this era, studying abroad in Austria is no simple matter. Not only do students need outstanding academic performance, but they must also pay high tuition fees, and admissions are subject to strict quotas.
The Ministry of Education has clearly stipted that the number of international students admitted to universities must not exceed 4% of the total enrollment.
Austrian universities typically enroll between 500 and 1,000 students annually. To ensure the quality of education, even thergest institutions do not admit more than 1,500 students per year.
This means each university can ept no more than 60 international students annually. On paper, this number might seem sufficient, considering Austria has over a hundred universities.
In reality, the distribution is far from bnced. The majority of international student slots are taken by students from the German Federal Empire and the Kingdom of Prussia, who ount for 43% and 29% of the total, respectively.
Following them are students from the Swiss Confederation, who make up 5% of the total, leaving the remaining slots for students from other countries.
The disparity in numbers isn¡¯t due to the superior education systems of these three regions, but rather because of shared cultural ties, easier ess to student visas, and the Austrian government offering them student loans.
In this era, most countries adhere to an elitist approach to education, making universities inessible to the average person.
When ites to international students, the situation is even more restricted. Local education resources are barely sufficient for domestic needs, let alone for foreigners.
Nearly all international students are required to pay exorbitant tuition fees. For instance, at the University of Vienna, international students must pay annual tuition fees ranging from 2,000 to 3,000 guilders, depending on the program.
This is no small sum, especially considering that Austria¡¯s per capita annual ie is less than 70 guilders. For an average person, a lifetime¡¯s earnings wouldn¡¯t be enough to cover even one year of university tuition.
Of course, this only applies to international students. Tuition fees for domestic students are much more affordable, typically ranging from 50 to 500 guilders, with student loans avable to ease the financial burden.
As long as students are admitted, finances aren¡¯t an issue. For some specialized fields in high demand, the government even covers the tuition fees.
Austria is not the only country with limited international student admissions. Other nations follow simr practices, primarily admitting students from Europe, with very few slots for overseas students.
The impression that this era had many international students isrgely a misconception. While some students did study abroad, whether they gained a real education is another question entirely.
Schools, too, are divided into various tiers. Prestigious universities admit only a small number of international students, but less reputable institutions impose no such restrictions.
There are even ¡°universities¡± specifically targeting international students. They employ so-called ¡°renowned schrs,¡± who are often far from credible and teach dubious content.
Failing exams? No problem. These schools offer special packages for struggling students¡ªpay the fees, and you¡¯ll get your diploma.
As for acquiring genuine knowledge? Don¡¯t count on it. Most of the teachers at these schools, despite their grandiose presentation, have never attended university themselves.
Austria naturally has its share of these ¡°profit-oriented universities.¡± Aside from their degrees not being recognized by the Austrian government, they appear superficially simr to regr universities, which is sufficient to deceive international students.
Take, for example, the Austrian Army and Navy Advanced Command Academy. This is a ssic diploma mill, borrowing credibility by mimicking the names of the Austrian Army Advanced Command Academy and the Austrian Navy Advanced Command Academy.
The difference of a single word marks a world of disparity. Anyone with basic knowledge knows that the army and navy are entirely separate systems, requiring distinct training programs.
Training both army and navymanders simultaneously isn¡¯t impossible, but it¡¯s nearly impossible to excel at both.
Just like individuals, a school¡¯s resources and focus are limited. Franz prioritizes cultivating specialists rather than generalists. Austrian universities ce a particr emphasis on developing specialized talent.
This is evident even in Austria¡¯s entrance examinations. High scorers are admitted to universities, but students who excel in a specific subject can also gain direct admission.
Thetter category even admits more students as it¡¯s moremon to find individuals strong in one subject than those excelling across all areas.
However, this system isn¡¯t without limitations. Those admitted for their specialization have very few options for majors¡ªthey essentially have no choice.
After graduation, switching fields is also challenging, as theyck foundational knowledge in other areas.
These individuals are typically suited for technical roles, with most bing engineers in their specialized fields and a select few joining research institutions.
Students who are well-rounded have much broader career options, appearing in various industries, but generalists are far fewer in number.
In the short term, Austria¡¯s education model has proven sessful. By focusing on specialized training within limited educational resources, it maximizes cost efficiency and increases the sess rate of producing skilled professionals.
¡
Morse became a victim of a diploma mill. With excellent grades, he managed to stand out among countless others and finally earned the opportunity to study abroad in Austria.
To save on tuition, he chose to enroll in the impressive-sounding Austrian Army and Navy Advanced Command Academy to study military science.
Compared to other European countries, Austria¡¯s diploma mills are rtively less exploitative. At the very least, their basic military training is passable.
Thanks to the universal conscription system, the school¡¯s instructors had actually served in the military, retaining some degree of professional skills.
While theirmand abilities might not be particrly strong, they excelled at bluffing. With a theoretical manual in hand, they could lecture for hours without pause, sounding entirely convincing.
This semnce of authenticity made the diploma mills appear somewhat more legitimate. Morse quickly fell for the illusion and dismissed external criticisms of the school.
However, over time, doubts began to creep in. He noticed that the school was almost entirely popted by international students, with only a handful of Austrian locals.
The few local students rarely took the crucial strategy courses seriously, often goofing off during ss, which frustrated Morse.
Something felt off. If the officers trained here were really this ipetent, Austria¡¯s military might as well devolve into the chaotic ranks of Mexican warlords.
Yet reality painted a different picture. Morse had visited Austrian military camps and was deeply impressed by their rigorous training and advanced equipment.
As a Mexican studying abroad in Austria, Morse¡¯s choice was deeply tied to his background.
His ancestors were immigrants from the German region, and Austria, being the most powerful nation in the German cultural sphere, appealed to his sense of heritage and nostalgia.
In this era, international students in continental Europe were not highly regarded and often faced discrimination. However, thanks to his German lineage, Morse quickly integrated into social circles.
Just two hours ago, he received shocking news. While gathering with a few ssmates at a tavern, a local student, emboldened by alcohol, revealed the truth to him.
The Austrian Army and Navy Advanced Command Academy, which Morse believed to be highly professional, was essentially a hollow facade and not officially recognized by the Austrian government.
Well, not entirely unrecognized¡ªgraduates could earn a diploma equivalent to a vocational school degree, at best.
The institution didn¡¯t produce high-ranking officers but rather trainedpetent soldiers, with top-performing graduates potentially qualifying as junior officers.
This became evident in various ways. Most of the day was spent on military drills, whilemand courses were limited to theoretical lectures.
When the instructors discussed small-unit tactics, they were eloquent and full of confidence. But when it came to analyzingrge-scale battles, their ideas were often as fanciful as ¡°cows flying in the sky.¡±
This wasn¡¯t surprising, given that the instructors had only ever served as junior officers. They could speak with authority on what they¡¯d experienced firsthand, but for subjects outside their expertise, they relied heavily on exaggeration.
Most of the local students studying here are connected to influential people, allowing them to attend without paying tuition. They were here because they didn¡¯t perform well enough academically to get into a proper military academy.
Although this ce is somewhatx, some of the knowledge it provides is still useful. Gaining some basic military knowledge before serving in the army can help them stand out more quickly once they enlist.
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This also exins why Morse noticed many local students cking off. It¡¯s not that they¡¯rezy¡ªwhen the teachers cover professional knowledge, they do work hard.
As for the so-called ¡°strategy sses,¡± everyone knows it¡¯s just fluff, so naturally, they don¡¯t take it seriously.
Calling the Austrian Army and Navy Advanced Command Academy a military academy isn¡¯t wrong. Its military training isn¡¯t fake, and every year, it does produce a batch of qualified soldiers for the Austrian military. About half of them go on to be junior officers.
As his ssmates put it, excellent graduates from this academy can expect to bepany or toon-level officers in the Austrian army. If they¡¯re lucky and distinguish themselves in war, they might climb a few more rungs up thedder.
To reach higher levels ofmand, however, further education is required. The Austrian military has a veryprehensive officer training system. As long as someone is capable enough, they can continue to advance through further studies.
While nomoner marshal has emerged from this system, there have been severalmoner generals. These individuals are the role models for ordinary soldiers to strive toward. Though the chances are slim, the possibility still exists.
For Morse, however, this is a disaster. The Mexican military doesn¡¯t have such a training system. The military knowledge gained here, which is limited topany and toon-levelmand skills, isn¡¯t going to be of much use.
He came here to learn military knowledge to build a strong Mexico, not to serve as a junior officer.
Yet, he chose this path himself. He could have gone to a proper military academy, but to save money, he jumped into this massive pit.
Chapter 618: The Restoration Clique
In the 19th century, those who could study abroad were naturally not ordinary people. These diploma mills were designed to exploit such individuals, so the costs were by no means low.
On the surface, the tuition seemed cheaper, but additional services all came with fees. In the end, the total expenses often exceeded those of legitimate universities.
Morse had clearly been scammed. Austria¡¯s regr universities nevercked students. At most, they recruited from the German region. Who would go out of their way to recruit in Mexico?
Not even during the reign of Maximilian I did Austria extend such privileges, so it was even less likely now. The high tuition fees for Austrian foreign students primarily stemmed from the fact that the Ministry of Education did not allocate funding for them.
It wasn¡¯t that Franz didn¡¯t understand the importance of cultivating international students, it was simply that the timing wasn¡¯t right. On one hand, the costs were too high; on the other, Austria had no intention of training futurepetitors.
This wasn¡¯t unique to Austria. Most European colonial empires followed simr policies, typically only admitting students from Europe. It wasn¡¯t that they were blind to the benefits of training international students; they just didn¡¯t see it as worthwhile.
In the original timeline, Americans educated international students to upset the global bnce while the Japanese did so for their own strategic goals¡
For now, Austria prefers recruiting students from German-speaking regions. This was partly to foster pro-Austrian sentiment, but more importantly, many of these students eventually stayed in Austria.
This differentiated treatment was essentially a way to win hearts and minds.For international students like Morse¡ªa passionate young man from Mexico¡ªthere was a high chance he would eventually return to Mexico.
The Austrian government naturally wasn¡¯t willing to spend big to train talent for other countries. Otherwise, the so-called Austrian Army and Navy Advanced Command Academy wouldn¡¯t have dared to scam him.
In truth, it wasn¡¯t exactly a scam. Austria¡¯s education system was still tightly regted, and even diploma mills were ces where some knowledge could be learned.
After graduation, while one might not achieve great sess, one would at least have enough credentials to impress others back home. Otherwise, these lecturers wouldn¡¯t be known as ¡°renowned schrs¡± in society.
The school hired them primarily because they were skilled at boasting. Whether what they said was urate or not, it was usually good enough to fool ordinary people.
While these individuals might seem unimpressive, their misfortune was being born in the wrong ce. If they had lived in the United States, many of them would likely have be congressmen, maybe even climbed their way to the presidency.
Their sess generally stemmed from two key traits: being able to talk their way through anything and having no scruples.
The circle of international students was rtively small, and it wasn¡¯t easy to meet fellow countrymen in a foreignnd. Through social gatherings, Morse had made quite a few acquaintances and even joined the Mexican International Student Mutual Aid Association.
Now that he understood the situation, it was only natural for him to seek help from them.
¡
¡°Mr. Morse, many people have experienced situations like yours. Studying in Austria is not easy, and admission to regr universities is highlypetitive.
Even if you passed the initial test beforeing to Austria, it doesn¡¯t guarantee admission; it only qualifies you to sit for the entrance exam.
In reality, the probability of passing the entrance exam on the first attempt is less than 10%. Most students need to study in Austria for several years before earning a spot at a university.
The vast majority of international students end up enrolling in vocational institutions. The Austrian Army and Navy Advanced Command Academy you¡¯re attending now is also a vocational institution, though it ranks rtively low.
You now have two options: either continue your studies until graduation or self-study and reapply to an Austrian regr university.
These universities have no age restrictions for international applicants, but the costs are significant. Each application requires a registration fee of 500 guilders.
Each institution has its own application schedule, so theoretically, you could apply to all 137 regr universities in Austria at the same time,¡± exined Brian Haig.
After hearing this, Morse was silent for a while before asking, ¡°Isn¡¯t this just extortion? Why is the registration fee so high?¡±
Brian Haig nodded helplessly, ¡°That¡¯s right, it¡¯s extortion! The schools don¡¯t take us seriously. To them, we¡¯re just a flock of cash cows.
If you don¡¯t want to take the exams, you can pay a direct admission fee of 30,000 to 100,000 guilders to enroll. Generally, liberal arts programs are cheaper, while science, engineering, and military academies cost more.¡±
There was no helping it; reality was just that harsh. Austria had implementedpulsory education for over two decades, producing over a million candidates annuallypeting for 50,000¨C60,000 spots. The quality of local applicants was guaranteed.
As for international students, their abilities varied widely. The top performers could match Austria¡¯s best students, while the weaker ones were rejected even by the higher-ranking vocational schools.
Top students are naturally weed, and free admission isn¡¯t unheard of. Even after graduation, the Austrian government might make efforts to retain them. On the other hand, underperforming students not only fail to contribute but also risk damaging the school¡¯s reputation aside from the revenue they generate.
Geniuses are always a minority and most people are average. While most students study hard, their ultimate sessrgely depends on the educational environment.
Morseined, ¡°Damn it, with so few slots for international students, why can¡¯t we take the same entrance exams as locals?¡±
Brian Haig didn¡¯t answer, fearing he might upset Morse. It wasn¡¯t umon for international students to try and obtain residency to qualify for local entrance exams. However, the oue of most of these attempts was disastrous.
Others had been studying under Austria¡¯s system for over a decade so how could one expect to match them with ast-minute effort? As for prior education back home, unfortunately, it didn¡¯t align with Austrian standards.
At this time, discrepancies between countries¡¯ textbooks were vast. It wasn¡¯t unusual for the same problem to have entirely different answers depending on where you learned.
This issue was especially pronounced in science and engineering, where rapid advancements required frequent updates to textbooks, sometimes annually.
For humanities and history, the situation was even more pronounced. Austrian schools based their content on local textbooks, meaning interpretations of historical events could starkly contradict ounts from elsewhere.
When it came to exams, Austrian schools didn¡¯t bother amodating such differences and they simply tested students ording to their standards.
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This educational gap naturally led to lower scores for international students, reinforcing the perception that they were less capable¡ªa frustrating cycle with little recourse.
Brian Haig shook his head andforted Morse, ¡°There¡¯s nothing we can do about it. Mexico is just too weak. Even with the same scores, international students from major powers are given priority for admission. But don¡¯t despair, Morse. When Mexico bes stronger, this situation will improve.¡±
Morse nodded vehemently, filled with shared indignation, ¡°Exactly! It¡¯s all because of those damn warlords! They¡¯re always fighting for power, tearing great Mexico apart!¡±
Finding a shared grievance, the two quickly hit it off and soon became good friends.
¡
After seeing Morse off, the smile on Brian Haig¡¯s face vanished. He jotted down the following in his notebook:
Morse ¡ª Male ¡ª 19 years old, patriotic and idealistic youth, progressive in thought, with a clear anti-warlord stance. His stance on monarchy remains unclear and requires further observation. Rmended for close monitoring.
He quickly put the notebook away, locked it in a drawer, and resumed his other tasks as if nothing had happened.
Indeed, Brian Haig was a member of Maximilian I¡¯s restoration clique. He wasn¡¯t alone¡ªmany Mexican international students had also joined the organization.
This wasrgely thanks to the efforts of Maximilian I¡¯s loyal followers. After arriving in Austria, these individuals had not faded into obscurity. Instead, they remained actively engaged in their mission to restore the monarchy.
Although Maximilian I had be disheartened and withdrawn, primarily focusing on fundraising, hisck of meddling allowed his followers to operate more effectively.
Europe at this time was still a stronghold of monarchies. Even in France, the cradle of revolutionary thought, monarchy remained the dominant ideology.
Against this backdrop, it was inevitable that pro-monarchist ideas would influence students studying in Europe.
Moreover, the worsening chaos in Mexico, with warlord conflicts surpassing even those of Maximilian I¡¯s era, had caused many to question the viability of a republican system.
Seizing the moment, Franz took the opportunity to rehabilitate Maximilian I¡¯s reputation, pinning the me for his failures entirely on conservatives and opportunists.
To sway these idealistic youths, Franz went as far aspiling and promoting the policies and decrees issued during Maximilian I¡¯s reign. And thus, many were convinced.
After all, Maximilian I hadn¡¯t actually done anything overtly harmful. Even though his policies had their ws, those issues werergely behind the scenes. On the surface, his actions appeared to be for the good of the country and its people.
While this narrative might not work on seasoned skeptics, it was quite effective in persuading passionate, idealistic young people.
Since the emperor¡¯s policies seemed meless and there were no allegations of decadence, the me for the country¡¯s troubles naturally fell on the conservative factions and opportunists who opposed reform.
The current chaos of warlordism in Mexico conveniently reinforced this narrative. Many people began to assume that Maximilian I, as a foreign ruler, had been isted and undermined upon his arrival, rendering him powerless against the ambitions of local factions.
No additional embellishment from Franz was needed. The restoration clique had already gathered plenty of solid evidence showing that many individuals had defied the emperor¡¯s orders.
As international students, who generally came from the upper echelons of society, absorbed this perspective, they began drawing their own conclusions, connecting the dots further.
The result was the expansion of the restoration clique. From its original 200-300 members, it had grown to over 4,000 members.
How many of them genuinely supported the emperor, and how many were simply opportunists, was difficult to determine.
Without the steady stream of funding¡ªwhich convinced outsiders that the Habsburg monarchy was still interested in backing Maximilian I¡¯s restoration¡ªthe group would likely have dwindled to just a handful of members.
Even Franz himself wasn¡¯t entirely sure whether a restoration was the right course of action. The funding for the restoration clique came only partially from Franz; Maximilian I himself raised the majority.
Despite hisckluster abilities, Maximilian I had a way of endearing himself to people. ording to Franz, both Archduke Karl and Archduchess Sophie, their mother, had essentially emptied their coffers to support Maximilian¡¯s costly restoration efforts.
If this investment failed, there was a high likelihood that Maximilian¡¯s two other brothers would face the unfortunate reality of having no inheritance to fall back on.
That said, this was a minor issue. The Habsburg family was well-educated and cultivated, unlikely to make a public spectacle over an inheritance dispute that could tarnish their reputation.
Still, the rtionship between Maximilian I and his two brothers was understandably strained. The issue wasn¡¯t purely about money¡ªnone of them were exactly poor¡ªbut about jealousy.
When parents favor one child over the others, it¡¯s natural for resentment to simmer beneath the surface. Had Maximilian I been the eldest son, this favoritism might have been easier to ept, aligning with the Germanic tradition of primogeniture.
Unfortunately, Maximilian I wasn¡¯t the eldest, and his parents¡¯ obvious bias inevitably caused discontent among his brothers. Though they masked their feelings well and maintained the appearance of harmony, Franz could see through the facade.
While Franz was fully aware of the tensions, he had no intention of addressing them. Favoritism is part of family dynamics, and there isn¡¯t always a clear right or wrong. Pretending not to notice was the best course of action as exposing the issue would only make things awkward for everyone involved.
Besides, the investment hadn¡¯t failed yet. Maximilian I may have fallen short, but he still had a son, Maximilian II, who was only a child. Perhaps this ¡°alt ount*¡± might achieve what the main one could not.
TN: *alternate ount, gaming reference.
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Chapter 619: The Canal Issue
Chapter 619: The Canal Issue
After the bnce of power was disrupted, the chaos many anticipated did not ur. The only nations actively vying for colonial territories were Britain, France, and Austria.
It wasn¡¯t that other colonial empires didn¡¯t want topete¡ªthey simplycked the strength. Most were barely able to hold onto their existing territories, let alone participate in the scramble for new ones.
With fewerpetitors, the situation was naturally more favorable. If these disputes had been resolved through negotiations, Britain, France, and Austria likely wouldn¡¯t have been able to monopolize the spoils.
The British government¡¯s seemingly reckless behavior was, in fact, the result of careful calction. At present, the only losers are the smaller nations. While they may harbor resentment, they had no choice but to swallow their discontent.
Vienna Pce
Foreign Minister Wessenberg reported, ¡°Your Majesty, news has just arrived from South America. The French are in talks with the Colombian government to revive the Panama Canal project.¡±
Franz frowned, ¡°Do we know France¡¯s true intentions?¡±
The Panama Canal has long been a troubled endeavor, with ns existing for centuries but making little progress.
As early as 1534, the Spanish conducted surveys and even built a trail to facilitate canal construction. However, the n was abandoned when war erupted in Europe.In 1814, the Spanish once again revisited the canal project, only for it to be interrupted by the outbreak of colonial uprisings.
The Republic of Colombia also proposed a canal project, but when Austria established control over Central America, the ns were shelved yet again.
From the perspective of the Republic of Colombia, the opening of the Panama Canal could indeed bring substantial economic benefits, but strategically, it would greatly increase the pressures they face.
Treasure always invites trouble.
Before the canal¡¯s construction, the Panama region held limited value and wasn¡¯t worth coveting. Once the canal bes operational, the situation will change drastically. What could the Republic of Colombia rely on to secure Panama?
Rely on the French?
That would be akin to inviting a wolf into the house. If the canal became a reality, France would undoubtedly be among those vying for control of the Panama region.
Foreign Minister Wessenberg said, ¡°At present, our intelligence is insufficient to determine France¡¯s true intentions. On the surface, it appears to be the independent initiative of capitalists, with no overt involvement from the French government. This could very well be a test.¡±
Franz nodded. This seemed to be the most reasonable exnation.
Austria had been operating in Central America for two decades, firmly entrenching its influence, which had already extended into the Panama region.
Since the French strategic failure in Mexico, their influence in the Americas had plummeted, making it nearly impossible for them topete with Austria.
While the prospect of building the Panama Canal offered immense benefits, it also carried significant risks. If Austria decided to deploy its military and seize the Panama region, the French investment would likely suffer a massive loss, if not be entirely worthless.
After some thought, Franz remarked, ¡°No matter what the French are nning, we will ignore them. If the canal project is initiated, we will fabricate an excuse to dere war on Colombia and directly take over the Panama region.¡±
Under Franz¡¯s ¡°butterfly effect,¡± the international situation had bepletely unrecognizable. The advantage of familiarity with historical events had long since vanished.
Without the benefit of foresight, the only option was to adapt to changing circumstances. Whatever France¡¯s intentions, one thing was certain: ensuring the Panama Canal never bes operational is the right course of action.
¡
Since the French proposed opening the Panama Canal, President Aquileo Parra G¨®mez of the Republic of Colombia has been gued with headaches.
The immense economic value that the Panama Canal could bring was obvious to him. But the prerequisite was that Colombia had the strength to secure it.
Austria¡¯s infiltration into Colombia was no secret, especially in the Panama region, where thergest demographic group was German immigrants.
With so many local coborators, should war break out, the Panama region would likely fall within days. Everyone was aware of this underlying threat, but no one dared address it.
The Republic of Colombia was mired in internal strife, having gone through twelve presidents in the past thirteen years, averaging almost one president per year.
Originally, President Aquileo Parra G¨®mez had no ns to deal with this issue. The fact that Austria hadn¡¯t yet targeted them was already a stroke of luck. Who would dare provoke trouble?
However, the arrival of the French exposed this buried problem. Domestic capitalists were enthusiastically promoting the benefits of opening the Panama Canal, paying no mind to the apanying risks.
Of course, from the standpoint of the capitalists, opening the Panama Canal was indeed advantageous. Even if the Panama region were lost, it wouldn¡¯t stop them from conducting business.
Colombian capitalists were not purely local nationalists andpradors dominated, with influences from Britain, France, Austria, the United States, and Spain all present.
Aquileo Parra G¨®mez said, ¡°Mr. Nino, I cannot approve your canal proposal. Unless your government can convince the Austrians, we cannot restart the Panama Canal project. It is a matter of our territorial and strategic security.¡±
Nino smiled faintly, ¡°Mr. President, the Austrians are pressing aggressively and have already infiltrated the Panama region. Don¡¯t you want to free yourself from the Austrian threat?
Once the Panama Canal is opened, your country will have the canal as a bargaining chip. The major European powers won¡¯t sit idly by and let Austria control this golden waterway.
By introducing the involvement of various powers, even if Austria wanted to act, they would have to consider the positions of the other European nations.
The Austrian government isn¡¯t reckless. A single Panama Canal isn¡¯t enough to make them take such risks. The danger isn¡¯t as great as you imagine.¡±
No matter how much Nino tried to persuade him, Aquileo Parra G¨®mez remained unmoved. No matter how enticing the French made it sound, it was nothing but castles in the air.
Indeed, once the Panama Canal was opened, other powers might prevent Austria from monopolizing the canal, but that didn¡¯t mean they would let the Republic of Colombia control it either.
And let¡¯s not forget, wasn¡¯t all this French effort aimed at securing the dominant role over the Panama Canal for themselves?
Aquileo Parra G¨®mez was well aware of Colombia¡¯s limitations. Given its strength, the Republic of Colombia would have no way to gain control over the canal, nor even im much economic benefit from it.
Without sufficient benefits, why take the risk? Austria wasn¡¯t an easy target. If they provoked the Austrian government and it retaliated by crushing them, what would they do then?
In these times, might makes right and weakness is a sin. Aquileo Parra G¨®mez certainly didn¡¯t believe the French would go to war with Austria over Colombia¡¯s interests.
Aquileo Parra G¨®mez said, ¡°Mr. Nino, that is merely your personal judgment and does not represent the positions of the governments of European nations.
The Panama Canal is still only a theoretical concept. We have sent people to conduct surveys, and it is far from simple to dig arge canal in Panama.
Your country has excavated the Suez Canal, so you should understand the difficulty of such a project. The conditions in Panama are even worse and would require massive investments.
Without Austria¡¯s consent, this canal might never be navigable if they chose to interfere. European countries would not oppose Austria over an unnavigable canal. Even your nation might not be willing to support us in such a scenario.¡±
This was the crux of the issue: the value of the Panama Canal could only be realized after it became operational. At this stage, when nothing yet existed, hoping to win support through rhetoric alone was an insult to everyone¡¯s intelligence.
The Panama region wasn¡¯t the only ce in Central America where a canal could be dug. However,pared to other locations, Panama offered the narrowestnd passage.
This was its advantage, but it also came with disadvantages. For instance, Panama was rife with venomous insects, which would pose a severe threat to the safety of the workers.
In this era, human lives might be cheap, but widespread casualties would still increase costs significantly.
These issues might not have been apparent to the French, but they were impossible to hide from the local power, the Republic of Colombia. Otherwise, Colombia wouldn¡¯t have given up on developing this golden waterway themselves.
Nino realized that trying to get something for nothing was out of the question. Without substantial benefits, it would be difficult to gain the cooperation of the Colombian government.
¡°Mr. President, if your nation grants us the rights to develop the canal, these problems will no longer be issues.
You can rest assured. Given the immense investment required for the canal project, we would never risk wasting our own funds.
As a return, we are willing to persuade the Banque de Paris to provide your nation with an interest-free loan of 100 million francs to help you weather the economic crisis.¡±
Aquileo Parra G¨®mez¡¯s face darkened. This was no offer of assistance. It was clearly an attempt to exploit their situation and strike while the iron was hot.
Following the spread of the economic crisis, European countries such as Britain, France, and Austria flooded overseas markets with their surplus goods at low prices. South America was among the hardest-hit regions, and the Republic of Colombia was no exception.
Chapter 620: Dominance
Taking advantage of the situation wasn¡¯t so easy, especially when it involved national strategic security. President Aquileo Parra G¨®mez dared not make a hasty decision.
¡°Apologies, Mr. Nino. If the safety of the Panama region cannot be guaranteed, we will not restart the canal project.¡±
¡
Unable to reach an agreement, Nino frowned as he left. He was certain that President Aquileo Parra G¨®mez had been tempted when the loan was discussed, but ultimately, he still refused the negotiations.
Indeed, the 100 million francs of interest-free loans were not the French bottom line but merely a bait. Unfortunately, the Colombian government didn¡¯t bite.
After exiting the presidential pce, Nino climbed into a luxurious carriage and instructed the driver, ¡°To the French Embassy.¡±
The earlier experience made it clear: without official involvement, the Colombian government would not take the risk.
Since tasting the benefits of the Suez Canal, the French financial sector had be keen on canal projects. After careful consideration, they ultimately chose the Panama Canal.
Nino was the executor of the Panama Canal project. He had initially believed that convincing the Colombian government to restart the canal during an economic crisis would be easy. However, he hadn¡¯t expected to fail even at obtaining authorization.Now, he had no choice but to seek government assistance. Deep down, Nino was reluctant to involve the French government because it meant more people would want a share of the pie.
While the economic crisis was a disaster for many, it was also a feast of capital for a select few.
Having feasted, it was now time to digest. Limited resources and frequent protests made domestic investment in France less appealing, with returns being far too low.
Without the indemnity from the original timeline¡¯s Franco-Prussian War, France¡¯s capital surplus was even more pronounced, and the empire of high-interest loans was emerging.
Loans weren¡¯t handed out recklessly. For instance, in cases like Russia, which dared to default on debts, the French financial sector wouldn¡¯t risk lending them money.
High-quality clients were few, and capital surplus had be a shared problem for both British and French financial sectors. The Panama Canal project, however, was undoubtedly a promising endeavor with a bright future.
French capitalists weren¡¯t monolithic. They had long been divided into factions, withplex and intertwined rtionships. If the government didn¡¯t intervene, they would monopolize the project.
Now that government involvement was needed, it meant that major domestic aristocrats and even royal capital would get involved, reducing the share of profits for everyone.
Nino was well aware that monopolizing such a massive project was highly unlikely. In the future, the French government would inevitably need to provide support and protection for the venture.
This was simr to entrepreneurship. The earliest participants in a project secured the founder¡¯s shares, whileter entrants represented funding rounds.
The former could acquirerge amounts of shares with minimal capital investment, while thetter had to consider paying a premium to obtain a stake.
Unquestionably, acquiring canal authorization marked the first surge in thepany¡¯s valuation. Before that, this empty shell canalpany was just a ceholder.
¡
French Ambassador Tom said, ¡°Mr. Nino, your n is overly ambitious. You have no real understanding of Colombia. The political situation in this country is extremely unstable.
Perhaps you¡¯ll reach an agreement with them today, but tomorrow there could be a new government. In my three years here, Bogot¨¢ has seen thirteen coups where three seeded, and ten failed.
Based on Colombia¡¯s history, I¡¯ve done the math. From 1830 to now, they¡¯ve changed presidents 31 times, with an average government tenure of less than a year and a half.¡±
Nino shook his head, ¡°Ambassador, the instability of Colombia¡¯s government has nothing to do with us. Do you think they would dare to deny the agreements they¡¯ve signed with us?¡±
Nino had no interest in Colombia¡¯s political turmoil. During this era, most South American countries were politically unstable, but no matter how often governments changed, no one dared to infringe on the interests of the great powers.
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To him, Tom¡¯s words seemed like a way to inte his own importance, trying to prove his value and secure a share of the benefits.
French Ambassador Tom frowned, ¡°Mr. Nino, it¡¯s not as simple as you think. While they might not dare to openly deny agreements signed by previous governments, they can make the terms effectively void.
Without cooperation from the locals, are you certain the Panama Canal could operate smoothly? Don¡¯t forget how muchbor the Suez Canal required.
If you have to hire workers from abroad, think about how much that will increase costs. You should understand the implications.
Moreover, the bigger issue isn¡¯t even the Colombian government, it¡¯s the Austrians.
In recent years, Austria has been increasingly infiltrating Colombia, particrly the Panama region, where half the poption is of German descent.
France might be able to intimidate the Colombian government, but it won¡¯t scare Austria. If you don¡¯t handle these issues properly, once you¡¯ve dug the canal, Austria might swoop in to reap the rewards.
All it would take is a well-orchestrated coup, and Panama could be an Austrian colony. Then, your canal would be on Austrian territory. Are you sure you¡¯d still retain control over it?¡±
Nino¡¯s face changed dramatically. If the canal ended up being built on Austrian colonial territory, forget about retaining control, recovering the investment costs would be questionable.
After pausing to collect himself, Nino asked, ¡°If Austria¡¯s influence here is so great, why hasn¡¯t the Colombian government taken any action?¡±
French Ambassador Tom shook his head, ¡°It¡¯s not that the Colombian government hasn¡¯t acted, it¡¯s that every government that dared to act was overthrown.
Right now, multiple warlord factions in Colombia are receiving Austrian support. If the government dares to make any rash moves, they¡¯ll be removed from power immediately.¡±
It wasn¡¯t just Austria supporting proxies, France also had its representatives in the region. However, Austria¡¯s Central American colonies were much closer, giving it a geographical advantage that allowed it to dominate.
The word ¡°cooperation¡± briefly shed through Nino¡¯s mind. However, given Austria¡¯s overwhelming local power, any coboration would likely see control of the canal falling entirely into Austrian hands.
The financial capitalists backing Nino weren¡¯t just after a canal, they wanted the broader benefits it would bring.
Controlling this golden waterway would mean controlling the economic lifeline of much of the Americas. With the canal as a hub, French capitalists could extend their reach into countless industries.
Anyone who dared refuse their investments would face retaliation. Even a minor blockade at the canal could ruin a business.
This would be especially devastating for shippingpanies operating on Pacific routes, leaving them with no room for resistance.
The French financial world was ying a grand chess game. If the n seeded, they would control the economic lifelines of multiple countries in the Americas.
After hesitating for a moment, Nino promised, ¡°Ambassador, what solutions do you have to address our current problem? Rest assured, we would never let a friend suffer losses. Once this is sessful, there will definitely be generous rewards. We¡¯ve always believed you have the potential to be France¡¯s Foreign Minister.¡±
This was a tant temptation. Not only money but also a promise of support for his career, suggesting he could rise to the position of Foreign Minister.
Of course, thetter was just an empty promise. While the capital forces backing Nino were substantial, they didn¡¯t have the power to dictate the appointment of a Foreign Minister.
Their ¡°support¡± would merely amount to helping build momentum and increasing the likelihood of sess.
Tom¡¯s heart leaped with joy but quickly returned to reality. While the promised rewards were enticing, the task itself wasn¡¯t easy.
He replied candidly, ¡°Mr. Nino, for the canal project to proceed smoothly, it would be best to bring Austria on board. Given our current capabilities,pleting this task alone will be very difficult.
Of course, finding other partners is also an option. If the British were willing to go all in, a joint effort between our two countries might seed, but the price we¡¯d have to pay would be much greater.¡±
Upon hearing this, Nino¡¯s brow furrowed, and his expression turned grim.
France¡¯s power in the Americas was insufficient topete with these two rivals. Whether partnering with Austria or the British to develop the canal, France would not hold the dominant position.
Without control, merely receiving a share of the canal¡¯s profits, even though the returns would still be good, it was not worth the immense effort they were putting in.
After a moment of silence, Nino said, ¡°Ambassador, this matter is significant, and I must report it to my superiors. Let¡¯s temporarily set aside the idea of joint development.
For now, we need your help to secure canal development authorization from the Colombian government as quickly as possible.¡±
¡°No problem. Supporting enterprises in overseas endeavors and securing maximum benefits for France is my duty,¡± replied French Ambassador Tom.
¡
Leaving the embassy, Nino felt even more conflicted. Based on the current situation, the original n was no longer feasible, and now he had to seek partners to share the burden.
The most suitable options, Britain and Austria, were ruled out first, leaving few remaining choices for potential coborators.
Spain was barely a possibility, given its notable presence in the Caribbean. However, Spain was already in decline, and even a Franco-Spanish alliance might not be enough to intimidate Austria.
Moreover, the political implications needed to be considered. If France and Spain aligned, it would trigger rm across Europe, with Britain likely being the first to react.
The French government would not risk driving Britain and Austria closer together just to promote the Panama Canal project. Without the French government¡¯s backing, the n stood no chance of sess.
Aside from these options, the only other influential powers in the Americas were the United States of America (Union) and the Confederate States of America.
Bringing these two countries on board seemed like a viable solution, but it was impossible.
By now, the enmity between the Union and the Confederacy was irreconcble. If their governments dared to cooperate, they would face usations of treason at home.
On the international stage, whatever the Union supported, the Confederacy opposed, and vice versa. For the sake of political correctness, both sides opposed each other purely out of principle. Aligning with one would inevitably put them in opposition to the other.
This division was precisely what Britain, France, and Austria sought to maintain. The animosity between the Union and the Confederacy was fueled not just by their own history but also by the covert maneuvering of these three powers.
Furthermore, neither the Union nor the Confederacy would join blindly. Without sufficient incentives, they wouldn¡¯t even consider it.
Undoubtedly, these benefits would have toe from the canalpany. Dilution of shares would be inevitable, and the proportion would not be small. They might even have to give up some control.
Essentially, the Panama Canal project was a scheme to fleece the countries of the Americas.
The more Nino thought about it, the more his head ached. Given the current circumstances, securing control of the Panama Canal seemed an incredibly difficult task.
Chapter 621: Journey to America
In the era of imperialism, embassies of the major powers often doubled as intelligence-gathering outposts. After sending off Nino, Ambassador Tom got busy reviewing relevant intelligence reports.
There was no choice. France¡¯s interests in Colombia were limited, and in diplomatic affairs, Colombia ranked very low on the priority list.
Being posted as an ambassador here was essentially a sinecure, a role where one could coast along idly. Over time, Ambassador Tom had growncent. Even though intelligence was collected, whether he bothered to review it depended entirely on his mood.
Now, however, obtaining the development rights to the Panama Canal from the Colombian government required understanding the opponent¡¯s weaknesses.
As time ticked by, Tom gained a general understanding of Colombia¡¯s recent developments.
As for more detailed intelligence? Unfortunately, with the embassy¡¯s limited budget, conducting in-depth investigations wasn¡¯t feasible. The information gathered so far was essentially on par with what one could read in the newspapers.
After putting down the intelligence reports, Ambassador Tom furrowed his brow. Clearly, the information on hand wasn¡¯t what he was hoping for.
¡°Dissev, bring me the intelligence on Austrian activities in Colombia and anything rted to the Panama Canal project,¡± he ordered.
Secretary Dissev replied calmly, ¡°Ambassador, we only have intelligence on Austrian activities. The Panama Canal project isn¡¯t within our current intelligence-gathering scope.If needed, we could acquire publicly avable data from the Colombian government within a week, but for in-depth information, additional funding would be required.¡±
Ambassador Tom¡¯s expression darkened. While the French government was wealthy, the French embassy in Colombia was impoverished.
This was evident from the embassy¡¯s staffposition, which totaled fewer than ten people, including a cleaner, a cook, and two guards.
In this era of limitedmunication, foreign ambassadors wielded significant authority, including hiring local staff as part of their duties.
The small number of embassy personnel was primarily due to insufficient operating funds. Otherwise, Ambassador Tom wouldn¡¯t have minded hiring a few more staff members.
Ack of money meant many tasks couldn¡¯t be aplished, such as intelligence gathering, which had to focus selectively on priorities, while secondary intelligence was abandoned.
Under normal circumstances, Colombia¡¯s canal project wouldn¡¯t involve France. The French influence in the region was minimal, leaving no opportunity to benefit from such endeavors.
The current situation, however, was clearly abnormal. Internally, Ambassador Tom couldn¡¯t help but grumble at the recklessness of the capitalists, who seemed to act without considering the realities.
Nevertheless, for the sake of money, having already made a promise, Ambassador Tom intended to keep it. That was part of his professional integrity.
¡°No problem. I¡¯m authorizing a special budget of 10,000 francs. You must quickly investigate and gather detailed information on Colombia¡¯s canal project.¡±
Secretary Dissev was puzzled. This sudden generosity was uncharacteristic of the ambassador he knew.
In Dissev¡¯s impression, Ambassador Tom was usually as frugal as possible. Especially when it came to the intelligence department, not a single professional spy was employed, and embassy staff had to gather intelligence themselves.
Ten thousand francs might not be a massive amount, but for the intelligence department, it was record-breaking.
Over the past three years, the total budget for all intelligence activities at the embassy had been less than five thousand francs.
You get what you pay for. With such limited funding, expectations for results were naturally low. Most of the time, the intelligence reports consisted of notes from newspapersbined with gossip overheard at banquets,piled into something that would pass as apleted assignment.
While puzzled, Dissev had no intention of questioning further. Regardless of the reason, his priority was securing the funds first.
¡°As you wish, Ambassador. Within three days, you¡¯ll have the relevant materials.¡±
Money makes things easier. As soon as the funding was allocated, efficiency instantly improved.
Having spent years in Colombia, Dissev had already built a solidwork of connections. Moreover, the Colombian government was like a sieve,pletelycking any sense of confidentiality. Getting hold of some unimportant intelligence was remarkably easy.
If one were willing to throw money around, it would even be possible to bring out original documents. However, Dissev had no intention of spending extravagantly.
Given his position, obtaining ess to non-critical information was as simple as visiting the Colombian government archives directly.
If anyone dared refuse him, he¡¯d create trouble and spark a diplomatic incident. It was a tried-and-true tactic, as the Colombian government was particrly fearful of international disputes.
¡
Nino¡¯s background was modest, belonging to the middle ss at best. To climb the socialdder, he had worked tirelessly. For him, the canal project was a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity.
The powerful figures behind the scenes had promised that if he could handle the preliminary work and convince all parties to restart the canal project, he would be the first president of the canalpany, overseeing the excavation and operations of the canal.
This promise carried significant credibility. People of influence would not go back on such a rtively minormitment, and there was already a precedent: the first president of the Suez Canal Company.
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High rewards naturallye with high difficulty. If this task were easy, it wouldn¡¯tmand such a price.
Analyzing the avable data, Nino quickly realized that the Panama Canal was of little importance to the Confederate States, as their coastline was primarily concentrated on the eastern seaboard.
On the contrary, the United States of America, with territory spanning both east and west coasts, is busy building railways to strengthen trade andmerce.
Opening the Panama Canal would shorten the distance between the Antic and Pacific Oceans, bringing immense economic and strategic value to the United States.
In an era where national rtionships were dictated by interests, the United States¡¯ interests clearly aligned with the canal project, making it the ideal partner for coboration.
After much deliberation, Nino concluded that an alliance between France, the United States, and Spain to counter Austria in Colombia had a high chance of sess.
Compared to partnering with Britain and Austria, a coalition with the United States and Spain was more likely to ensure French dominance. Even if problems arose, France had the strength to impose its will.
After sending a telegram to the country exining the situation, Nino wasted no time. He boarded a ship to the United States, determined to bring them into the fold.
¡
The United States suffered a devastating blow from its defeat in the Civil War, with the federal government on the verge of bankruptcy. The financial groups that supported the government during the war naturally suffered significant losses.
After the war, the prestige of the federal government was severely diminished, and individual states began to act independently, with local protectionism bing widespread. In the original timeline, a few financial conglomerates dominated the scene, but now it has evolved into andscape of fiercepetition among numerous yers.
Nino faced a daunting task this time. Not only did he need to persuade the federal government, but he also had to secure the support of these capitalists.
Despite its weakened state, the Morgan financial group, once the king of Wall Street, remained the leading financial entity in the Union though its influence was no longer as overwhelming as in the original timeline.
To demonstrate hismitment, Nino chose the Morgan estate as the first stop on his mission.
¡
¡°Mr. Nino, I admit that what you¡¯re saying makes sense. The opening of the Panama Canal would indeed benefit the U.S. economy, but what¡¯s in it for us?¡± Morgan asked directly.
Morgan showed little interest in this unexpected visitor. Based on his knowledge, no such figure existed in the French financial world. If it weren¡¯t for the rmendation from the French ambassador, he would have assumed he was dealing with a fraud.
Nino smiled slightly, put down his coffee, and calmly replied, ¡°I¡¯ve heard that local protectionism is rampant in your country, and the Morgan financial group has faced considerable challenges in recent years.
If the Panama Canal is opened, that will change. Trade between the East and West coasts will inevitably flourish. Once the Morgan financial group has a voice in the canal, why worry about other businesses not cooperating?¡±
It was an empty promise. If the canal¡¯s control were secured, achieving such influence wouldn¡¯t be difficult.
But the problem was, with the limited strength of the U.S., on what basis would the Morgan financial group gain control of the canal after its opening?
Just because they have money?
Unfortunately, at this time, French financial groups had far more resources. On the European continent, the Morgan financial group was at best a second-tier entity.
Without control, as a minor shareholder, they would be lucky to receive dividends. If they tried to disrupt things, they might not even get that.
In that case, not only would they fail to exploit other businesses, but the Morgan financial group itself might have to ept French capital investments, further losing its autonomy.
Morgan shook his head and said, ¡°Mr. Nino, this matter is too significant, and relying solely on us won¡¯t make it happen. We would need to form alliances with others. But the more participants there are, the less influence we¡¯ll have.
If I may ask bluntly, how much equity are you willing to offer? If it¡¯s too little, there¡¯s no need to waste anyone¡¯s time.¡±
Nino hesitated for a moment before giving what he believed to be a generous offer, ¡°Developing the Panama Canal involves many nations. We must have multiple partners. The United States can receive up to 21% of the equity.¡±
Developing the Panama Canal required cooperation from the local power yers. No matter what, the Colombian government would need a share. Spain would also need to be brought on board with its own portion.
From the French perspective, maintaining control of the canal meant holding over half the equity. This left only a small fraction to be divided among the other three nations.
In reality, this was just an optimistic figure. If other European nations¡¯ capital got involved, further shares would need to be allocated.
That 21% was essentially an empty promise. In the end, the U.S. would likely receive even less equity, and after an IPO, their stake would be further diluted.
Morgan waved dismissively and said, ¡°Apologies, Mr. Nino. Morgan will not be participating in this venture.
With only 21% equity, it is impossible to persuade all parties. The risks we would need to bear are entirely disproportionate to the rewards.
As I understand it, Austria has been very attentive to the Panama region and has a significant immigrant poption there. They could take control of Panama at any time.
If Panama were to fall into Austrian hands, our investments would have no protection. Is your country prepared to go to war with Austria to safeguard our interests?¡±
Nino frowned slightly and said, ¡°Mr. Morgan, the likelihood of such a scenario urring is very small. The Panama Canal involves the interests of four parties: Colombia, Spain, France, and your country.
If the four nations join forces, the resources we can bring to bear in the Panama region would not be any weaker than Austria¡¯s.
The Austrian government is not reckless. Even if they harbor ambitions for the Panama region, they would not act rashly without assurance of sess.¡±
Nino avoided making any empty promises. Everyone at the table was well aware of the realities, and attempting to deceive Morgan would be futile.
If he were to im, ¡°France will protect everyone¡¯s investments,¡± Morgan would likely dismiss him outright.
As a representative of a capitalist interest, Nino had no authority to speak on behalf of the French government.
Even though France¡¯s capitalists were powerful, their influence was far from sufficient to dictate national policy on a whim.
Not now, and even at the peak of corporate influence, financial groups could only influence government decisions, not make them outright.
Chapter 622 - 195: Capital Operation
Paris, within a luxurious club not open to the public, several titans of the French financial world gathered together.
A kindly-looking old man asked with a chuckle, "I heard that little Nino ran into some trouble, how is he now, has hepleted the task?"
If you weren¡¯t familiar with him, you¡¯d never know that this benign-looking elder was the biggest bloodsucker in the French financial sector.
The most frightening thing was that, no matter the circumstance, he always had a chuckling demeanor, even whenmitting murder.
"Enough, Old Duke, save that look, we¡¯re all old acquaintances here, who doesn¡¯t know whom? Acting every day, aren¡¯t you tired? We¡¯re all fed up watching."
Thement came from Dumas, who often shed with him due to conflicting interests.
Conflict aside, it didn¡¯t stop everyone from coborating to make money. For the sake of the Panama Canal project, they were all sitting together again.
To prevent the esction of conflict, Bales, the host of this meeting, decisively steered the conversation back to business, "Gentlemen, the matter at hand is more pressing. Let¡¯s discuss the canal project first."
"We all understand the Suez Canal; originally thought to be a loss-maker, the project recouped its entire investment in less than seven years after opening.
Now, it provides a handsome return to investors every year, and the revenue continues to grow with the expansion of overseas trade. Unless something unexpected urs, this revenue is expected tost for centuries."
Of course, that¡¯s an exception. The Mediterranean¡¯s unique geography is not found just anywhere, and replicating the sess of the Suez Canal is nearly impossible.
"The Panama Canal should be the closest thing to the Suez Canal. Once opened, it will shorten the distance between the East and West Pacific significantly, and the profits are readily imaginable."
Old Duke shook his head, "It¡¯s not that simple. The Panama Canal is different from the Suez Canal, politically, weck support.
The Austrians do not wish to see the canal opened, the British, too, and even the Paris Government might not support the opening of the Panama Canal.
You should understand why. The major beneficiaries of the Suez Canal were the Mediterranean countries, with both France and Austria profiting, which is why they pushed the project forward despite British pressure for strategic reasons.
But what about the Panama Canal? The primary beneficiary is the United States of America, followed by the Republic of Colombia, and other American countries will gain to some extent.
But the profits for Ennd, France, and Austria are too minimal; aside from the canal itself, France has almost no gain.
The area of Austria in Central America is notrge, and their transport needs can be met with railways; without this demand, they would have taken matters into their own hands and dug the canal themselves, just as a canal could be cut through the Nicaragua region.
And as for British-Canada, with its vastnds and scarce poption, there simply aren¡¯t enough goods to transport.
In the eyes of politicians, starting such a project, which indiscriminately benefits others, might not be worth it.
As for the profits of the canal, I¡¯m sorry, but I don¡¯t believe the Panama Canal can catch up to the Suez Canal.
Looking at the economy of America, the number of ships passing through annually might not even match the number of ships from just one of ourpanies that pass through the Suez Canal.
If the economies of the American countries developter on, perhaps it could turn a profit. But if we go by the current situation, this project is almost guaranteed to be a loss."
This was the reality. There were indeed hidden interests behind the Panama Canal, but these were not what governments could get their hands on.
Compared to the high investment, merely collecting tolls for passage ¨C the canal, in this era, would indeed be a tremendous loss; otherwise, in the original timeline, it would not have waited until before World War I to open.
Without government involvement and facing sabotage from other countries, it would be odd if the Panama Canal managed to open smoothly.
Bales smiled slightly, "Whether the Panama Canal makes money or can be opened, what does it have to do with us?
As long as the outside world believes this project has great potential, just like the current Suez Canal ¨C that it can make a fortune ¨C that¡¯s enough.
I¡¯ve made a preliminary estimate. If this project gets under way, it could move ten to twenty billion francs in capital. And if we include peripheral gains, that figure can be even higher.
We just need to bite off a piece of the action ¨C whether the canal n seeds or fails, we¡¯ll leave it to God to decide."
Everyone began calcting how much they could profit. There was no doubt that this was a colossal swindle, but this was also the most basic operation of capital. If they didn¡¯t conjure a dream, how would investors be willing to fall into the trap?
For financial capital, the sess or failure of a project was never a concern. As long as they could get it listed, they could reap a substantial return; long-term management was never a problem they needed to consider.
Old Duke nodded in agreement, "You make a good point; we are not God, how could we know if the Panama Canal project will be a sess?
I think it¡¯s better to secure the canal rights as soon as possible, then proceed to get it listed."
If it¡¯s possible, it would be best to bring Anglo-Austrian capital into this. Only by erging the cake, can we secure the most delicious slice for ourselves.
Especially on the Austrian side, someone must lobby the Vienna Government, at the very least to dy their intervention."
Bales, "This is precisely why I¡¯ve summoned everyone here. For a project of this magnitude, there are too many rtionships that need to be coordinated. Only through sincere cooperation can we achieve sess."
Clearly, this was not as simple as it appeared on the surface; just another Panama Canal project, truly not warranting such a conglomerate of French financial tycoons.
Once the bubble has been inted, it¡¯s no longer just about the canal project. It will involve maritime transport, manufacturing, banking...
Perhaps when the project kicks off, it will herald a new bull market; and when the project copses, the stock market crash will erupt.
...
There are indeed many shrewd individuals, and Morgan in New York, with his keen financial market acumen, swiftly noticed that something was amiss.
The building of the Panama Canal simply does not require the United States of America¡¯s involvement; even if it did, besides providing money, there¡¯s nothing they could do.
With the Federal government beset with internal conflicts and weak, it simply does not have the capacity to marshal the true strength of the nation. Moreover, with the United States lurking with rapacious intent, they dare not make any rash move.
Were it to trulye to a head with Austria, the Federal government would be left with nothing but protests and would be powerless to do anything else. Without government intervention, what can these consortia do? Organize mercenaries to defend the Panama area?
Morgan wasn¡¯t underestimating himself, the consortium¡¯s power was indeed significant, but it depended on the context. If it were to organize mercenaries to frontally confront a major power, it was likely that they would die a very miserable death.
It wasn¡¯t just the United States; Spain wasn¡¯t faring much better either. It appeared that Spain held considerable sway in the Caribbean Sea, but in reality, its colonies in the area had long been the object of the United States¡¯ covetous gaze.
Theck of action on their part was partly due to fear of the power of Ennd, France, and Austria, worried about bing the target of animosity from the European nations; on the other hand, it was due to mutual restraint with the United States, where making a rash move would likely give the enemy an opportunity to exploit.
Even if the Panama Canal were a lucrative opportunity, the Spaniards could not afford to offend Austria at this time and draw significant trouble upon themselves.
Let¡¯s not even talk about the Southeast Asian region¡¯s Philippines lying under Austria¡¯s watchful eye. The Spaniards¡¯ ability to hold onto this territory relies on the good diplomatic rtions between the two, not so-called military power.
Since both potential allies are unreliable, the French¡¯s intention to involve them makes the issue quite apparent.
Having surmised the truth, it even reinforced Morgan¡¯s resolve to coborate with the French. Money thates knocking at one¡¯s door should not be turned away; as for who would eventually scheme against whom, that would be a matter of tactics.
It should be known that the Morgan consortium had reached its current scale precisely by exploiting the British during their misfortune; if they could scheme against the British, then certainly, scheming against the French naturally had no pressure.
...
At the Vienna Pce, Franz hesitated as he examined the intelligence in his hands, unsure if he should cooperate with these consortia.
Looking strictly from a profit standpoint, he saw no reason to refuse. The benefits promised by the French were quite substantial.
Yet to proceed would be to break his bottom line. While the royal consortium also engaged in financial operations, it had never yed any such monumental scams.
After much hesitation, Franz reached a decision, "Tell those below that we can cooperate with the French, but the Panama Canal cannot be listed in Austria. They can decide on their own whether to participate beyond that point."
Moneyid before our door should not be ignored; as long as we do not allow the Panama Canal Company to be listed in Austria, even if there¡¯s an impact, the consequences will not be too severe.
If investors rush to buy stocks, then they deserve to be fleeced.
The Austrian Securities Regtory Commission is quite strict, and apany with not a single feather to its name simply cannot pass the listing review unless it¡¯s backed by the government.
Franz did not believe that the Vienna Government would vouch for the Panama Canal. The higher-ups in the government are acutely aware that unless Austria changes its national policy, this project stands no chance of sess.
The French intention to draw the Austrian consortium into the fray was primarily to keep Vienna from causing trouble; listing in Austria was never really in their ns.
The reason is straightforward. ording to the newest securities regtions set by the Vienna Government: apany listed in Austria must meet strict performance requirements, which, unless it is a government-approved project, must be continuously profitable for three years, exceeding 100,000 Divine Shield.
No matter how the Panama Canal project is maneuvered, capitalists couldn¡¯t possibly produce financial statements of continuous three-years profits prior to the canal¡¯s navigation.
Of course, the benefits are not so easily attained. There are definitely additional conditions; wanting to make money without effort is impossible. What exactly needs to be done requires further negotiations to determine, and that no longer concerns Franz.
Input and yield are proportional; as this n was orchestrated by the French, they naturally stand to reap the major share. Other participants will divide the spoils ording to their contributions.
This is only a preliminary distribution intention; how much profit can actually be secured, in reality, it stilles down to tactics. Capital is always bloodstained, andpetition is omnipresent.
Chapter 623 - 196, Human Nature
In 1877, Ennd, France, and Austria eachunched expansionary wars on the African Continent, engulfing Sudan, Ethiopia, and the Somalia Penins in warfare.
Compared to the sweeping advances of France and Austria, the British encountered trouble. The famous "Warrior Emperor" became a nightmare for the British Army.
Due to underestimating the enemy and acting rashly, the British Army was ambushed shortly after the outbreak of war and suffered heavy losses.
Looking at the battle report in his hands, British Armymander Ismail trembled with anger. Less than a month into the war, over five thousand troops had been lost. The losses among the colonial troops could be overlooked, but a British Infantry Regiment had also been decimated.
"Idiots, all of you are idiots!"
"You can¡¯t even defeat a bunch of natives; you¡¯vepletely disgraced Britannia. What use is it for the country to keep you?"
...
A young military officer bravely tried to exin, "General, the natives of Ethiopia are extraordinary. They too possess modernized weapons and have undergone formal military training."
"p!"
Ismail mmed the table furiously and cursed, "It must be those Austrians and the low-down French doing this, no one else could be so shameless!"
Everyone refrained from broaching the subject, knowing full well that it was the British who first helped train the Ethiopian army; France and Austria had only infiltrated their influence after the previous Ethiopian war had ended.
Ethiopia had a well-trained army, and the British themselves had contributed to this. If this thin veil of deceit was pierced, the government would face significant public pressure.
ming France and Austria directly was the best course of action; it wasn¡¯t forck of effort on their part, but rather because the enemy was too "powerful."
After venting his frustrations, Ismail cooled down.
This war had been prepared for based on experiences from thest conflict. Clearly, that approach was outdated now.
Times had changed; Menelik II had fought his way to unite most regions of Ethiopia. How could an army battle-hardened like that be an easy target?
The Paris Conference had not yielded any results, and in the absence of a treaty to bind them, it was perfectly normal for France and Austria to stab them in the back.
Ismail harbored a strong suspicion that the Ethiopian army was now led by French or Austrianmanders; otherwise, how could the British have lost to natives?
After assessing the forces at his disposal, Ismail reluctantly came to the conclusion that it would be very difficult to achieve victory with the current troop levels; even if they could win, it would be a Pyrrhic victory.
If they had been fighting against the European powers, a "Pyrrhic victory" might have been eptable, but their enemies now were African natives. To achieve such a result against them would mean facing a military tribunal.
Without a doubt, in order to achieve victory, Ismail made the decisive choice to request reinforcements from home.
...
Paris, after several years of political struggles and by ying a bncing act, Napoleon IV gradually took control of the nation¡¯s power.
In this respect, the n of Napoleon III had seeded. He had used the power struggle to ensure a smooth transition of imperial power.
But with every advantagees a disadvantage; after years of political struggles, those who remained were the old foxes ustomed to politicalbat.
Having seized power, Napoleon IV couldn¡¯t simply rece all these people; internal strife became the French government¡¯s most significant problem.
Left with no choice, Napoleon IV continued the bncing act. He was powerless to stop the infighting among bureaucratic groups.
Perhaps internal strife among the bureaucracy was a good thing for the imperial power, but this was conditional on it being limited in scope.
Once the bottom line was breached, it would turn into a disaster. If everyone stabbed each other in the back, how could the state continue to develop normally?
This could be seen from France¡¯s economic development in recent years. Since the death of Napoleon III, France¡¯s economic growth rate had plummeted, with the Paris Government almostpletely inactive.
Inactivity was better than reckless action. Overall, France was stable, just that the economic growth was slow.
This was something the proud and ambitious Napoleon IV found difficult to ept. After gaining control, he began to focus on economic construction.
France¡¯s economic slowdown was due to many factors; it wasn¡¯t something the government could improve simply by wanting to.
The biggest problem was an energy crisis, with a severe shortage of coal production within the country, unable to meet the growing economic demand.
The coal shortage wasn¡¯t just domestic; even the French African colonies werecking coal. That meant they had to import, which, unsurprisingly, drove up industrial production costs.
As costs increased, marketpetitiveness naturally declined. In international trade, France¡¯s market share was rapidly dwindling.
At its peak, France once ounted for one-fifth of the total volume of global import and export trade; now, it had fallen to just 15.7 percent.
And it wasn¡¯t over; the French market share continued to fall. It might not be long before their position as the thirdrgest trading nation was in jeopardy.
Napoleon IV asked, "Are you certain that the opening of the Panama Canal will stimte the export of domestic industrial andmercial products?"
It must be said, French capitalists are indeed powerful, doing their work right up to the Emperor¡¯s ear.
Finance Minister Allen said, "Your Majesty, the situation of the Panama Canal is very simr to that of the Suez Canal. Only with the opening of the Suez Canal did we see thest round of economic prosperity.
Following the opening of the Suez Canal, domestic import and export trade grew at a rate of more than 7% for five consecutive years, greatly boosting national economic development.
Now it is the same with the Panama Canal. Once the canal opens, the journey from the Antic Ocean to the Pacific will be shortened by tens of thousands of nautical miles, which will greatly stimte the growth of domestic export trade."
Telling lies without batting an eye, it must be acknowledged, politicians indeedck integrity. The opening of the Suez Canal did indeed greatly stimte economic development in France, but the Panama Canal does not have that much of an impact.
A nce at the map shows that the greatest beneficiary of the Panama Canal is the United States of America; next is Colombia, while other countries can only pick up scraps.
It¡¯s notpletely without effect, however. If the Panama Canal had be navigable a decade earlier, it¡¯s likely that the French government wouldn¡¯t have needed to give up on Mexico.
Time can¡¯t flow backwards; now the most the Panama Canal could do is to shorten the distance to the West Coast.
In this era, considering the economic development of the West Coast of America, even if exports were stimted, this growth would be very limited.
Besides, there¡¯s thepetition from other European countries. French industrial andmercial products are losing their internationalpetitiveness, and they really can¡¯t gain much advantage.
Against this backdrop, investing heavily in the development of the Panama Canal is actually a loss-making deal for the French.
Napoleon IV shook his head, "No, my Finance Minister. You have only seen the benefits for us, but have not considered the consequences; in reality, the greatest beneficiary is not us.
A look at the map will tell you, the biggest beneficiary is the United States of America. Suppressing the development of American Countries has been themon imperial policy of Ennd, France, and Austria, with the United States especially targeted for suppression.
It is clearly stipted in the triple alliance treaty that the three countries must maintain the bnce of the American Continent, prohibiting the unteral strengthening of any one country¡¯s power.
Regardless of whether we support the United States or not, this kind of action that strengthens the power of the United States will be seen as a betrayal by Ennd and Austria. We cannot neglect long-term development for short-term gains."
Clearly, Napoleon IV was not easily cheated; such a wed argument could not deceive him.
Finance Minister Allen said, "Your Majesty, these are only the overt benefits; the underlying benefits are actually greater.
In the short term, the opening of the Panama Canal will benefit the United States the most. But the canal is under our control; as trade increases, the economic lifeline of the United States will also fall into our hands.
The benefits behind this are our greatest gain. In the future, we can use the Panama Canal to open the gates of American countries, capturing more interests for the Empire.
Developing the Panama Canal doesn¡¯t directly strengthen the power of any one country; this is merely bending the rules, and the Anglo-Austrian two countries aren¡¯t likely to make a fuss over it."
The potential benefits are indeed tempting; the world has almost been carved up already, with the remaining independent countries difficult to disturb.
Seizing benefits through economic means has be an inevitability for the future world. Controlling the economic lifeline of American Countries will undoubtedly give France an advantageous position in the next round ofpetition.
Napoleon IV asked, "How do we ensure our leading position over the Panama Canal? In the Colombian Region, whether against the British or the Austrians, we can¡¯t win thepetition!"
This is the crux of the problem; Francecks sufficient strength in Colombia to ensure control over the canal.
Ennd, France, and Austria are allies, but that is merely a union of interests. When the stakes are high, allies can turn into enemies.
If we let the Anglo-Austrian countries join the canal project, we would instantly lose our leading position. Napoleon IV would rather not undertake a project that amounts to making a wedding dress for someone else.
Finance Minister Allen said, "Your Majesty, the government doesn¡¯t have to step in for this; it would be better for private capitalists to take on the task.
Working alone with either Ennd or Austria, we won¡¯t have the leading position, but if more countries participate, the situation changes.
We may not have the leading position as the initiators, but obtaining the most significant say is not difficult.
The government only needs to..."
...
After a lot of persuasions, Finance Minister Allen finally convinced Napoleon IV. Deep down, he had already decided not to involve himself in such matters anymore; whoever wanted to could go ahead, but he was not nning to continue.
Though the profits promised by the capitalists were great, there were also significant risks involved. If Allen didn¡¯t know that Napoleon IV intended to rece him and that he wanted to secure a nice sum before retiring, he would never have cooperated with the capitalists.
Keep in mind, in public, he was a representative of the grassroots ss. Only by restoring power with Napoleon III did he achieve a dramatic reversal of life.
A politician¡¯s public persona cannot bepromised. As a representative of themon people in the government, conspiring with capitalists, if the news leaked, Allen would immediately find himself abandoned by all.
It was indeed because of this status that Allen could suggest this to Napoleon IV. If it were a minister representing capitalist interests instead, persuading him would probably not have been so easy.
Chapter 624: 197. Political Art
```
The French government¡¯s energy was far greater than that of a few capitalists. Once they received authorization from the Paris Government, Envoy Tom¡¯s confidence surged.
In less than a month, he had obtained the Panama Canal rights from the Colombian Government, paying merely an aid package in return.
It was mainly military supplies; the main reason the armed forces within Colombia did not engage was due to external pressure.
Everyone feared the outbreak of a civil war that could provide an opportunity for others to take advantage, causing the country to once again fall into colonial rule.
This fear particrly concerned neighboring Austria, as the Austrian Central American Colony already possessed military forces threatening their existence.
Given the precedents set by other Central American countries, the Colombian Government was even cautious about European immigration, lest their power be toppled from within.
With its poption already sparse and hesitant to widely wee European immigrants, Colombia¡¯s economic development was naturally slow.
Now, by granting the Panama Canal rights to the French, besides seeking material aid, they also intended to bnce Austrian power.
These were minor issues; France and Austria hardly took Colombia seriously. To maintain a bnce, one must also be capable of control, or face bacsh.
If the Panama Canal were already navigable, then for the sake of interests, France and Austria might indeede into conflict. Unfortunately, the canal only existed on paper at that time.
It was imusible for two great powers to sh over potential benefits. inly put, digging a canal needed certain conditions to be met, and if the geological conditions were unsuitable, it would not be surprising if the canal couldn¡¯t be constructed.
Everyone was highly pragmatic, considering events ten or twenty years in the future was already visionary.
Considering what might happen a hundred yearster is mere nonsense. With the world changing so rapidly, who could predict the future?
The price offered by the French was appealing, and the Vienna Government did not interfere.
The establishment of the Canal Company went smoothly, with President Nino, the scapegoat, energetically organizing personnel for the survey of the terrain.
At the Panama Canal Company Headquarters in Paris, preparations were already underway for listing thepany to raise funds. There were neither exploration reports nor design ns, yet the listing ns had already been released.
This was no joke but rather the reality. In the face of profits, these procedures are unimportant; capitalists have their ways to skirt around them.
There are many such swindles in the capital markets; the sess or failure of a project is irrelevant as long as there is money to be made.
Nino did have some capacity, or else he wouldn¡¯t have be the scapegoat. Looking at the survey report in his hands, President Nino began to feel a headacheing on.
The Panama Straits belong to a tropical marine climate, with plentiful rainfall and loose soil.
Purely from a construction standpoint, loose soil might seem beneficial, allowing easy excavation. However, for canal construction, it spelled disaster.
In President Nino¡¯s view: "Abundant rainfall + loose soil =ndslides + silt." This implied not only a rise in construction costs but also future operational costs.
Beyond that, the local jungles were teeming with poisonous insects and diseases frequently broke out, posing serious hurdles for canal construction.
"Dead men" did not concern President Nino. With the Suez Canal as a ssic example, he was well aware that the Panama Canal might note to fruition without tens of thousands of lives being lost.
The Panama Straits seemed narrower, a mere 61 kilometers, only slightly over one-third of the Suez Canal, yet the construction challenges were, in fact, greater.
Upon preliminary evaluation of the iplete data at hand, Nino reluctantly arrived at this conclusion he least wanted.
Secretary Ralph reported solemnly, "President, the embassy just informed us that the Colombian Government, citing a shortage ofbor, has refused to provide us with workers."
Everyone knew that digging the canal would result in high casualty rates, and the death of hundreds of thousands ofborers in the construction of the Suez Canal was no secret among the upper echelons.
Naturally, the Colombian Government had heard of this, and the Egyptian Government had fallen into this very pitfall, which left its people in dire straits and allowed the French to take advantage of Egypt¡¯s vulnerable state.
```
The poption of Colombia is too small, it¡¯s simply impossible for them to supply hundreds of thousands ofborers.
Conscripting nativeborers is one thing, but if they dare to use white people asborers, it¡¯s estimated that before enough workers are gathered, there would already be chaos within the country.
Nino frowned, "Contact the embassy, have them continue tomunicate with the Colombian Government. No matter what, we must have them provide a batch ofborers for emergency use.
The board of directors is trying to find cheapbor, just to get through the initial phase of the project. After that, we won¡¯t be needing them."
There¡¯s no way around it, there are too many pitfalls these days, and investors are not easy to deceive. We must start construction earlier, so we can go public sooner and raise money.
How can a project on paperpare with one that¡¯s already underway? The Panama Canal Company¡¯s stock prospectus has been exaggerated to the skies, with the board of directors urging me to start construction every day.
Secretary Ralph: "Yes, President."
Just as he was about to leave, Nino added, "Wait, report the survey data we have in hand to the board of directors.
Remember, omit the part about the potential outbreak of diseases. Even the local area could experience diseases¡ªremarks like that are something shareholders wouldn¡¯t want to see."
Without conducting a cost analysis, Nino was also aware that the canal n had already exceeded the original cost estimates. It¡¯s simply a pipedream to attempt building a canal with just a third of the Suez Canal¡¯s funds.
It was not easy to be the person in charge of this project, and Nino did not want to see the canal n fall through. If he missed this opportunity, he might never have the chance to advance further in his lifetime.
The best strategy is to get the canal project started. Once more funds are invested, capitalists would be reluctant to give up and would have no choice but to continue, regardless of the difficulties.
As for offending the powerful figures behind the scenes, Nino was not worried at all. The Panama Canal Company was going to be listed for fundraising, and those costs could be shifted onto the investors.
It¡¯s normal for work to have ws, and as long as there¡¯s a hefty return for everyone, nothing is a problem.
Nino was full of confidence in the Panama Canal project, believing that he could recoup the investment within ten years once the canal was operational.
That¡¯s just the visible profit. The hidden earnings would likely be several times the revenue from canal tolls. Such lucrative returns would be enough to quell any resentment among the shareholders.
...
In London, Prime Minister Benjamin was worrying over the war report, already bracing for what tomorrow¡¯s newspapers would say.
The Opposition Party would surely seize the opportunity to create trouble and strike at the government¡¯s prestige.
This is how everyone operates: work hard while in power, implement their political ideas, and grab whatever benefits they can; and when out of power, do everything to undermine thepetition.
In a Cab meeting, Prime Minister Benjamin threw the telegram onto the table: "This is a plea for help from that useless Ismail. The war has just begun, and we¡¯ve lost one fifth of our troops, including a whole Army corps that has been crippled.
As for the results, they are truly glorious, annihting two hundred thousand of the enemy.
I would rather believe the sun would rise from the west than believe this report is true. If they¡¯ve annihted two hundred thousand of the enemy, why the need for reinforcements? Does the enemy have several million troops?"
Exaggerating the enemy¡¯s casualties has be a chronic problem for the British Army. Especially after suffering defeats, to escape responsibility, they fabricate a glorious report.
But this time, the embellishment was a bit too much. If they had reported eight or ten thousand, the London Government might have let it slide. After all, if the lid is lifted, the government would also be criticized.
Adhering to the principle of downying major issues and glossing over minor ones, issues like these are usually quietly covered up.
Army Minister Fox said with an embarrassed look, "Prime Minister, it¡¯s possible that the signal operator made a mistake and added an extra zero.
We¡¯ve already sent people to verify it. Our losses are 5,876 men, of which three-quarters were from the Indian Colonial Army, and a total of 15,796 enemy troops were annihted, which just rounds up to twenty thousand."
This data is much more eptable. Losing a little over five thousand men while annihting nearly three times the enemy¡¯s number, that could be considered a passable result.
Chapter 625 - 198: Complex Politics
Political struggle is ruthless, and the Ethiopian War was entirely instigated by the Benjamin Cab. They dug the hole, so they must bear the responsibility to fill it in.
The British public is proud; they can tolerate defeat to any European power but cannot ept losing to African natives.
To avoid being caught by the Opposition Party and subjected to public criticism, the military¡¯s false battle reports had to be grudgingly epted by the Benjamin Cab.
"Exclude the losses of the Indian Colonial Army from the casualty numbers, and don¡¯t release the death toll yet. Spread the losses over subsequent battles.
Mobilize all our resources to guide public opinion as much as possible, keeping the impact to a minimum. If we can¡¯t control the situation, create a sensational news story to divert public attention."
Having no alternative, Benjamin did not want to be shamefacedly driven from office just after taking up the post.
After hearing Benjamin¡¯s words, Army Minister Fox said, "I apologize, Prime Minister. The battle report I just read was from the previous Anglo-Ebura war.
This one is the report sent from the front lines. After a month of bitter fighting, our forces eliminated 9,568 enemy troops at the cost of 351 dead and 1,126 wounded.
However, Ethiopia is truly vast, and France and Austria are covetously watching. In order to upy Ethiopia before France and Austria, the frontline troops are requesting 80,000 reinforcements."
Seeing the Army Minister producing another battle report, everyone was already unsurprised. In politics, it wasmon to be prepared for all kinds of strange events.
It was Fox¡¯s third term as Army Minister, and even when the Anglo-Ebura war was disastrously lost, he managed toe out unscathed. How much less would this minor defeat affect him?
If the Cab decided to pursue ountability, Fox would likely sacrifice those frontline officers; now if the Cab was preparing to assign me, naturally, Fox would help cover for them.
Benjamin¡¯s reason for choosing Fox as Army Minister was because of his adaptability.
The same battle report, when spun differently, suddenly changed the whole situation.
Even the requests for reinforcements had seemedpetent. What was originally a defeated frontline now instantaneously turned into preparations to prevent France and Austria from seizing the spoils of war.
Undoubtedly, this narrative was more eptable to the British public. Should the British Army suffer heavy losses in future battles, all excuses for facing criticism were already prepared.
No matter the defeat, just shift the me to France and Austria, and the London Government¡¯s responsibility would be greatly reduced.
Even the Opposition Party would have nothing to say. The British Army was only so strong; the main force of the colonies was the cannon fodder army, and it was normal not to win against militarized nations.
Prime Minister Benjamin said, "That¡¯s how we¡¯ll announce it externally! Order Ismail to give me a harsh lesson to those ***, our boys¡¯ blood must not have been shed in vain."
...
Foreign Minister Edward said, "The Foreign Office has just received a piece of information that might be of help to us.
The French are getting restless again; they¡¯ve taken the Panama Canal development rights from the Colombian Government and are preparing the Canal Company, which looks like they¡¯re getting ready to make trouble."
Smiling at each other, Prime Minister Benjamin made a decision: "That¡¯s right, the French forcibly took the development rights of the canal from the Colombian Government, openly trampling on the sovereignty of a nation.
For the sake of world peace and stability, the government should promptly ry the news to the media and expose the shameless actions of the French."
This was like being delivered a pillow while dozing. The London Government was worried about diverting public attention, and there the French were, making a big news story.
Whether the French legitimately acquired the rights to develop the canal was not important; what mattered was that the London Government needed them to be seen as illegitimate now.
Even if it was a stretch, it didn¡¯t matter; controversy creates discussion. Just stir it up for a few months, and the public would forget about this minor defeat.
After all, Ennd and France have been rivals for hundreds of years, and the ndering between the public has never ceased. Everyone is used to berating each other, and popr animosity won¡¯t affect the rtions between the two countries.
Even if it did have an impact, Prime Minister Benjamin didn¡¯t care. As long as it could divert public attention, minor problems weren¡¯t worth mentioning.
In Prime Minister Benjamin¡¯s view, the Panama Canal issue waspletely a farce concocted by the French.
The Austrians were right next door, long considering the Panama area as within their sphere of influence; how could they possibly allow the French to gain control over the canal?
Joint development was out of the question, wasn¡¯t it?
The Panama Canal, unlike the Suez Canal, was not of great strategic significance to France and Austria and wasn¡¯t considered indispensable.
Without ample profits, how can there be cooperation?
Neither Anglo-Austria benefited from the opening of the Panama Canal, and following the principle of harming others for self-benefit, the London Government didn¡¯t want to see the canal open, and the Vienna Government presumably felt the same.
Now everyone can enjoy the show: let the French dig the canal until it¡¯s nearlyplete, then jump out and cause trouble, just at the right moment to trap them.
...
In the Vienna Pce, Franz seemed to be on someone¡¯s mind today, sneezing several times.
Aside from sneezing, there were no other symptoms. Franz didn¡¯t seek medical attention, as he had full distrust in the medical standards of the era, preferring not to take any medicine if he could avoid it.
Unlike inter times, nearly all medicines now have side effects. A lot of pharmaceuticals are rushed to the market with immature production techniques.
In fact, many people are not dying from diseases but from the treatments. It¡¯s not that doctors are irresponsible; rather, that each individual¡¯s constitution is unique. Most can withstand the side effects of the drugs, but a portion of people cannot.
If one is wealthy enough to have a personal doctor avable at all times, most issues could be identified early, preventing the continued use of harmful medication.
For the average household, that¡¯s not the case. Even if a problem urred, many would continue taking the medicine, never suspecting that the side effects could worsen the disease, which is why medical idents are so frequent.
These problems are hard to solve, and there¡¯s no way to manage them effectively. In this era, there are too few types of medicine. Banning those with severe side effects would leave many diseases without any treatment options.
It¡¯s not just the ingredients in the medications that are the issue but also the undeveloped industrial technology. During industrial production, anything from temperature variations, to the quality of raw materials, to measurement errors in dosage could increase the chances of side effects.
Unsolvable problems must naturally be put aside. For patients, it¡¯s better to take a gamble than to wait for death; the most frightening thing is to be without hope.
Franz has been working for many years to establish aprehensive healthcare system, but unfortunately, it still only covers seventy percent of the poption.
That¡¯s still just an idealistic number. In reality, only those in the middle ss and higher can expect effective treatment.
Commoners at best could treat minor illness; anything serious, and they would have to rely on divine intervention. It¡¯s not ack of medical resources, but ack of money.
The most crucial issue is that seeing a doctor doesn¡¯t guarantee reliability. Take Franz, for example; he often consults with doctors but rarely takes medication, especially chemically-produced Western drugs.
Often, he¡¯d rather drink a bowl of traditional Chinese medicine. Regardless, in this era, Chinese medicine still holds itspetitive edge. Though slower, it has fewer side effects!
For the sake of his life, Franz maintained a professional medical team that included both traditional Chinese and Western medicine practitioners.
The Western medicines used by the royal family were specially produced, and some medicines with high technical demands were directly manufactured inboratories to guarantee maximum safety.
...
Colonial Minister Stephen reported, "Your Majesty, the British have decided to reinforce Africa with 80,000 troops. We can now confirm that the previous rumors of the British army¡¯s defeat are true.
The British Army is limited in size; they will have to pull some troops from home and some colonial troops from India to reinforce Africa.
It will take at least a month for these troops to reach the African continent. We could seize the opportunity to take a chunk out of Ethiopia before the British arrive. What do you think?"
Franz shook his head, "There¡¯s no need. We¡¯ve already nibbled away quite a bit of Ethiopia, and continuing to grab morend will only make the British desperate.
Moreover, the Ethiopian natives are not so easy to deal with. To cause trouble for the British, we didn¡¯t hold back in enhancing theirbat abilities over the past few years.
Now it¡¯s time to test the results and see if our investment was worthwhile; to learn from our experiences and lessons."
Compared to other regions of Africa, Ethiopia indeed has made progress. Despite the low assessments given by the military training instructors, that¡¯s only rtive to the Austrian army.
If the British didn¡¯t reinforce, Franz would have had faith in the "Warrior Emperor" to manage the Indian Colonial Army well enough.
But now the situation has changed, and the London Government seems to be getting serious. The decisive factor is not the strength of Ethiopia, but rather how much attention the British are willing to give it.
"Yes, Your Majesty!" Stephen responded.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg reported, "Your Majesty, the Panama Canal Company, established by the French, has proposed a business coboration with us. They hope to import two hundred thousandborers from Austria within three years to help with the canal¡¯s excavation.
They¡¯re offering a good price: a transfer fee of 30 Divine Shields perborer, with transportation being their responsibility."
This was what everybody had agreed upon: If French capitalists want to profit from the stock market, they need to cooperate with the Austrian Government, which naturallyes with a fee. Otherwise, the canal project wouldn¡¯t even get off the ground.
Importingbor is just a pretext. Officially, this money is counted as the workers¡¯ sries, but in reality, it ends up in the Vienna Government¡¯s pocket.
Franz said, "Agree to the French request. Thebor will be drafted from the natives of the Somalia Penins, supplemented by other areas if necessary. In the future, the Foreign Ministry can agree directly to simr situations."
The peak period ofbor exportation has ended, and now the native poption in Austro-Africa isn¡¯trge; some are even trained enforcers for the colonial government.
If it weren¡¯t for the recent acquisition of the Somalia Penins, Franz doubted if the African Continent of Austria would be able to muster two hundred thousandborers.
Chapter 626 - 199: Marriage Considerations
At the hunting grounds of the Vienna Pce, Franz¡¯s marksmanship remains as steady as ever.
Perhaps he loved life too much and couldn¡¯t bear to kill, which is why every time he fired his gun, the unlucky victims were the flowers and grass around him.
"Franz," a familiar voice rang out, "how many times have I told you, that¡¯s not how you use a gun! Can¡¯t you aim a little better?"
Undoubtedly, the speaker was Archduke Carl, as no one else would dare to be so unrestrained.
Franz argued confidently, "Hunting is, after all, a game, why take it so seriously?
The game has already diminished greatly; if we continue this havoc, it won¡¯t be long before they¡¯re extinct."
One must not lose face, and after many years of political grooming, Franz had long since mastered the art of remaining unfazed.
In no time at all, he found a suitable excuse. The hunting grounds of the Imperial Pce were small, so naturally, there weren¡¯t many wild animals.
Archduke Carl was also a keen hunter, and many of the clever wild animals had fled. Only the less intelligent ones remained, and now the hunting yield was getting smaller and smaller.
Of course, fleeing wasn¡¯t necessarily a good option. In these times, without any wildlife protectionws, the animals might die even quicker outside.
Archduke Carl nodded thoughtfully, "No wonder my yield is getting smaller; the game is decreasing. It indeed requires attention."
After a pause, he had a sudden realization, "Hold on, Franz, stop diverting the topic. Your trick is worn out.
With your terrible shooting skills, if you were on the battlefield, who knows how manyrades you¡¯d identally harm. Don¡¯t you feel any shame?"
Franz retorted, "Don¡¯t worry, Father. Such a scenario could never happen. If it really came to me going to battle, do you think marksmanship would still matter?"
Seemingly angry, Archduke Carl red at Franz and scolded, "You and your twisted logic! Do as you wish. Just don¡¯t say that you learned shooting from me; I can¡¯t afford to lose that face."
Franz responded very cooperatively, "No problem, if you hadn¡¯t mentioned it just now, they wouldn¡¯t even know."
Archduke Carl¡¯s face changed colors as if he had lost face. Seeing the expression of the others who wanted tough but dared not, he snorted coldly.
This kind of verbal sparring had urred many times. Especially as he aged, Archduke Carl enjoyed nitpicking his sons more and more, and Franz had long since gotten used to it.
When it came to marksmanship, Archduke Carl could indeed be proud. Evenpared to the sharpshooters in the military, he wouldn¡¯t fall short.
Using a specialized sniper rifle, Carl could achieve effective hits from beyond five hundred meters, undeniably the first in marksmanship within the Royal Family.
This was also Archduke Carl¡¯s most frustrating aspect; he had no heir to his shooting prowess.
The younger members of the Habsburg Family approached learning marksmanship with a yful attitude, and most were only slightly better than Franz.
In Franz¡¯s view, this was the normal state of affairs; sharpshooters couldn¡¯t be that numerous,mon people were the mainstream.
The Habsburg Family was known for its politics and diplomacy; even having one sharpshooter was an exception, so mass production was out of the question.
In reality, the previous generation of the Habsburg Family could be considered the most hard-pressed.
Uncle Ferdinand suffered from a congenital disease, and my father, Archduke Carl, had no political talent whatsoever; all of his talents were focused on marksmanship, and none of his other brothers had much ability either.
In Franz¡¯s generation, the situation had slightly improved. Even though they had the idealist Maximilian, everyone¡¯s intelligence was still normal.
The next generation was still too young to fully determine their abilities, but Franz believed there should be progress, at least there was no one with congenital diseases.
That made sense; such a small probability, it shouldn¡¯t hit every time. Unless it¡¯s a hereditary family disease, then there¡¯s no helping it, the chance of being ill is high regardless of whom you¡¯re with.
It¡¯s not easy being a parent, and Franz had experienced this firsthand. For the sake of his sons¡¯ marriages, Franz had also put in a lot of effort.
Especially the marriage of his eldest son, Frederick, which was a major trouble. A political marriage was necessary; it was the duty and obligation of the Crown Prince.
Choosing whom to marry was a headache for Franz. He had to consider not just the political impact, but also the upbringing of the potential spouse. Being Empress was no easy task, even a prospective Empress needed a certain personal capability.
Otherwise, it¡¯s not an asset but a dragging liability. As people often say on the inte inter ages, marrying the wrong woman can ruin three generations, but for a Crown Prince to marry the wrong wife, it could destroy more than just three generations; it could ruin an entire nation.
Franz didn¡¯t expect to gain much assistance, he only asked for no added trouble.
Even this modest requirement was actually quite difficult to meet. Now Franz finally understood why the European Royal Family preferredte marriages; they were forced into it.
Every political marriage was a test for the Royal family, and once the wrong choice was made, the resulting disaster was irreversible.
Love, let¡¯s put that aside for now! ording to past experiences, the vast majority of Royal family members¡¯ marriages had nothing to do with love.
One requirement of marrying within one¡¯s social ss blocks out the majority of love matches. If you lower the standard, it¡¯s feasible for the second son to y around as long as he¡¯s not inheriting the throne.
But the Crown Prince doesn¡¯t have that luxury. It¡¯s not just the Royal family that would oppose, but all sectors of society, and the most troublesome part is that the public would not ept it either.
The romantic love stories of the Royal Family that are passed down inter ages, who knows how much sorrow lies behind them, or how much political trouble they caused?
Nobody knows how much blood and sacrifice lie behind the creation of a heartwarming love story.
This is duty and obligation; having enjoyed the benefits of a Royal family birth, one must pay the price, and marriage is just a part of it.
...
In the Vienna Pce, a stack of photographs appeared in Franz¡¯s hands, all depicting princesses from various countries, with annotations on the back containing their details, all meticulously chosen by Queen Helen.
Alright, there wasn¡¯t really much to choose from. She had merely filtered out those with poor health or unsuitable ages, and the rest were here.
The youngest was only five, and the oldest no more than twenty. Franz was almost speechless, only able toment: this is like finding a bride in a kindergarten, the youngest are students, and the eldest are teachers.
Of course, this wasn¡¯t just for finding Frederick a bride, potential brides for his other sons might also be among them. Only if no suitable candidates were avable would they consider lowering the standards.
Lowering standards is easy to say but very difficult in practice. At least Queen Helen was firmly against it, believing it would bring significant trouble to her sons¡¯ lives in the future.
...
Chapter 627 - 200: Marriage Alliance Partner
"""
After reviewing the information, Franz had to admit that Frederick was indeed very unlucky. Suitable matches for him were far too few, leaving hardly any room for choice.
Under the current international circumstances, the most suitable alliance for the Habsburg dynasty would be with the Russian royal family, unfortunately, there were no princesses of the right age.
The daughters of Alexander II were already married off, and the daughter of Alexander III had not even been weaned yet, and it was uncertain whether she would survive to adulthood. Naturally, Frederick couldn¡¯t possibly wait that long.
There were no princesses in the French royal family either. But that didn¡¯t matter, the Bonaparte family was never considered by Franz in the first ce.
As the stronghold of the Conservative, the Austrian public simply could not ept a parvenu as the future empress, or to put it another way, the Austrian nobility could not ept a woman of insufficiently noble blood as the wife of the Crown Prince.
The Bonaparte family rose to prominence toote and Napoleon I had offended too many people, while Napoleon III was an elected Emperor, both challenging the traditional hereditary session.
To the legitimate nobility, this was an illegitimate ascension to power. Therefore, the Bonaparte family was excluded from the European nobility circle, not epted by the mainstream even when the French Empire was at its zenith.
As beneficiaries of the hereditary session system, the Habsburg dynasty naturally opposed the Bonaparte heresy.
Queen Helen asked, "Franz, which one do you think is the most suitable for Frederick?"
Franz replied, "Let¡¯s use the process of elimination, we won¡¯t consider any of Queen Victoria¡¯s granddaughters and their descendants."
There was no choice; hemophilia was not to be trifled with. The decline of royal power in Europe was not just due to world wars; hemophilia was also a significant factor.
In this regard, Queen Victoria made an outstanding contribution to the European republican cause. If not for hemophilia, which wiped out the heirs of various royal families, the decline of royal power wouldn¡¯t have happened so rapidly.
Queen Helen asked, puzzled, "Why not?"
Franz exined patiently, "Have you heard of the ¡¯royal disease¡¯?"
Queen Helen nodded, "I have heard of it, it¡¯s said to be a terrifying curse on the royal families."
Franz shook his head, "It¡¯s no curse; I¡¯ve had people meticulously study the patterns of the royal disease.
Interestingly, all the sufferers are male, and all are descendants of Queen Victoria, her daughters, and granddaughters.
ording to the experts, the royal disease is a maternally inherited disease. It is carried by females and manifests in males.
Looking at the statistics, the incidence of the royal disease is very high. For the sake of Frederick¡¯s progeny, it is best if we keep our distance."
Queen Helen asked incredulously, "How could this be? Could it be that the British..."
Franz replied, "No, this should not be man-made. With the British level of medical knowledge, they would not be able to control the spread of a virus.
Besides, what good would it do them? If the royal families of Europe were all to suffer, wouldn¡¯t they fear the rise of a co-monarch who could unite the European Continent?"
The royal families of Europe are all interconnected, and it is not an exaggeration. The intermarriage between royal families isplex, and possessing the right to inherit multiple thrones is a basic affair.
The Habsburg dynasty is a prime example. If arge scale extinction of heirs in European royal families were to ur, Franz might even pick up a few more crowns.
From the perspective of conspiracy theories, the beneficiary is the culprit; Franz felt even he was more suspicious than the British.
Seeing Queen Helen panicking, Franz reassured her, "There, there, Helen. Don¡¯t be so rmed. It¡¯s just the royal disease. We just need to avoid it, it¡¯s not as dreadful as you think."
After a long pause, Queen Helen finally collected herself, "Does the British Royal Family know about these messages?"
"""
Franz shook his head, "I don¡¯t know either. But even if they knew, I¡¯m afraid no one would speak out about it.
All right, let¡¯s not worry about it too much. As long as it doesn¡¯t affect us, let them be! If the news really gets out, we would be mortal enemies with the British Royal Family."
Queen Helen nodded her head, aware of the gravity of the situation. If the lid were lifted, it would not just be the United Kingdom¡¯s Royal Family they would offend, but also the several royal families affected by hemophilia would bear a grudge for not being warned earlier. Such is human nature.
Under the pressure of the "Royal Disease," the candidates were instantly reduced by a quarter. It has to be said that the grandmother of Europe is indeed formidable.
Franz: "Next, we¡¯ll weed out those who are politically unsuitable. I¡¯m more familiar with this area, so I¡¯ll take care of it!"
Politics is the most important factor in royal marriage alliances, and if this is not handled well, it¡¯s not support they would be finding but trouble.
For instance, the Bourbon and Orleans families both have princesses of suitable age and status, but Frederick simply cannot marry them.
If the heir of the Habsburg dynasty were to marry a former member of the French royal family, Napoleon IV would probably go crazy, as this would threaten his rule.
Moreover, Franz is not nning to restore the former French royal family, so why court trouble?
After considering political factors, it¡¯s time to consider status. These records are not only for Frederick but also for his three brothers.
Without needing Franz to say anything, Queen Helen categorized the remaining candidates by status. Frederick is the Crown Prince, and his wife must be his equal in status, leaving very little room for choice.
When Franz married Queen Helen, it was shortly after the annexation of the Kingdom of Bavaria, and the marriage served as appeasement for the Bavarian Royal Family to avoid looking too greedy.
This appeasement was also for the domestic princes and the Bavarian people to see, to reassure everyone.
In fact, this alliance proved to be very sessful. Everyone quickly reconciled with the situation, the Bavarian Royal Family boldly managed the Kingdom of Lombardy, and the people of the Bavarian Region epted the change in their monarchy.
The current situation is clearly different, with the Sub-States in the country being very quiet, and Franz has no ns to transfer any ruler, so naturally, there is no need for Frederick to marry a princess from a coteral branch for appeasement.
If it were a princess from the direct line, maybe, but remote coteral branches not only fall short in status but the political advantages are too weak, making it meaningless.
After all this consideration, not many are left. The British Royal Family alone ounts for half, with Prince Edward¡¯s three daughters all within the range of choices.
They are Princess Louise, born in 1867, Princess Victoria, born in 1868, and Princess Maud, born in 1869.
(Note: Hemophilia is a maternal hereditary disease)
Reviewing the information, Franz couldn¡¯t help but admire the efficiency the British had of one birth per year, something not easily achieved by most.
Aside from being slightly young, all other aspects meet the criteria. Politically, the Anglo-Austrian two countries are in their honeymoon phase, and despite the fact that they have backstabbed each other, they still remain allies.
Princess Sophie Marie Victoria of the Baden Royal Family is also a good choice, born in 1862, currently 15 years old.
Not only is her age very appropriate, but politically she is also a good match, which would be beneficial for strengthening Austria¡¯s influence in the German Federation Empire.
It¡¯s almost certain that Frederick¡¯s wife will be either Princess Sophie Marie Victoria of Baden or Princess Louise from the United Kingdom.
Of course, there are still a few other possible candidates, such as the daughters of Nichs I, known as the "Father-inw of Europe." However, the Montenegro Duchy has too little influence and holds no value for an alliance.
Queen Helen: "There are only two left, who does Franz think is more suitable?"
Chapter 628 - 201: Worries
"Baden!"
"The British Royal Family may seem prestigious, but in reality, they can offer Friedrich very limited help, giving mostly just superficial mour.
Baden Duchy may seem insignificant, but its influence within the German Federation Empire is not small. If Austria wants to unify the Germany Region, Baden Duchy is an essential part."
A parent¡¯s deep love for their child results in far-reaching ns.
The Crown Prince¡¯s marriage will contribute to the imperial unification efforts and is bound to be endorsed by German nationalists. This will greatly enhance Friedrich¡¯s prestige among the public.
After pondering, Queen Helen said, "Then let¡¯s prioritize Sophie Marie Victoria. Her age is just right, and we could embrace grandchildren sooner."
Indeed, men and women think on different wavelengths. Franz gave priority to political influence, whereas Queen Helen was more concerned with grandchildren.
Of course, producing the next generation sooner will also be of help to Friedrich.
The Habsburg dynasty is deeply entrenched, and a marriage alliance is just the icing on the cake. As long as there is no foolish mismanagement, Friedrich¡¯s position as heir will be unshakable.
Franz was quite confident in this marriage alliance. The Baden royal family had no reason to refuse, as Hanover, which was looking to integrate the German Federation Empire, could not do without Austria¡¯s support.
Constrained by its size, the Kingdom of Hanover does not have absolute dominance over the domestic sub-states, which are too numerous. This means they cannot adopt the Austrian model.
Otherwise, just like the current situation, the imperial parliament is upied by a majority of small sub-states, and the central government¡¯s authority is caged in by the parliament, unable to utilize the advantages of patriotism.
From the central government¡¯s standpoint, only through centralization can the country possibly be integrated, which is intolerable to many small sub-states.
When Austria unified the South German Region, everyone, except for losing diplomatic and currency issuance rights and sharing legitive and militarymand rights, managed to preserve all other powers.
(Note: The legitive body is the Imperial Parliament, with representatives from each sub-state government; as mentioned earlier about militarymand rights, the state army epts dualmand from both the central government and the monarch of the state.)
For the majority of small sub-states, diplomatic and militarymand rights are superfluous; they simply do not have the capacity for international diplomacy, let alone maintain an army.
Currency issuance rights may seem lucrative, but for a small state, the demand for currency is so low that the cost of issuing banknotes could well exceed the ie from the "coincage tax."
Initially, everyone was afraid that the Vienna Government would turn against them and annex their territories, which led to the unification under the British guidance to form the German Federation Empire.
The current situation, however, is quite the opposite; Austria has no intentions of annexing them but rather it is the Hanover-led central government that wants to absorb them.
As a sub-state second only to Hanover within the German Federation Empire, Baden Duchy naturally faces suppression from the central government. If not for Austria¡¯s support from behind, they would have been unable to withstand it.
From this perspective, the Baden royal family needs this marriage alliance even more than the Habsburg Family, as it rtes to their very survival.
After a pause, Franz added, "Might as well include Peter, Wilhelm, and George in the considerations, and once Friedrich¡¯s wedding is settled, we can arrange their betrothals in passing."
The marriages for the second son are much easier. Although still political, the requirements are unquestionably a notch lower.
Queen Helen smiled slightly, "Good, I think it would be wise to make contact with the British Royal Family, Montenegrin Royal Family, and Belgian Royal Family first.
I had high hopes for the princesses of the Hesse and Oldenburg Families, but it¡¯s a shame that the royal diseases are too frightening."
After a pause, Queen Helen said uncertainly, "Franz, should we secretly leak the news? Otherwise, if we keep this up, it could be a problem for our descendants."
Franz¡¯s expression changed; it was not a possibility but an inevitability. He thought of even more; if hemophilia continued to spread amongst the European Royal Family, European monarchy might well follow the same path as in the original timeline.
Monarchs seemed receable by distant royals, which appeared to have minimal impact. In reality, though, the damage to regal authority was fatal.
It¡¯s not easy for outsiders to grasp control of power. The bourgeoisie were able to seize power mainly during the transition of monarchs in the original timeline.
If uninterrupted session was apparent, kings were old families who had been local fixtures for hundreds of years, with substantial local support, so sidelining kings by the government was no easy feat.
The decline of European royal power was not a favorable situation for the Habsburg Family.
Franz nodded, "Mhm, I will arrange for it. There¡¯s no need for you to worry."
After weighing the pros and cons, Franz had no choice but to feel sorry for these princesses. Once the news spread, their marriage prospects would be dim, as few families would risk an extinct lineage to enter into marriage alliances with them.
However, this must wait until the dust settles on his sons¡¯ marriages. Otherwise, with too few brides for too many grooms, the sudden increase inpetitors might risk unexpected turns of events.
A political marriage is not only a matter for the royal family but also for the nation. Franz could decide his sons¡¯ marriages, but the government had to be informed as well.
If the government could not approve of the match, it would be troublesome. There¡¯s nock of such precedents, with almost every few decades, the European Royal Family making a joke of themselves.
...
While Franz was busy with his sons¡¯ marriages, the African Battlefield was also undergoing changes, with the French sessfully upying the Sudan area.
This posed a great annoyance to the British struggle, as Ennd, France, and Austria allunched campaigns in Africa, and the British, who moved first, ended uppleting their strategic objectivest.
No, they haven¡¯t achieved their strategic objectives yet. The Ethiopians continue to resist; the British Army has only gained the upper hand, but the end of the war is still a long way off.
Undoubtedly, in this round ofpetition, the British have lost face.
The Austrians took over three months to upy the Somalia Penins; the French took five months to settle the Sudan area; the British have been fighting Ethiopia for over half a year without a conclusion.
Of course, this "upation" is only nominal rule. They truly upy only the cities; the native tribes in the jungles are beyond their control.
The Ethiopia area is somewhatrger, and the indigenous forces somewhat stronger¡ªthat¡¯s the main reason for the British actions.
Unfortunately, this "strength" is a concept not understood by the European world. In this era, Europeans are arrogant; how powerful could the natives be?
Even the London Government is embarrassed to propagate how powerful Ethiopia is, given that they imed victory in thest Anglo-Ethiopian war.
If they did promote that idea, the public would see it as government ipetence rather than "Ethiopian strength."
On Downing Street, Prime Minister Benjamin mmed the war report on the table and questioned, "What kind of war is this being fought?
The war has been ongoing for so long, and the front line has only advanced two hundred kilometers. Based on the current progress, is the military preparing for a Hundred Years¡¯ War on the African Continent?"
A Hundred Years¡¯ War might be an exaggeration, but a two to three-year dy is possible. They¡¯ve encountered Africa¡¯s toughest nut to crack¡ªhow could it be easily resolved?
You must know that we are currently in the golden age of Ethiopia. The reigning Emperor, Menelik II, is even acknowledged by posterity as one of the greatest and most aplished rulers in African history.
Still, that¡¯s beside the point. No matter what, Ethiopia remains a backward agricultural country that cannot support a prolonged war. With some effort, the British should still be able to handle it.
The trouble is the stabbing in the back by France and Austria. Without their support, Ethiopia might not have achieved unification by now, let alone trained an almost-modernized army.
The war has progressed to the point where Menelik II has mobilized one hundred and fifty thousand troops, all equipped with rifles and over seven hundred pieces of artillery.
Army Minister Fox said, "Your Excellency Prime Minister, we underestimated the determination of France and Austria to create trouble. Nobody knew they would support Ethiopia to such an extensive degree.
After analyzing the data from the front line, we can confirm that the Ethiopian army is nowmanded by officers from France and Austria."
When Fox spoke, he was as full of political art as ever. What was essentially an underestimation of Ethiopian strength became an underestimation of the extent of French and Austrian support for Ethiopia once in his mouth.
By switching the concept, everyone finds it a bit more ptable. As for French and Austrian officersmanding the Ethiopian army, that¡¯splete nonsense.
At this time, Ethiopia trusts no European country; who would dare entrust the military that their survival depends on to a bunch of people they don¡¯t trust?
The support from France and Austria is indeed one reason Ethiopia can confront the British Army, but it¡¯s a secondary one.
Since the outbreak of the war, both countries have scaled back their actions. Other than continuing to sell strategic materials to Ethiopia, there haven¡¯t been any significant moves.
However, this does not stop Fox from shifting the me to France and Austria; the presence of French and Austrian equipment in the Ethiopian military is evidence of their support for the Ethiopians.
Prime Minister Benjamin red at him harshly, "I don¡¯t want analysis or conjecture. If France and Austria are supporting the Ethiopians, then please present concrete evidence.
Merely some military equipment doesn¡¯t hold any persuasive power. At most, it can prove the business capabilities of French and Austrian arms dealers, not that their governments are supporting Ethiopia."
Ennd, France, and Austria are still allies; on the London Government¡¯s diplomatic front, they belong to the first tier. Even if they were to be smeared, tangible evidence is required.
The military equipment is clearly not convincing enough; the Ethiopian army also has British equipment. If the London Government were to make an issue of this, wouldn¡¯t it prove that they are supporting Ethiopia as well?
Such reasoning might work for domestic arguments, but using it in diplomacy would only attract ridicule.
Unless the British Government could suppress France and Vienna, Paris and Vienna wouldn¡¯t take theirints seriously.
Fox felt slightly embarrassed before quickly regaining hisposure, "Understood, Your Excellency Prime Minister. We will find evidence as soon as possible, but it will take time.
Now the most important thing is to cut off Ethiopia¡¯s supply of arms; otherwise, this war will be very troublesome."
That¡¯s a big problem; arms dealers of that era were fearless. As long as there was sufficient profit to be made, there was no business they wouldn¡¯t dare undertake.
"The best arms dealers are those who sell weapons to their own enemies."
It¡¯s not a joke¡ªthe British arms dealers are actually doing it. With the involvement of powerful figures from within the country, without enough evidence, Fox naturally would not tear through the veil.
Prime Minister Benjamin also felt the headache¡ªit was indeed difficult to cut off Ethiopia¡¯s arms supply. They could block the coastal trade routes, but not the ind areas.
The colonies of France and Austria bordered Ethiopia; neither would listen to theirmands. As long as the Ethiopians can afford it, such trade wouldn¡¯t stop.
"Communicate with the foreign ministries of France and Austria. We must find a way to sever the Ethiopian trade routes, and we may even consider an exchange of interests if necessary."
¡
Chapter 629 - 202: The Expendable Piece
Vienna Pce, Franz looked at his spirited son and asked with a smile, "Frederick, this time you are going to represent Austria on a visit to various European countries. Are you prepared?"
"Rest assured, Father. I¡¯ve memorized all the documents by heart and guarantee I canplete the mission," Frederick replied with full confidence.
The Habsburg Family has many things, and if nothing else, they have an abundance of rtives.
In these times, with travel being inconvenient, there was generally little contact in ordinary periods. But once it came to visiting their territories, social interactions were inevitable.
Having many rtives would be fine if not for the fact that they also liked to reuse names, furtherplicated by a lengthy list of titles. Without sufficient familiarity, it was easy to confuse identities.
This wasn¡¯t just a matter of making a faux pas or bing the butt of a joke; it could lead others to believe they were not given due importance, turning rtives into enemies.
Franz didn¡¯t like to travel about, and a major reason was to avoid the hassle. As Emperor, he was rather fortunate; people woulde to visit him, and his subordinates would have the information prepared.
Even at banquets, he was the most revered presence, with very few entitled to converse with him as equals. Most of the time, a nod and a smile would suffice.
It was different for Frederick, however. Despite his distinguished status as the Crown Prince of Austria, there were still many of equal status, with hundreds listed just on this roster.
From this perspective, being Nobility was no easy task; at the very least, one needed a good memory. Especially the minor nobles had a hard time remembering the titles of the important people.
Franz was among the best in this regard. Affected by the butterfly effect, his titles were now much longer than in actual history; even Franz himself wasn¡¯t sure he could recite them urately.
Yet, those below him must memorize them precisely; this was determined by the political system. Austria existed because of the Emperor, not the other way around.
Call it mechanical or rigid, but this was the legal foundation of the Empire.
Aside from a few honorary titles, the absence of any would lead to protests from the locals. In European society, such an omission would be perceived as discrimination.
Hence, Austrian elementary school students are met with tragedy; they must memorize Franz¡¯s titles urately, or they cannot graduate.
"Not just memorize them, but also establish a rapport. This is your chance to build connections. It is always beneficial to make more friends, even if they are just fair-weather friends.
I have already given you the details about Princess Sophie Marie Victoria. Handle it as you see fit; I don¡¯t want to see any blunders."
Speaking of friends, Frederick¡¯s expression darkened. Being in the royal family, it was extremely difficult to have true friends.
With such a significant gap in status, it was hard to have an equal exchange, let alone form friendships.
As the Emperor, Franz had no friends. If Frederick didn¡¯t have friends of equal status now, it was likely he never would in the future.
An emperor is lonely; there is no hope for friends within the country. As for the monarchs and ministers recorded in history books as friends, Franz could only scoff.
Frederick¡¯s face flushed, "Don¡¯t worry, Father. I know how to handle it and won¡¯t embarrass you."
Franz nodded. This wasn¡¯t just about saving face; it was more of a test for Frederick.
If he passed, he would be the heir apparent to Austria. If not, it was hard to say what might happen. Although changing heirs to the throne in Europe is troublesome, it¡¯s not impossible.
Of course, this is the worst-case scenario and under normal conditions would not happen. Franz had a good sense of the kind of person his son was.
...
Foreign Minister Weisenberg: "Your Majesty, the British Ambassador has sent a diplomatic note, hoping that we would impose aprehensive blockade on Ethiopia.
ording to the information we have collected, it seems the Ethiopian war cannote to an end, and the London Government cannot bear the domestic public opinion pressure; they must be getting desperate.
If nothing unexpected happens, the French should have received a simr note.
Unable to achieve a breakthrough on the battlefield, they can only ce their hopes outside of it.
Theoretically, as long as we and the French cut off trade with Ethiopia, it won¡¯t be long before the Ethiopian Army¡¯s weapons turn into mere fire sticks."
Modern warfare is all about logistics. For an agricultural nation, once the supply of strategic materials is cut off, defeat is not far behind.
Franz, "Given the current intensity of the war, how long can the Ethiopian army¡¯s reserve of strategic materialsst?"
Army Minister Albrecht, "At most, no more than a year, and that¡¯s under the assumption that no major battles ur.
If the British increase the intensity of their attacks, it¡¯s not impossible for them to exhaust the Ethiopian army¡¯s ammunition within two or three months."
Unless the Ethiopian army suddenly surges and defeats the British Army before their supplies run out, the oue of the war has already been determined. It¡¯s merely a question of how much the British will lose."
Franz had no hopes for a sudden eruption by the Ethiopian forces. It simply wasn¡¯t possible. The British forces had already exceeded a hundred thousand soldiers, and even if the Indian Colonial Army ounted for the majority, there were still three regr infantry divisions.
In battle, the Ethiopian forces were being suppressed by the British. If not for their advantage as the local force, they likely would have already been defeated.
If they were to suddenly surge forth and seek a decisive battle with the British Army, the British would probably dieughing.
In the jungle, they couldn¡¯t ovee the Ethiopian army. In a conventional field battle, the two sides were not on the same level; the fighting power of the Ethiopian army and the Indian Colonial Army was not much different, except the Ethiopian army had a stronger desire to fight.
Prime Minister Felix, "Don¡¯t harbor such illusions. Before the arrival of the main British forces, the Ethiopian army had a slim chance of victory if they fought desperately.
The situation reversed with the arrival of British reinforcements. Had it not been for their geographical advantage, Ethiopia would have been finished long ago.
Their only chance now is to drag the war out. To drag it until the British losses exceed their limits, and the London Government dares not continue the investment."
Foreign Minister Weisenberg, "Difficult! The situation is different from the Afghan war. The Ethiopian war not only affects the London Government¡¯s face but also their position.
Within the system of the three major countries, Ennd, France, and Austria, the British are still recognized as the world¡¯s number one power. However, being the world¡¯s first requires strength as a foundation. The power that the British have demonstrated in the war in Ethiopia is clearly not living up to the name.
Being the world¡¯s first power isn¡¯t just an empty title; it also involves the right to speak in international politics, with benefits distribution at stake.
Any concession made by the London Government would cause immeasurable political damage.
Inparison, it is more cost-effective to continue the war. As long as the London Government is willing to spend money, winning the war is just a matter of time."
Political problems can often be more severe than military ones.
Although war is costly, it is the nation¡¯s money that is being spent, not that of the Cab officials; but the political damage caused by stopping the war would have to be borne by them personally.
Franz, "If we support them, is there any chance of victory for Ethiopia?"
Stabbing the British in the back, that was basic practice, something Franz had learned from the British themselves. If possible, he wouldn¡¯t mind further depleting the British power.
Army Minister Albrecht, "Militarily speaking, the likelihood of Ethiopian victory is virtually zero, even with our support.
It¡¯s not that the Ethiopian forcesck the strength to fight the British; the key issue is the fragile financial system of the Ethiopian government, which simply cannot sustain the war effort."
The excuse of "no money" is very powerful. As an agricultural nation, the fact that the Ethiopian government¡¯s finances haven¡¯t already copsed is impressive.
Austria¡¯s support for Ethiopia is limited; it mainly involves selling weapons and helping with military training. It would be utterly impossible for Austria to spend money to help them achieve victory.
After hesitating for a moment, Franz made a decision, "First negotiate with the British. If the conditions are right, we can also abandon our support for Ethiopia.
However, this is something for after an agreement is reached. For now, we¡¯ll carry on as usual. We should give the Ethiopian government a timely reminder that the British intend to cut off their international trade routes."
"Betraying allies," this is the basic tactic of great powers, a matter of interest.
Ethiopia has never been an ally of Austria; Vienna¡¯s support for them was only meant to cause trouble for the British, so there was no actual betrayal involved."
...
Chapter 630 - 203: The Arms Dealer Who Doesn’t Stick to His Business
Kenya is located in the tropical monsoon zone, with ins along the coast that receive ample rainfall, hignds in the middle, and desert in the north.
Due to its rich mineral resources, it was incorporated into the domain of the Austrian Colonial Government years ago, but the real development has only been along the coastal ins, with other areas being under nominal rule only.
Kenya is bordered by Somalia to the east, Tanzania to the south, Uganda to the west, and touches Ethiopia and South Sudan to the north, with the southeastern shore lying along the Indian Ocean.
Because of its unique geographic location, localmercial trade in Kenya prospered suddenly after the outbreak of the Second Ethiopian War.
Every day, a huge amount of goods flowed into the Ethiopian region. The Ethiopian Army had been able to hold out until now, greatly due to this trade route.
New Sarthu, originally just a colonial stronghold on the Kenya-Ethiopia border, had begun to take on the appearance of a small town, thanks to themercial boom brought about by the war.
In an ordinary manor to the east of the cityy the base of Sandels, a major Austrian arms dealer.
At this moment, a young man burst in panting, "Mr. Sandels, disaster has struck! News just came from home that the British are trying to cut off our trade with Ethiopia using diplomatic means."
The middle-aged man dressed in fine clothes grew somber, then quickly recovered, "Moss, slow down, the sky isn¡¯t falling."
After calming himself, Moss said, "It¡¯s said that because the front line is stalled, the British Army has been unable to make a breakthrough, and there¡¯s too much pressure from public opinion at home.
A week ago, those despicable British issued a diplomatic note to the Vienna Government, demanding that we cooperate and sever the trade routes with Ethiopia.
They call themselves custodians of free trade, but when they encounter a little trouble, they want to break the principle of trade freedom, it¡¯s simply..."
Sandels interrupted, "All right, I¡¯ve got the picture. Sit down and have a cup of coffee, it¡¯s not as serious as you think."
Moss, bewildered, asked, "Why do you...? Mr. Sandels, if the Vienna Government agrees to the British request, we won¡¯t be able to carry on with our trade!"
Cutting off someone¡¯s livelihood is like killing their parents. If the British cut the trade line, they would be cutting off their source of wealth.
The world has been almost entirely divided up by colonial empires, and it¡¯s tough for arms dealers to get by. They¡¯ve finally encountered a great war, and if they¡¯re not allowed to profit from it, Moss has every reason to be angry.
Sandels patted Moss on the shoulder, "Keep your cool, Moss. Remember, as a qualified arms dealer, you must stay calm at all times.
The situation isn¡¯t as bad as you imagine. Even if the Vienna Government agrees to sever trade with Ethiopia, does it really mean our trade routes are cut off?"
Moss asked uncertainly, "You mean to suggest¡ªsmuggling?"
Compared to regr trade, smuggling unquestionably increases the risk substantially, with the usual punishment being a fine that could bankrupt anyone if caught.
Sandels said coldly, "As long as you know, why say it out loud? From Kenya to Somalia, our border with Ethiopia is so long, how could they possibly enforce a blockade?
Even if the government could do it, why would they want to help the British?
I bet the Vienna Government wishes the Ethiopian war wouldst ten or eight years. As long as the Colonial Government is willing to turn a blind eye, can the British reallye onto our turf to crack down on smuggling?
What concerns me more is that the Ethiopian government is running out of money. They¡¯ve already offered arge amount of goods as coteral in the past two trades, which says a lot."
Smuggling is just basic operations for arms dealers; in fact, legal arms dealers are a rare breed, usually with government backing.
If ordinary arms dealers don¡¯t know how to smuggle, they cannot survive in the cutthroat internationalpetition.
As a top figure among arms dealers, Sandels naturally knows when to engage in legal trade and when to resort to smuggling.
Moss asked uncertainly, "Mr. Sandels, does this mean our trade with the Ethiopians is about to end?"
As a partner, Moss was well aware of how difficult it was to find a client with strong purchasing power.
If the Ethiopians run out of money, the deal would naturallye to an end. Arms dealers don¡¯t engage in charity; everything revolves around profit.
Sandels nodded, "Judging by the current situation, we should still be able to go on for a few more months. In theory, we could still eptnd as coteral from the Ethiopians, though the risk is somewhat high."
Exchanging territory for debt repayment was amon method used by European colonizers in the early stages of colonization, especially when their own strength was insufficient.
Moss realized instantaneously. Having been sent by his family to engage in the arms trade, he was naturally no fool; otherwise, he would not have qualified to be a partner with the cunning and shrewd Sandels.
After hesitating for a moment, he asked, "Mr. Sandels, are you nning to transition into bing a colonial merchant?"
At that time, the arms trade was not as wildly profitable as inter years, and arms dealers were not so dedicated. They would simply engage in whatever business was profitable.
Besides arms trading, Sandels also dealt in overseas trade, for instance: bringing specialty products from the African Continent back home for sale, or importing industrial andmercial products from home to sell overseas.
These businesses had manypetitors, and the profits were far less lucrative than arms trading; they could only be considered side jobs.
Sandels replied with a smile, "Can I not?"
"Of course not; it¡¯s just somewhat sudden. Colonial merchants are not having an easy time nowadays, especially those in ind colonies. Many are operating at a loss," Moss exined.
Sandels shook his head, "It is precisely because they are operating at a loss that there are opportunities. If the profits were rich, they would have been seized by the big shots long ago, and we wouldn¡¯t even get a sip of the broth.
I had nned to buy a piece of colonialnd with cash, but those Colonial Companies are too cunning. They¡¯re asking for a fortune for a worthless piece ofnd.
I can only take the risk of targeting the Ethiopian region. My appetite isn¡¯t big, just a few thousand square kilometers ofnd would satisfy me.
Such a small amount ofnd would hardly be worth the British¡¯s concern. The local natives are not an issue. The biggest trouble is turning a profit.
But that¡¯s only temporary. Land resources are non-renewable, while the poption is constantly growing. Sooner orter, its value will be apparent.
Ten years ago, Kenya was still a Savage Land; now it boasts 800,000 immigrants, and this number continues to grow at a rate of 13% per year.
Of course, this is caused by arge-scale immigration policy, and this growth rate can only be maintained for four to five years before it starts to decline.
But that¡¯s enough. It¡¯s very possible that the poption in the Kenya region will surpass two million in ten years.
By then, regions bordering Kenya will also benefit. As a junction between the Anglo-Austrian colonies, smuggling just a bit of goods towards the British colonial areas would be enough to recover the operational cost of the colony.
What do you think, Moss? Are you interested in getting involved? If a conflict between the United Kingdom and Austria breaks out in the future, we might even be nobility."
Moss furrowed his brow, internallyining countless times. Situated at the junction of two colonial powers, the area would immediately be a battlefield if conflict erupted between the two countries.
Want to make money? First, you have to survive! Most such adventurers end up losing everything.
During the height of the Anglo-Austrian conflicts, thousands of people from both sides died in the shes every year, ending only when the British ran low on manpower.
Even now, the borders between the two countries¡¯ colonies remain one of the most dangerous areas. Many cases of murder for loot ur, with perpetrators simply fleeing across the border to safety¡ªit¡¯s rife with cross-border crimes.
Moss declined, "I¡¯m sorry, Mr. Sandels, the resources required for this venture are too great for me to decide on my own."
Sandels was not disappointed. What he sought was cooperation with Moss¡¯s family, not just this young man.
It didn¡¯t matter if the partnership failed. There were too many ambitious second-generation youths in Austria, and Sandels was confident in his rhetoric; swaying a few coborators was not an issue.
This was the plight of an upstart; Sandels had struggled for over twenty years to gain the capital to join the colonial wave, sadly missing the best opportunities.
Even now, he needed to find coborators. On his own, he might just manage to run a well-established colony, but in these border areas, sufficient military force was essential.
Including the arms trade, his choice to partner with Moss was to take advantage of the connections andworks behind him.
Sandels generously stated, "No worries, there¡¯s no rush. To acquire colonialnd from the Ethiopians, we must wait until they are at their wits¡¯ end. It¡¯s still too early for that!"
¡
Chapter 631 - 204: The Path to Whitewashing
Ambition requires the support of strength, and it was precisely because Sandels understood this truth that he was able to rise from humble beginnings to be an internationally renowned arms dealer.
In society¡¯s eyes, there are no good people among arms dealers. With such a tarnished reputation, one naturally cannot expect a high social status.
Especially for a "notorious" arms dealer like Sandels, he has made enemies all over the world. This time, for instance, he has offended the British.
To stay safe, many arms dealers dare not reveal their true identities.
"Sandels" is a typical pseudonym. Now that religious power is weak, if it were the Middle Ages, the Heresy Tribunal would have already knocked on the door for misusing the word "saint" in a name.
Ordinarily, one must make an outstanding contribution to the religious cause to be titled "saint." Only after receiving the Pope¡¯s recognition can one add the title "saint" before their name.
For example, if one is a major contributor to recapturing Jerusalem and receives the title "Recoverer of the Holy Land" from the Pope, they can prefix their name with "saint."
Of course, most people wouldn¡¯t simply add "saint" before their own name; it¡¯s usually added before a title, to signify honor.
Arms dealers like Sandels are obviously not qualified. With his "aplishments," perhaps he would be eligible for the Guillotine.
This isn¡¯t the life Sandels wants. He has chosen this alias in hopes of one day bing "sanctified."
For the moment, that remains a distant dream. To achieve this great life goal, he would first need to cleanse his image to be eligible to contribute to the religious cause.
Being a colonial merchant is just the first step. Unless one bes Nobility, ordinary colonial merchants are only slightly better than arms dealers: they engage in legal trade and can face the sun.
Sess is filled with luck, but continuous sess is without. Setting his eyes on Ethiopiannds, Sandels had made many preparations.
The documents he was holding were maps of the border area between Ethiopia and Austro-Africa. These maps precisely marked the roads, rivers, forests, mineral resources, Native Tribes, and other information¡ªperhaps even more detailed than the Ethiopian government¡¯s knowledge.
For this map, he had spent three years, tens of thousands of Divine Shields, and even gone on a survey expedition himself toplete the mapping.
Sandels, "Merdo, how¡¯s the public rtions working along?"
"It¡¯s nearly done¡ªwe¡¯ve bought the Ethiopian Emperor¡¯s closest minister. He has promised to find an appropriate opportunity to bring up thend lease issue with the Emperor.
Right now, the Ethiopian government¡¯s finances are depleted. As it¡¯s merely an ordinarymercialnd lease not involving sovereignty, there shouldn¡¯t be much trouble," Merdo replied.
Not involving sovereignty wasn¡¯t a necessity. When the Ethiopian government copses, whoever actually upies thend can be the legal owner.
It doesn¡¯t matter if others don¡¯t acknowledge it¡ªwhat matters is that the Vienna Government will recognize his colonial rights. That alone is enough. As long as the Vienna Government acknowledges him, the British wouldn¡¯t dare to openly seize thend.
As for whether they¡¯ll employ underhanded tactics behind the scenes, that depends on one¡¯s ability to handle the situation.
If Sandels doesn¡¯t take much, the British, busy managing their newly upied territories, probably won¡¯t bother with him for quite some time.
But if he gets greedy and tries to snatch the British¡¯s gains, angering them, then Sandels might have to consider how he ns to die.
The list of colonial merchants who have perished in colonial conflicts isn¡¯t short. Many of those eliminated were because they failed to control their "greed," acquiring benefits that surpassed their capabilities.
Sandels, "Let¡¯s finalize this swiftly to avoidplications. I have a premonition that there will be many eyeing the Ethiopian region. If someone beats us to it, all our efforts will be in vain."
Not allnds are valuable for colonization; the essence of colonization is profitability. If one chooses the wrong ce that can¡¯t turn a profit, the only option is to sell off to the colonial government cheaply.
Since the inception of Austro-Africa, tens of thousands of Colonial Companies have been founded. The vast majority fell by the wayside, and only about a thousand have survived.
Among these remainingpanies, over ny percent are family businesses, mostly monopolized by the nobility.
Not to mention themoners; even wealthy capitalists are at a disadvantage in thispetition.
There¡¯s no way around it¡ªcolonization requires military support, where the nobility has an absolute advantage. Capitalists aren¡¯t fit formanding battles.
Moreover, sessful capitalists have turned into nobles during the colonization movement. With the change of status, their stance also shifted.
The capitalist ss is diverse in origin. A sizable portion of them is nobility without inheritance rights or, in fact, nobility in their own right.
This group never identifies as capitalists, always considering themselves as offspring of nobility. For many, their life goal is to acquire a noble title of their own.
It¡¯s not just Austria¡ªthis is the social trend across all of Europe. Even the nouveau riche in America chase after noble titles.
This social trend influences many, and naturally Sandels has been affected. Purely from a profit standpoint, there are few industries more lucrative than arms trading.
Merdo cautioned, "Mr. Sandels, our investment has already been substantial.
To speed up progress, we need to increase our investment further. This will put a lot of pressure on recouping costs in the future."
"Money is not an issue; we can use arms to settle ounts, which naturally lowers the cost," Sandels exined.
The immense profits from arms trafficking are undoubtable; perhaps for weapons and equipment worth 1 million Divine Shields sold to the Ethiopian government, the actual cost might not even reach 300,000 Divine Shields¡ªthis is the confidence behind Sandels.
Merdo confidently answered, "No problem, within a month at most, you can expect to receive good news."
...
Winning over the Ethiopian government is one aspect, but gaining a foothold in the border regions equally requires the support of the Austro-East African colonial government.
Without the colonial government withstanding the pressure from the British, Sandels does not believe he could retain the benefits obtained from the Ethiopian government.
It¡¯s not like one can expect the British to adhere to internationalws, is it?
"Mr. Sandels, your proposal is very constructive, but what makes you confident that you can aplish the task?"
The question came from Landrar, the Secretary-General to the Governor of East Africa, and was also Sandels¡¯ connection, the highest-level government official he could reach.
As for the Governor of East Africa himself, unless Sandels had be nobility, he wouldn¡¯t personally negotiate these matters.
Sandels: "Baron, I may not excel at developing a colonial economy, but smuggling is my specialty, the most basic survival skill of an arms dealer.
Once I have established a base in the border regions, domestic products can continuously enter Ethiopia and the Sudan area, and the colonial government can also collect more taxes."
Love what you do and do what you love.
In his field of expertise, Sandels is undeniably an elite. Having been involved in arms smuggling for over twenty years without ever getting caught, otherwise he wouldn¡¯t be sitting here talking.
Secretary-General Landrar: "I have no doubts about your professional capabilities, but ordinary trade is different from arms trafficking.
I believe you have the ability to get the goods there, but how will you sell them? The British and French colonial governments are no fools; if arge amount of smuggled goods enters, they will most certainly investigate."
After entering the industrial society, Austrian domestic industries¡¯ demand for markets skyrocketed, and colonial endeavors emerged against this backdrop.
In those times, each country¡¯s colonies are their reserved territories, and foreign products face significant restrictions to enter.
No one is willing to tolerate such exploitation, so smuggling naturally arises. The Vienna Government also supports capitalists smuggling domestic goods into other countries¡¯ colonies.
After all, as long as the taxes due in the country are paid, whether other countries collect taxes is none of Vienna Government¡¯s concern.
This is the backdrop of the era, looking specifically at the Austro-East Africa region. If arge amount of Austrian goods flows into British and French colonies from here, it will also drive economic prosperity in the region and increase government tax revenue.
Local economic prosperity and increased fiscal revenue are regarded as officials¡¯ achievements. Sandels is confident in securing the support of the colonial government based on this.
Sandels spoke nonchntly, "It¡¯s quite simple, change thebel. For instance, rece the German text on thebel with English and French.
I have conducted field research in the British and French colonies, and their control over the colonies is not strict¡ªit could be said there are loopholes everywhere.
Many colonial police are semi-illiterate; as long as thebels are changed, they can¡¯t tell whether the products are domestic or not.
Adhering to the principle that it¡¯s better to avoid trouble whenever possible, with a little bribery, these people will pretend they saw nothing.
If you want to be even safer, then directly counterfeit British and French goods. With our technical capabilities, we can producemercial products identical to those of Britain and France.
It would be even harder to detect, and even if they found something wrong with the products, they might very well suspect these manufacturing enterprises, which I know are also engaging in smuggling."
Secretary-General Landrar nodded in satisfaction, "Very good, Mr. Sandels, you have sessfully convinced me.
However, I suggest you change your name first, otherwise if the Church peoplee knocking, things could get troublesome."
Even though the Church¡¯s power has greatly diminished, their influence in Austria is still substantial, and at least Sandels, the arms dealer, cannot afford to provoke them.
The warning from Landrar gave Sandels a jolt. Now thinking back, he realized how self-defeating it was to choose such a name.
The Church hasn¡¯te knocking, probably because they think he is a small-time arms dealer unworthy of their attention, too insignificant for them to lower their status over.
Should heunder his name, however, the situation would be different. The higher the profile, the more likely the name would bring disaster upon himself.
Sandels made a prompt decision, "Alright, Baron. Unless absolutely necessary, I wouldn¡¯t want to use this name.
Before long, there will no longer be an arms dealer named Sandels in this world, only a colonial merchant called Ders."
Since he intended tounder his image, of course, he needed a new alias. Although there is only one letter difference between Ders and Sandels, there are tens of thousands of people named Ders in Austria, but only one Sandels.
Ders did not believe that by changing his name, no one would know him. For the real movers and shakers, digging up such information is too easy, unless he ran off to live in hermitage deep in the mountains and forests, there was no hiding.
Chapter 632 - 205: Busy Frederick
Friedrich¡¯s first visit to the countries of Europe filled him with extraordinary excitement. However, this good mood did notst for many days before he began to grow weary of it.
Every day was banquet after banquet. Had he imagined discussing matters of national fate with the monarchs of each country?
Sorry, but that was not the case. The apanying officials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs had already taken care of everything, and as the Crown Prince, he only needed to make up the numbers.
Even if Franz wanted to use this opportunity to train his son, he wouldn¡¯t dare gamble with matters of state. If something went awry, the loss would be no small matter.
Politics allows no room for sloppy mistakes; one misstep could even cost an heir his inheritance.
Therefore, Friedrich¡¯s mission on this visit to the European nations was, aside from securing a marriage with the Baden royal family, simply to mingle and share bonds of kinship.
Almost every heir to the throne in Europe would take a tour across the European Continent upon reaching adulthood. Officially, it was to see the world and broaden their horizons, but in truth, it was to make their presence known and to informally assess the developmental situations of other nations.
Franz was one of the few exceptions; the Great Revolution had elevated him prematurely to the throne, robbing him of the opportunity to interact with his contemporaries.
What seemed like a mere tour was actuallyden with intense political implications.
Initially, this kind of exchange was intended to foster personal rtionships between future monarchs to mitigate conflicts between nations.
By now, it had been proven far too idealistic. Personal feelings of a monarch were insignificant in the face of national interests.
Of course, it was not without its positive side. In situations free of conflicting interests, friendships between monarchs could sometimes transform into friendly rtions between countries, to some extent reducing potential disputes and conflicts.
The most crucial aspect was that it added ayer of insurance; if one had many friends, one could count on help in times of trouble. For example:
In the case of defeat in war or a political coup, international pressure could be used to maintain the throne, and at the very least, provide a ce of refuge during exile abroad.
Before the decline of monarchies, these were effective strategies. If not for theck of a suitable opportunity, Franz would have been ready tounch a "Monarchy Preservation Movement" across Europe.
Friedrich¡¯s situation was rather tragic; with a full schedule every day, he was swamped with social engagements, leaving no time for leisure or sightseeing.
This was the downside of having many rtives; upon arriving somewhere, one couldn¡¯t simply avoid seeing people, and the hosts were obliged to hold weing feasts.
Face was something that had to be mutually given, and as part of Europe¡¯s social elite, reciprocal ttery in business was inevitable.
To earn a good reputation, Friedrich needed to visit the homes of these important figures, and meet with local society leaders, who would then help build his image.
Due to familial rtions, Friedrich had to offer face even to those of a slightly lower status, adding significantly to his workload.
He simply couldn¡¯t neglect these duties, as these were tasks set by Franz. Having awork of connections is something you¡¯d rather have and not need, than need and not have.
The First World War in the original timeline was a ssic example. Defeated monarchs from the Allied Powers could go into exile abroad; the Tsarist, however, had nowhere to flee.
It wasn¡¯t that Nichs II didn¡¯t want to run. The provisional government nned to send him to the United Kingdom for political asylum, only for George V to refuse to receive him.
Not only did the British refuse him, but other European nations also weren¡¯t weing to Nichs II. It seemed Wilhelm II expressed a willingness to receive him, though that likely was more about enjoying the spectacle.
Franz didn¡¯t think the Habsburg Family would end up so woefully. With the resources currently at his disposal, as long as future monarchs didn¡¯tmit follies, the family could remain stable for centuries.
The main purpose of having Friedrich get along with everyone was still to create a good reputation for his son - which required collective support.
Looking at an invitation in his hand, Friedrich morosely asked, "Cole, how many more banquet invitations are there?"
Cole replied solemnly, "Your Highness, I cannot give you an exact number. Preliminary estimates suggest that before your itinerary ends, you¡¯ll have to attend at least a hundred more banquets.
This is after declining most invitations; in reality, there could be even more. Those with closer rtionships could potentially host several more feasts."
In an era with scarce entertainment, nobility were particrly keen on holding banquets, usually two to three times a month, and those with deep pockets possibly two to three times a week.
Even without a reason to hold a feast, they would concoct one. For instance: the family pet giving birth necessitated a celebratory feast; the blooming of fruit trees in the orchard demanded a celebration...
The reasons for banquets were diverse and sometimes quite imaginative. The cost of banquets was one of the nobility¡¯s most significant expenses in this era.
Friedrich massaged his forehead, almost developing a phobia of banquets. In this moment, he finally understood Franz¡¯s aversion to hosting them.
"Is it possible to decline a few more? For example, I could hold one and invite them over, getting it all done in one go."
Cole rejected the idea sternly, "That won¡¯t do, Your Highness. Representing the Habsburg Family, it is noble custom that you may only host a thank-you banquet after the host has held a wee feast.
At most, you can decline invitations from those ranking below a duke. Even so, it would be extremely rude. This time, you need to visit each state in the German Confederation, many of whose monarchs are not even dukes."
Friedrich¡¯s face fell with despair; if the Germany Region was known for anything, it was its multitude of small states.
Locked into political necessities, he simply could not avoid them, even if some states were no bigger than a single vige, he still had to visit.
This was about showing respect for the governments of the various states on behalf of the Habsburg Family, and simultaneously, an opportunity to spread the idea of Greater Germany.
After a moment of hesitation, Friedrich capitted to life¡¯s demands, "Fine, let¡¯s proceed with the original n. If it impacts the big picture, I can¡¯t shoulder that responsibility."
Friedrich wasn¡¯tcking in political acumen; he was quite aware of Franz¡¯s intentions for this arrangement. Following the n without deviation would earn him many des.
If he were to botch something so simple, it was likely Franz would have to reconsider his heir.
There was no room for improvisation. The next Austrian Emperor needed to be someone who could continue Franz¡¯s policies, someone cautious and stable. What was most undesirable was boundless greed and an appetite for glory.
In these respects, Friedrich did well, meeting the aforementioned criteria. Generally speaking, he followed the rules and was able to fulfill the tasks set by Franz without overstepping.
Lacking extraordinary talent, he possessed sharp political insight. Perhaps he couldn¡¯t make Austria shine brighter, but he wouldn¡¯t let the Empire fall into decline either.
...
Chapter 633 - 206, Victoria’s Curse
After Frederick¡¯s betrothal, Franz finalized the marriage arrangements for his other three sons with the fastest possible speed. Since the children were still young, the betrothal was only verbal, with the ceremony to follow in the future.
In those days, royal marriages were arranged by the parents, and a suitable match was all about equal social rank. As long as both sets of parents agreed, it was basically settled, and the opinions of those involved were rarely sought.
Even if you asked, it was futile; the oldest involved was barely in their teens, and the youngest not even ten. Expecting them to ponder a lifelongmitment was truly unreasonable.
Seeing that Franz was not in high spirits, Queen Helen asked with concern, "What¡¯s the matter, are you worried about something?"
"Yes, I am wondering whether arranging marriages for the little guys now is right or wrong. If we choose poorly, will they resent us?" Franz replied.
All he heard was Queen Helenughing lightly, "Franz, aren¡¯t you overthinking it? Isn¡¯t this how all members of the royal family have done it? How bad can it possibly be?
Resent us, based on what? You should know that I personally asked for their opinions, and they agreed on their own. Do they even have the right to back out now?"
Looking at the imperious Empress, Franz couldn¡¯t help wondering if he was seeing things, for he had never noticed Helen¡¯s dominating side before.
As for asking for the "sons¡¯ opinions," Franz simply ignored that. Was it difficult to persuade teens and kids?
Franz shamelessly deflected, "Alright, these are the wives they have chosen for themselves, so they must be responsible for their own choices."
Indeed, they had chosen their wives themselves. During this period, the royal families of Ennd, Belgium, & Montenegro each had more than one princess, and forming marriage alliances was about the rtionship between two families, not necessarily a specific princess.
The British Royal Family had four princesses, apart from Edward¡¯s three daughters, Prince Alfred also had a daughter who appeared to still be breast-feeding.
Not to mention the Montenegrin Royal Family, where Nichs I was the ¡¯Father-inw of Europe,¡¯ with no less than 6 daughters; one had passed away early, leaving 5. The oldest was 13, and the youngest had just stopped breast-feeding.
The Belgian Royal Family had fewer princesses; Leopold II only had one daughter, but his brother and cousin had two more.
Considering the situation they faced, the range of choices seemed quite broad. In reality, it was the opposite. Franz¡¯s youngest son was already in his teens, so how could he choose a breast-feeding infant?
Once those of unsuitable age were ruled out, there was instantly no choice left. To avoid beingughed at, the three little guys promptly followed Queen Helen¡¯s suggestion.
These were trivial issues, as royal family members never really had a choice in marriage. A symbolic inquiry about their preferences already showed great respect for personal wishes.
With his sons¡¯ lifelong matters settled, Franz prepared to reveal the truth about the "royal disease" to the whole world.
It was tough for Franz to deal such a blow right after forming marriage alliances, but to protect the royal families of Europe from the ravages of hemophilia, he firmly decided to sacrifice his own integrity.
...
Paris, after Napoleon III¡¯s transformation, had be even more prosperous.
Following the session of Napoleon IV, the French government busy with power struggles left them with neither the energy nor the desire to innovate, hence they continued Napoleon III¡¯s economic policies.
While the French economy was increasingly leaning toward the financial industry, overall, it remained healthy. Even after experiencing an economic crisis, Paris was still as thriving as ever.
In this vibrant international metropolis, known for active thinking, newspapers had be a part of people¡¯s lives. Parisians with even a modest economic capacity had developed the good habit of subscribing to newspapers.
Mark Penn was one of them. After a simple breakfast, he habitually went to the newspaper stop and picked up his subscribed paper.
As soon as he grabbed the newspaper, his face changed upon seeing the headline.
The headline was striking: "The Culprit of the Royal Disease¡ªVictoria¡¯s Curse." The content inside was even more astounding.
Without any addedmentary, the article simply summarized all cases of the royal disease, identified a pattern, and concluded that all patients were descendants of Queen Victoria.
Below, a detailed family tree was attached to prove the rtionship between "royal disease" sufferers and Queen Victoria with facts.
In the face of such evidence, Mark naturally believed it. Then he gleefully reveled in the misfortune, with no doubt that once the news spread, the British Royal Family would face great troubles.
It might even trigger political repercussions, as European royal families, long suffering from the "royal disease," were expected to thoroughly despise the British.
Without the Franco-Prussian war, the French¡¯s prime enemy was still Britain. As for Austria, it remained an insignificant and defeated underling ording to French newspapers.
The glorious legacy of the Napoleonic Era inted the pride of the French people to bursting. Newspaper sales dictated that they couldn¡¯t afford to antagonize their readers.
Seeing an enemy in trouble was naturally a joyous asion. On his way to work, Mark already decided to share this delightful news with his colleagues.
Mark Penn was not the only one who made the same decision; countless Parisians chose the same course.
"The Culprit Behind the Royal Disease¡ªVictoria¡¯s Curse" spread throughout Paris in the shortest time and began to diffuse around the world.
After reaching an agreement with the French government to cut off the Franco-Egyptian trade line, British Envoy Thatcher walked out of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs full of triumph.
It was then that he heard people discussing the "royal disease" and "Victoria¡¯s Curse," instantly extinguishing all his good spirits.
British Envoy Thatcher asked his attendant, "What¡¯s the matter, Wilhelm, what are the French up to now?"
"Your Excellency, there has been a serious incident. The French Times has published an article linking the royal disease with Her Majesty the great Queen."
Having said this, Wilhelm handed Thatcher the newspaper featuring "The Culprit Behind the Royal Disease¡ªVictoria¡¯s Curse."
After a brief nce at the content, Envoy Thatcher crumpled the newspaper into a ball, cursing, "Damn it, these ursed French dare to fabricate anything!"
Several murderous nces came his way, and sensing that something was amiss, Envoy Thatcher decisively chose to not pick a fight in this situation.
He swallowed the rest of his words and ordered, "Back to the embassy!"
In his heart of hearts, Envoy Thatcher hade to believe that the content of the newspaper was true. That genealogical chart was simply too persuasive.
Familiar with international rtions, Thatcher could, with his professional knowledge, confirm that the rtionships listed were indeed urate.
This meant that the source of the "royal disease" trulyy with Queen Victoria. For the British, this was undoubtedly a crushing blow.
In such a religiously charged area as Europe, not being able to exin the source of the disease meant it was deemed a "curse."
The problem would be much greater; a "cursed" royal family¡¯s prestige would inevitably be affected, and the London Government might even face a round of power struggles.
Beyond internal issues, the greater troubley with external pressure. If someone with ulterior motives steered the issue towards conspiracy theories, they would draw a great deal of hatred.
Of course, these were issues for the London Government to worry about. If Thatcher were not the envoy to France, he too could just be a bystander without thinking too much about it.
Unfortunately, as the envoy to France, and with the scandal originating from France, he could not escape responsibility, regardless of his excuses and justifications.
If he could not resolve this issue properly, his political career would be at stake.
Upon returning to the embassy, Envoy Thatcher immediately reported the situation back home and of course, did not forget to first send a telegram to the Queen.
Since the royal family was involved, Thatcher still possessed that bit of political savvy.
Queen Victoria, who had long been hands-off with governmental affairs, had little friction with the government and boasted considerable prestige; even amidst this scandal, she would likely weather the storm.
inly speaking, the "royal disease" had only harmed the European Royal Family without affecting the lives of ordinary people; it would not shake the foundation of Queen Victoria¡¯s reign.
Raising the banner of a "curse" would at most cause the Queen some embarrassment. The British popce was unlikely to heed a few shouts from the French and go overthrow the Queen.
...
Not to mention the turmoil brewing in Queen Victoria¡¯s mind, the London Government was already in a frenzy, with Prime Minister Benjamin flipping over his desk in anger.
Foreign Minister Edward spoke righteously, "This is all the enemy¡¯s conspiracy; we cannot fall into disarray. The royal disease is merely a coincidence, and we absolutely cannot ept such nder!"
Denial! That was the only solution Edward could think of. Otherwise, the troubles for the London Government would mount, and if political turmoil erupted anew, they might have to step down prematurely.
The monarchy had not yet declined, and it wasmon in Europe for the Cab to take the me and responsibility on behalf of the Monarch.
Havinge to his senses, Prime Minister Benjamin dered decisively, "Exactly, this is all the enemy¡¯s nder. We must counterattack; the government will immediately organize medical experts to exin to the public.
The Foreign Office will issue a stern protest to the French government, demanding that they forbid such irresponsible statements, lest they affect the rtionship between the two countries."
Whether true or false was not important now; what the London Government needed was for it to be false. They didn¡¯t need everyone to believe, just as long as the majority of the domestic popce did.
Other issues, Prime Minister Benjamin would have to ignore for the time being.
Chapter 634 - 207: The Age of Free Trade
Vienna Pce, looking at the arranged content on the newspaper, Franz knew the European grandmother would no longer exist, or rather, would no longer be Queen Victoria.
It is estimated that for a long period in the future, the British Royal Family will be too preupied with their own troubles. A political crisis may not erupt, but political marriages will be difficult.
In order for the message published in French newspapers to appear as an idental discovery, Franz naturally couldn¡¯t exin the transmission path of the "royal disease."
The "royal disease" hasn¡¯t been rampant for long, and based on the current cases that have emerged, it can only be proven that the patients all share Queen Victoria¡¯s bloodline.
Many royal families in Europe have difficulties producing heirs, so for safety, everyone naturally shied away from Victoria¡¯s descendants. Even marrying below one¡¯s station is better than the extinction of a bloodline.
After indulging in schadenfreude for a while, Franz no longer paid attention. In times like these, the more one does, the more likely it is to slip up, and Franz never dared to underestimate the power of a nation.
...
Buckingham Pce, Queen Victoria hadn¡¯t lost herposure like this in many years. Even with several failures in foreign wars, she had managed to control her emotions.
But now, she had broken that streak. In this society with a strong religious atmosphere, the destructive power of a "curse" is too great. With such an usation, anyone would be unsettled.
Mainstream newspapers still knew to exercise restraint and, with the London Government¡¯s public rtions efforts, many papers even published news that medical experts debunked the rumors.
The street tabloids were different, they would do anything to attract attention.
From a medical standpoint, how could itpare to the allure of a "curse?"
Many newspapers directly linked Queen Victoria to witches, concocting a series of news stories.
Exnations were useless; the public loved to read about witchcraft, especially when it involved the Queen.
British domestic newspapers, perhaps, didn¡¯t dare to go too far, but papers on the European Continent faced no such pressure.
"The Untold Story of the Queen and the Witch," "The Curse of the Witch," "God¡¯s Punishment"...
Various shocking headlines were published on newspapers across the European Continent. As the saying goes, there¡¯s safety in numbers; with everyone publishing, the British were at a loss for a target for retaliation.
In the realm of thought, France had always been at the forefront in Europe. Plus, due to the rivalry between Ennd and France, ckening the British had always been a long-term job for French media.
True or false, public opinion directly attributed the "royal disease" to a "curse." They used the British ofmitting too many misdeeds, with the royal family consequently suffering the curse.
Incuding the Austrian media, none were idle; like most idle onlookers, they joined in the discussion.
Don¡¯t even think about hearing any good words; the British were so disliked that even the royal family had a bad reputation. Any newspaper that didn¡¯t join in the criticism had surely been paid off.
Vienna Pce, beneath the noisy and confused waves of public opinion, quietly made the decision to begin the uing Austrian economic conference.
Prime Minister Felix, "As of now, over ny-eight percent of peasants that have applied fornd redemption havepletely repaid their debts.
The domestic market has been expanding constantly in recent years, to a great extent due to the expansion of the rural market, thereby stimting industrial production.
However, this wave of benefits is nearing its end. From now on, the growth of the domestic market will gradually slow down.
If domestic enterprises cannot keep up with the pace of the times and actively expand overseas markets, they will face elimination in the new round ofpetition.
From the perspective of development, our domestic economy is about to enter a new phase. Our industrial production technology is generally no weaker than any country.
Continuing to protect the domestic market will no longer stimte economic development, it will only make our enterprisescent in theirfort zone.
ording to the theory of national economy proposed by Liszt, we have now reached the third stage of economic development¡ªopening markets, embracing challenges, and ushering in the era of free trade."
Prior to this, Austria had always implemented trade protectionism. Relying on domestic and colonial markets, Austriapleted its Industrial Revolution.
As of today, Austria has be the world¡¯s leading industrial nation, possessing the confidence to engage in internationalpetition.
Maintaining trade protection policies is obviously outdated, andunching a new round of economic reforms is imperative.
"Is it too soon to implement a free trade policy now? Many domesticpanies have not yet had time to change their mindset; we should give them more time," Tofucox, the representative of the Kingdom of Lombardy, objected.
There is no way around it,pared to other regions of Austria, the Kingdom of Lombardy¡¯s pir industries are concentrated in light industry, especially the cotton textile and raw silk industries, and there are even some handicrafts.
Compared to other industries, once the era of free trade begins, they will be the most impacted. Especially the cotton textile industry, which is the core pir of the British.
Austria¡¯s advantages mainly lie in emerging industries. Traditional industries don¡¯t have a clear advantage over the British and are even at a disadvantage.
Perversely, it¡¯s the unenterprising businesses that are concentrated in the traditional industries. Essentially, it¡¯s: if you can make money without trying, why bother with technological innovation?
This is not what Franz wanted to see: market survival of the fittest is inevitable. Companies that fail to see the progress of the times and just want to make money lying down are doomed to be eliminated.
Prime Minister Felix¡¯s face darkened, "We¡¯ve already given businesses time, haven¡¯t we?
As early as 1865, the Central Government issued a notice advisingpanies to constantly reform and innovate to keep up with the times.
In 1870, the Central Government issued another warning to domesticpanies, reminding them to enhance theirpetitiveness.
But what are the results after all these years?
While moring for the government not to interfere in the market, they also want the government to implement trade protectionism.
Have our domestic businesses really degraded to such an extent that they just grovel for survival?
The government gives businesses time, but who gives time to the country?
With such fierce internationalpetition, a country¡¯s development is like rowing upstream, if you don¡¯t advance, you will recede.
Instead of spending energy on thesecent trash businesses, better concentrate our efforts on supporting the more vibrant emerging industries.
Marketpetition is bing increasingly brutal, this is the naturalw of human development. If businesses can¡¯t withstand the challenge, then they might as well close their doors sooner rather thanter, to avoid wasting social resources."
Opening the market and entering the era of free-trade economy are both challenges and opportunities.
The problem facing the Kingdom of Lombardy is not unique; many businesses in Austria have simr issues. These businesses are afraid to face international marketpetition directly and have be blockers of free trade.
However, as emerging industries rise and upy an increasing share of the national economy, the calls for free trade are growing louder.
Today, in Austria, the voices advocating for free trade have already overshadowed trade protectionism. Seeing that the time is ripe for reform, the Vienna Government has decided to carry out economic reforms.
Tofucox was at a loss for words, having some integrity, he couldn¡¯t outright lie.
Even as a representative of the Kingdom of Lombardy, and being on the government¡¯s side, he couldn¡¯t just blindly speak for the capitalists.
This is just a high-level economic conference, the representatives of the capitalists don¡¯t even have the right to enter this ce; the atmosphere is rtively rxed.
Once we get to the implementation phase and expand the discussion, things are likely to get lively.
Franz was sure that, from the start of the expanded economic conference, supporters and opponents of free trade would be at each other¡¯s throats¡ªthings might even turn violent.
That¡¯s nothing, at government-organized conferences, capitalists might hold back a bit. The real cut-throat confrontations happen in public debates.
Knowing this, Franz would not interfere. Dividing the bourgeoisie has always been his established national policy. As long as the bourgeoisie is not united, the royal power is secure.
So far, the progress has been very smooth. Due to interests, conflicts often arise between emerging industry capitalists and traditional industry capitalists, and this economic reform is just a microcosm of that.
Chapter 635 - 208: Financial Markets
```
With the outbreak of the second industrial revolution, the total industrial output of countries grew exponentially, and the demand for markets and industrial raw materials increased day by day.
The Vienna Government was eager to promote free trade, not only for domestic economic development but also for undisclosed strategic purposes.
Once the era of free trade began, Austria, which held an advantage in emerging industries, was bound to amplify this advantage and set higher barriers for neers.
If progress went smoothly, in the near future, the following scenario would emerge: the United Kingdom dominating the traditional industries of textiles and shipbuilding, while Austria took the lead in the emerging industries of electricity,munications, and internalbustion engines.
It could almost be said to be a replication of the economic rise of the Second German Empire, except that Austria was somewhat more solidly founded, being Europe¡¯s leading agricultural exporter and supported by vast colonies.
The Anglo-Austrian two countries divided the industrial main body of the world, what about the remaining countries?
Especially France, which was next after the two countries, whetherpeting with the British in traditional industries or with Austria in emerging industries, they had no advantage.
It wasn¡¯t that they couldn¡¯t keep up technologically, but rather, the supply of industrial raw materials could not be resolved. Unliketer times, transportation was not as developed in this era. Once distances became too great, costs would rise.
Militarily defeating France posed too great a risk, as it had be a populous nation of nearly sixty million. Even if the Italians contributed nothing militarily, they could still offer logistical support.
When snipes and ms grapple, it¡¯s the fisherman who benefits.
Unless the war could be ended quickly and the opponentpletely crushed, the victor would be the fisherman.
A nce at the map and a modicum of military knowledge made it clear that France and Austria could not determine a winner in the short term, a result dictated by their geographical locations.
Byparison, economically defeating France was much less risky and had a higher rate of sess.
In the economy, Ennd, France, and Austria were allpetitors; even though the London Government liked to y with European bnce, that could only be a military bnce, not an economic one.
The economies of France and Austria had long been unbnced, and the British had no intention of helping France, which would mean aiding the enemy.
Forget strategy; capitalists have no such lofty integrity. Making money is always the first priority. Why refuse the chance to eliminate apetitor and make more profit?
The threat from Austria might be great, but that was a problem for the future; capitalists would not give up making money because of a potential danger.
The most typical example was the rise of the Soviet Union in the original timeline. In terms of sheer threat, this was much more terrifying than present-day Austria, yet for profit, capitalists would still cooperate with the Soviets.
In the age of free trade, the economy was determined by the market, and the government¡¯s interference was rtively limited. Taking the London Government of that era as an example, they hardly interfered with the market.
Without a doubt, once Austria joined the free trade system, those with vested interests would also push for both governments to unite and pull all remaining countries into the free trade system.
Undoubtedly, most European countriescked the resolve to refuse. Once everyone joined the free trade system, the French would be in trouble.
Joining the trade circle, theyckedpetitiveness. Not joining, they would find themselves in the awkward position of being isted.
France had already been ostracized on the European continent, and it had taken twenty years of effort by Napoleon III just to be reluctantly epted. ying solo now, they had reverted to their former state.
Perhaps one day the British would give up the free trade system, but they definitely would not do so in support of France. As long as the benefits outweighed the drawbacks, free trade would remain the British hallmark.
Looking at the current situation, as long as they didn¡¯t sabotage themselves, British industry andmerce could maintain theirpetitiveness for decades toe, thanks to their heritage as an established industrial powerhouse.
¡
Franz: "What¡¯s the domestic public opinion?"
Prime Minister Felix: "The voices of support and opposition are nearly equal, and both sides are quarreling fiercely. It¡¯s feared that a victor will not be determined in a short time."
Those supporting free trade were not only from emerging industries but also from the agricultural processing industry; they were Austria¡¯s advantaged industries, confident in joining internationalpetition.
Joining the free trade system and reducing import and export tariffs, these industries would all benefit.
Naturally, whenever someone profits, others stand to lose. For example, the cotton textile industry was the staunchest opponent; once they abandoned tariff barriers, the British would inevitably snatch a portion of their market.
Of course, if these enterprises werepetitive enough, they also had the chance to snatch the British market. After all, these industries were low-tech, with little technological gap betweenpetitors.
If it weren¡¯t for the higherbor costs in Austro-African colonies, it¡¯s likely the domestic cotton textile industry would have relocated. Once the era of free trade began, cost control became an essential part of business.
Franz: "Then provide them a tform, let supporters and opponents debate, and let the... public be the judges."
Franz had originally wanted to say "spectators," but as the words reached his lips, he felt it inappropriate and timely changed it to "public."
```
"Your Majesty, this might cause even greater disturbances. Many people have already applied to the police to demonstrate and protest," Prime Minister Felix advised.
Franz shook his head, "It¡¯s precisely because the situation has escted that it¡¯s necessary to let them debate. Without an outlet for venting, would these aggrieved parties be content?"
Having capitalists argue with each other is better than the government stepping in personally. Regardless of the oue of the debate, reform is necessary.
It just adds a buffer that shifts the targets of resentment for those who have suffered losses.
This is only right, as beneficiaries of the reforms, they can¡¯t just reap the benefits without taking on responsibilities. Attracting animosity is one of their duties.
...
Finance Minister Karl: "Your Majesty, our negotiations with the British have hit a snag. Overall, we have reached a consensus, but the British are demanding that we open up our financial industry.
Given the strength of our domestic financial sector, once we open up the financial market, it will be difficult for us to hold an advantage."
Not to mention holding an advantage, Austria¡¯s financial sector is even weaker than that of France, let alonepared to the British. If restrictions were lifted, we would essentially be destined to be thrashed.
After hesitating for a moment, Franz said, "Rxing financial restrictions is impossible. Domestic capital is already restricted; how could foreign capital not be? Continue the negotiations with the British. We can allow British capital into the securities market, but they must abide by relevantws.
If the British persist in fixating on financial issues, we¡¯ll just sign an agreement stating that neither country¡¯s capital will enter the other¡¯s financial market. That would be fair."
Austria has never prohibited foreign capital from entering its financial market, it¡¯s just that there are many restrictions. If you want to roam free in financial freedom, just wait to be confiscated by the regtory authorities!
Unlike the London Financial Market, where rule makers intentionally leave loopholes, the Vienna financial market is constantly being patched.
Finding a loophole in the rules doesn¡¯t mean you can make money; you also need to be quick enough toplete your operation before the regtory authorities catch on.
After years of patching up, there are now few loopholes left in Austria¡¯s financial market. Trying to shear the sheep without restraint has be much more difficult.
"Not entering each other¡¯s financial markets" is aplete joke.
For Austria, it doesn¡¯t matter. The domestic financial industry is still in the stage of capital umtion, and even if we wanted to reach out to the London Financial Market, weck the strength.
From the perspective of the British, it¡¯s a different story. The London Financial Market is the financial center of the world, attracting capital from all over the globe for spection.
Aside from a few lucky ones who manage to make money, the vast majority are harvested by the UK consortium.
For the British financial consortium, iing foreign capital is like sheep delivered to their door. Why reject these opportunities?
The British were the earliest toplete the Industrial Revolution, and they umted a vast amount of capital early on thanks to their advantage as the world¡¯s factory, leading to capital surpluses starting twenty years ago.
The rise of the United States in the original timeline was due to the British seeking to vent their excess capital; otherwise, the Chosen Country wouldn¡¯t have developed so easily.
Austria¡¯s rise was also aided by British capital in the early years. However, Franz took advantage of the economic crisis and the rule makers¡¯ edge to betray the British capital midway through.
Now, the British want Austria to open up its financial market, essentially because they have been spooked by the traps.
Triggering an economic crisis prematurely is one thing; it can be seen as ack of skill, and next time one just has to be more careful.
But restrictions due to rules, that¡¯s utterly disheartening. Many seemingly insignificant rules ordinarily have little impact, but when an economic crisis hits, they can often deliver a lethal blow.
And these rules are pre-established and public, part of the game rules. If they are missed, it¡¯s one¡¯s own fault, and they have no grounds forint.
The British employ simr tactics. The London Financial Market also has simr rules, specifically designed to trap uninformed foreigners.
But people are fond of double standards: exploiting rules to one¡¯s benefit indicates clever tactics; being outmaneuvered by someone else¡¯s rules is intolerable.
One learns from mistakes. After such experiences, British capitalists want to eliminate these rule restrictions.
Franz also found it difficult; he¡¯d like to tell the British that this waspletely unnecessary.
The same ploys can¡¯t go on forever, and as the market continues to regte, there simply aren¡¯t that many traps to set anymore.
Regrettably, no one would believe it if he said so. From the very beginning with the Vienna Government¡¯s creation of the water supply and railway monopoly projects to the premature detonation of the economic crisis not long ago, British capital suffered heavy losses.
From Austria¡¯s standpoint, these moves are normal y,pletely within the rules of the game; but from the perspective of British capital, they are enormous pitfalls.
Chapter 636 - 209: Ostensible Scheme
After half a year of negotiations, the United Kingdom and Austria finally reached an agreement. On November 12, 1877, representatives from both countries signed the "British-Austrian Free Trade Agreement" in Paris, officially incorporating Austria into the free trade system.
One must say the Paris Conference was aedy, initially intended to reconcile the contradictions between nations and eliminate international conflicts, but it failed to achieve its original purpose. Instead, it gave birth to several unrted treaties.
Thinking about it, it makes sense; after all, it was a meeting of high-level officials from various countries. How could they return empty-handed without achieving any results?
Going off-topic was inevitable, as everything was for the sake of political achievements. Up until now, the Paris Conference has produced a total of eight treaties, involving most countries in Europe.
This is only what is apparent. As for how many secret agreements were made behind the scenes, no one can know, but in any case, the Paris Conference was not held in vain.
...
At the Pce of Versailles, Napoleon IV mmed down his ss and cursed, "Damn the British, damn the Austrian fools, they must have done this on purpose!"
Napoleon IV¡¯s guess was not wrong; the Anglo-Austrian free trade negotiations actually took ce in Vienna, but they went to Paris to sign the treaty, which was strongly demanded by the British.
The reason is self-evident¡ªhow could the London Government not react to the French maligning Queen Victoria?
Diplomatic protests are ineffective at silencing the French; their newspapers dare to publish even the Emperor¡¯s scandalous news, let alone that of the British queen.
From the initial "curses" to now, the reportage has evolved to include gossip and even erotic novels with content that is too shameful to look at.
The channel cannot stop the spread of entertainment gossip. By distributing these newspapers and novels, they have long crossed the ocean into Britannia and have been secretly circted.
Whether the content is exciting or not is one thing, but this is too much of an affront to the nation¡¯s dignity, leaving the British public very dissatisfied. People demanded that the London Government put a stop to the French¡¯s deplorable conduct.
Of course, the British Royal Family should have yed a major role in this. Under pressure from all sides, the London Government naturally had to take action.
Since it is impossible to silence the French, it¡¯s better to create a major news story to divert attention and simultaneously reprimand the French.
The "British-Austrian Free Trade Agreement" undoubtedly serves as the perfect weapon, striking directly at the French¡¯s Achilles¡¯ heel. If not handled well, France, which is already falling behind, will truly be on the path to decline.
Finance Minister Allen, "Your Majesty, now is not the time to quibble with them. The urgent matter is to minimize the impact.
The United Kingdom and Austria have reached an agreement, and it won¡¯t be long before the two countries take action to persuade more countries to join the free trade system.
The only great European nations currently outside the free trade system are us and Spain. At all costs, we must stabilize the Spaniards; otherwise, we are in big trouble."
One must admit that British diplomatic tactics are formidable; over the past decades, they have sessively brought the Nethends, Belgium, Portugal, Prussia, Russia, and the Nordic Federation, among others, into the fold.
Now with Austria joining the free trade system, the remaining Switzend, the German Federation Empire, Greece, Montenegro will naturally also join it.
France is isted again, with only Spain remaining, who must be firmly secured at all costs. Fortunately, the Spanish royal family was established by Napoleon III, staunchly pro-French.
Foreign Minister Montero, "It is not that simple. The Spaniards may not stand with us this time.
The United Kingdom and Austria have too many bargaining chips at their disposal; they can offer a price much higher than ours.
Our main advantage is the pro-French Spanish Government. However, it¡¯s hard to say how effective this advantage can be when faced with interests.
The current situation is very clear, and it is our turn to make a decision. The semi-free trade model we¡¯ve had until now was workable before, but it has now be the worst choice."
The "semi-free trade system" was an economic policy formted by Napoleon III based on the actual circumstances of France, taking into ount economic policies from across Europe.
In simple terms, it entails implementing either tax exemptions or low tariffs on industrial raw materials France needs, while enacting trade protection policies for goods that can be produced domestically.
To some extent, before this, the economic policies of France and Austria were somewhat simr, both protecting their domestic industries andmerce.
Regrettably, Austria seized the opportunity of the Second Industrial Revolution, was the first toplete industrial transformation, and had agriculture as a support. Now, it already has the capacity topete on the international stage.
The situation in France is different; not only is itcking in natural resources, but its capitalists also dislike investing in manufacturing.
Even though Napoleon III encouraged the development of manufacturing, he couldn¡¯t change the nature of French capital¡¯s preference for usury.
The insufficient funds flowing into manufacturing meant industrial development inevitablygged behind. The core factor causing all this was essentially theck of industrial raw materials in France itself.
Although France was also a colonial empire, it was at the same time a desert empire. The vast majority of its extensive colonies were desert, resulting in rtively insufficient colonial output.
Coupled with the annexation of the resource-poor Italian Area, this made France¡¯s resource crisis even more severe, forcing reliance on imports.
Now, over seventy percent of the world¡¯s industrial raw material exports were monopolized by the Anglo-Austrian two countries. To strike againstpetitors, Anglo-Austria, holding the pricing power, artificially inted the market prices of raw materials.
Relying on imports for industrial raw materials meant naturally higher costs. In internationalpetition, French industrial andmercial products conspicuouslyckedpetitiveness.
Finance Minister Allen, "Your Grace, joining the free trade system sounds easy, but if we really implement it, we first have to consider whether our domestic industry andmerce can withstand the impact.
ording to data from the Paris Daily, the overall cost of industrial andmercial products manufactured domestically is 2.9% higher than that of the British, and 2.7% higher than Austria¡¯s.
But the fact that our domestic industrial production costs are high is a reality, and if we remove market protection and face internationalpetition, we will be at a disadvantage."
High industrial production costs present an unsolvable problem. Unless the cost of raw materials is driven down, there is no solution.
Napoleon IV, "If the cost of industrial production differs by just a couple of percentage points, it seems not to be insurmountable.
Capitalists from Britain and Austria also need to make money; they can¡¯t possibly sell at cost price, so domestic enterprises simply earn less.
The government can also reduce taxes to narrow this gap. As long as we survive the initial shock, I believe our domestic enterprises will be able to stand their ground in thepetition.
At the very least, we can rely on proximity and advantages to protect our local market, preventing the situation from worsening."
After hearing Napoleon IV¡¯s words, Finance Minister Allen was startled and hastened to dissuade, "Your Majesty, it¡¯s not that simple. This gap is the overall difference across all industries.
If we look at a specific industry, the cost gap could possibly widen to twenty to thirty percent, which is beyond what tax adjustments can offset."
Just kidding, newspaper published data, goodness knows how much of it is inted, whether it¡¯s through data analysis or outright spection, nobody knows.
The French government doesn¡¯t have a dedicated statistics agency; when data is required, it¡¯s the responsibility of economic experts to estimate, and then the government artfully maniptes it as needed.
Allen has no intention of changing this; as Finance Minister he knows too many truths, and unfortunately, the French public cannot ept the fact that they do not measure up to the Anglo-Austrian two countries.
Not to mention now; even after the Franco-Prussian War in the original timeline, the French public didn¡¯t admit they were inferior to Germany.
The First World War was said to be caused by Franco-German tensions, but in reality, it was also due to French pride. It was after World War I, when French arrogance was crushed, that led to the World War II debacle.
It¡¯s better not topile real statistics and admit to them than to not collect them at all, and just collectively feign ignorance.
The free trade system, it¡¯s fine to chant slogans during normal times, but if taken seriously, it could be the death of a country.
Apart from the financial industry which has an advantage, most of France¡¯s industries would be impacted. The emergence of a Usury Empire is not without reason.
Napoleon IV frowned deeply, there was no doubt he felt embarrassed again. This feeling was extremely unpleasant, making him seem like an unknowing emperor.
"So how do we resolve the current issue? Britain and Austria are working together on the free trade system, and most European countries have joined. The remaining countries will notst long either.
Soon, not just Europe, but the entire world will be covered by the free trade system. Can France really stay self-sufficient?"
Napoleon IV wasn¡¯t oblivious; rather, he saw things all too clearly. The British-engineered free trade system is a plot in broad daylight, unstoppable even when known.
Currently, French industry has not exploded, and can temporarily remain aloof. But once domestic industry andmerce develops further, faced with reality, France will still have to join.
Of course, there¡¯s also the option to challenge the world. In the original timeline, Germany did so because itcked raw materials and markets, and having no say within the free trade system, initiated war out of desperation.
France¡¯s situation is naturally much better than that of the German Empire, but a crisis still exists. Unless manufacturing development is foregone, the crisis will inevitably detonate.
Chapter 637 - 210: The French’s New Plan
Since ancient times, it has always been easy to discover problems but difficult to solve them. Everyone can see the developmental dilemmas that France faces, but finding a way out of these difficulties remains a puzzle.
Finance Minister Allen: "Your Majesty, learn from the Austrians and develop the colonies! France possesses more than ten million square kilometers of colonial territories; if these are exploited, we can solve the majority of our domestic need for industrial raw materials."
"Developing the colonies" was not a new proposal. As early as the era of Napoleon III, the French government had formted an ambitious colonial development n.
For this purpose, the French government alsounched arge-scale immigration n, sessively relocating millions of people from the Balkan Penins, the Italian Area, and the maind to fill the regions of North Africa.
The influx of immigrants did push the development of French Africa to a certain extent, but unfortunately, it ultimately ended in failure.
It wasn¡¯t that the French government didn¡¯t make an effort, but that effort was to no avail. Apart from developing some precious mines, other industries failed to take off.
This waspletely different from Austria, whose Austro-Africa could develop because there was a group of nobility andmoners who liked farming and developed ntation economies there.
As the number of settlers increased, the colonial government¡¯s ie rose as well, and the infrastructure gradually improved. After transport was enhanced, the surrounding mineral resources were slowly exploited, forming a virtuous cycle.
French Africa was different; the French had no love for farming. Everyone was only interested in the precious metals like gold and silver mines, and no one was willing to invest in low-return industries such as farms and ntations.
If the French were unwilling to invest, not to mention other immigrants. Even if they wanted to establish their own farms or ntations, they needed money in their pockets!
With private capital refusing to enter and total reliance on government investment, it naturally wouldn¡¯tst for many years.
Without the local economy developing, mining continued to rely on cheaper indigenousbor. Under these circumstances, the French colonial development ns quickly bankrupted.
Economic Minister Elsa: "Your Grace, restarting the colonial development n is not so easy.
The biggest problem is that the public is unwilling to invest in colonies, and even when they do, they are only interested in mineral resources, investing in other areas is too minimal.
Relying solely on the government¡¯s power to develop the colonies would require a cost too substantial to bear."
Finance Minister Allen: "We can increase government investment and implement policies to encourage people to go to the colonies for development. As long as we persevere, sess wille sooner orter.
No matter how great the cost, it must be done. France doesn¡¯tck technology; our industrial developmentgs behind that of the United Kingdom and Austria chiefly because weck cheap industrial raw materials.
If we cannot change the plight of being subject to others for industrial raw materials, our industry will never be able to develop!"
Economic Minister Elsa shook her head: "Your Grace, you should say this to the nationalists and idealists outside; they will probably support you.
In reality, we all know that the domestic nobility, capitalists, and even ordinary people don¡¯t think this way.
Shouting a few slogans is one thing, but when ites to actually investing money in the construction of colonial territories, the unavoidable issue of returnses first.
There is also a gap between colonies, and on the surface, we are the splendid thirdrgest colonial empire in the world; but we must admit that our coloniesg far behind those of the United Kingdom and Austria in terms of value.
Your Grace surely does not believe that the vast deserts have value, right?
After excluding these worthless areas, the remaining territories are less than one third. Arge part of thisnd, due to geographical conditions, is not valuable for development.
Even if it is developed, it may not meet domestic needs. At least the coal resources, where our shortfall is greatest, are not avable in French Africa."
This was a realistic problem. Like Austria, the majority of French colonies were concentrated on the African Continent and mostly situated in desert areas.
The harsh natural conditions and climate created the biggest challenge for the development of French Africa. Investment and returns not being proportional, capital naturally abandoned them.
Finance Minister Allen with uncertainty: "Coal resources are only scarce because they are under-explored in French Africa; it doesn¡¯t mean they do not exist. We have under-invested in these areas. Continue searching, and we will ultimately find them.
It¡¯s impossible that the vast African continentcks coal resources. With a little patience and sending out more prospecting teams, we will have harvests."
Allencked confidence when he spoke. France¡¯s coal shortage has been a long-standing issue, and to solve this, during the era of Napoleon III, arge number of prospecting teams were dispatched.
It¡¯s not that there were no findings; quite a few coal mines were discovered, but unfortunately, most had low reserves and were difficult to develop, rendering them economically non-viable.
To say that the prospecting teams didn¡¯t put in the effort would be wronging them. If the resources weren¡¯t there in the first ce, they couldn¡¯t just conjure up coal mines.
Minister of War Patrice MacMahon retorted: "Your Grace, that¡¯s theoretically possible. However, in practice, the distribution of mineral resources is determined by God, and it¡¯s not as if having argend area guarantees rich mines.
If we wish to solve the shortage of coal, it¡¯s better to look for solutions from our neighboring countries rather than cing our hopes in unrealistic dreams."
Patrick MacMahon, a member of the hawk faction in the French government, advocated for the seizure of territories west of the Rhine River, shing with Finance Minister Allen, who led the dove faction. (Belgium, Rhinnd, and parts of Baden)
Now that the subject had turned to coal resources, Patrick MacMahon immediately made the most of the opportunity to advocate for a strategy of expansion into the Central European Region.
Finance Minister Allen bluntly used, "Your Grace, if you can ensure the neutrality of the United Kingdom and Austria, I also wouldn¡¯t mind expanding into Central Europe.
If you can¡¯t achieve that, it¡¯s best to abandon such an impractical fantasy unless you want to experience another Europe-wide Anti-French war."
Minister of War Patrick McMahon sneered coldly and disdainfully said, "Coward!"
"The international situation is very clear now. Prussia and Russia have deep-seated hatred for each other, and the second Prusso-Russian war could break out at any time, leaving them powerless to interfere with our actions.
Without the involvement of Prussia and Russia, with the Spanish Government under our influence, the Italian Area annexed by us, Switzend dering eternal neutrality, and the Nordic Federation isted too far north to reach us, where would any Anti-French Alliancee from?
As long as we move fast enough and create a fait apli, minor countries like the Nethends and Portugal dare not send troops.
The British Army¡¯s strength is limited, the only real threat is Austria and what is there to fear in a one-on-one?"
The French, having not experienced the defeat of the Prusso-French war, were still brimming with pride. After the decline of the Russian Empire, the French government proimed itself as having the world¡¯s number one army, politically speaking.
Over time, ttered by their own press, the French military grew arrogant. Patrick McMahon was inevitably influenced and gradually scorned other countries.
Foreign Minister Montero warned, "Your Grace, a one-on-one scenario does not exist. The United Kingdom and Austria will undoubtedly join forces. Perhaps the army can disregard their threats, but the navy cannot.
If we cannot win the war promptly, we will face a prolonged blockade, and not to mention other issues, food alone is a major problem."
The French people were very confident about their own strength, boasting in the newspapers every day, and the Paris Government also had unprecedented confidence in its own power.
Of course, the high-ranking officials in the government had notpletely lost touch with reality; they were, at most, confident in their army. As for the navy, it was best to forget about it; the Royal Navy¡¯s prestige was too imposing for the French to challenge.
Finance Minister Allen waved his hand and said, "We¡¯re getting off-topic. Today¡¯s meeting is an economic one to discuss how to solve the problem of Austria entering the free trade system, not a military one."
It seemed casual, but it was actually a warning to Patrick McMahon that he was overstepping. The economic meeting was the government¡¯s job, not one for the military to interfere with.
Although the Minister of War was a member of the government, his authority in practice had been confined to the realm of the military, and government economic policies were none of his business.
...
Napoleon IV rubbed his forehead, not knowing when it had be a habit for the French government to argue.
A dispute in the cab was still harmonious, but if it were an expanded meeting, it might even lead to fisticuffs.
Disharmony among subordinates was naturally advantageous for the Emperor as an arbitrator, but it was greatly damaging to government efficiency.
By the time everyone had argued to a conclusion, it would be toote. To improve government efficiency, Napoleon IV often had no choice but to personally intervene in negotiations.
This approach was very harmful to imperial authority. But there was no choice; his subordinates wouldn¡¯t take orders from anyone else, so Napoleon IV had to step in himself.
For instance, the n proposed by the Finance Minister to restart colonial development was clearly not popr.
If Napoleon IV wanted to restart the colonial development n, he would have to personally endorse it.
Seeing that the arguing wasn¡¯t leading to a resolution, Napoleon IV interjected, "Let¡¯s not discuss whether the n works for now, but list out all the ns to see what options we have.
If we have no choice, even the worst n is better than no n at all. We cannot sit idly by; that would be a slow suicide!"
Clearly, their options were limited. Joining the free trade system meant they had to solve the problem of raw materials.
As for relying on capital forces to drive industrial technological innovation, to reduce production costs, to maintain marketpetitiveness, so as to keep their market share,
Sorry, that¡¯s idealism. France wasn¡¯tcking capital, but that didn¡¯t mean the French industrial sector wasn¡¯tcking.
Everyone was already reluctant to invest in the physical industry due to low returns. If they joined the free trade system, increasingpetition and further diminishing profits, could they still count on capitalists to invest?
Restarting the colonial development n might not be the best choice, but it was the only viable one at the moment.
Moreover, the n wouldn¡¯t see returns in the short term; it would take ten or twenty years to see actual profits.
Not to say that it couldpletely solve France¡¯s domestic shortage of raw materials, but achieving self-sufficiency for most industrial raw materials was still doable.
The prerequisite was that the French¡¯s ns seeded in truly developing the colonies; otherwise, things would remain as they were.
Driven by reality, with the support of Napoleon IV, the French government passed the "Restart Colonial Development n" proposed by the Finance Minister by a narrow margin.
...
Chapter 638 - 211: Sabotage
```
The French reinitiating their colonial development n has certainly caused quite a stir. Seeing Austria¡¯s sess, no one could be certain that the French would fail.
In recent years, France has been gradually losing ground in internationalpetition, the primary issue being that domestic economic development has hit a bottleneck, unable to keep pace with the likes of Ennd and Austria.
Especially in the past two years, France¡¯s economic growth rate drastically plummeted, whereas the economies of Ennd and Austria continued to skyrocket.
From total economic volume alone, Britannia, which had once been surpassed by France, is now showing signs of catching up again.
This is no minor issue; The British Isles have a total poption of just over thirty-one million, while present-day France boasts nearly sixty million.
By simply calcting per capita ie, the ie of the French people is only sixty percent of that of the British.
This is mainly due to the Italian Area dragging its feet, particrly Southern Italy, where the local economy is still agricultural and has seen virtually no development over the years.
If one calctes the total industrial output, this disparity bes even more stark. The industrial output of Great France is less than half of that of Britain, and only forty percent of Austria¡¯s.
As time goes on, this gap continues to widen. In this era, not everyone recognized the power of industry, but the stark reality of having no money was acutely felt.
During its peak, the financial revenue of France once came close to the British, and during the era of Napoleon III, they couldpete with the British in an arms race. Now, the fiscal revenue of France is only slightly higher than Britain¡¯s.
This is due to the butterfly effect. With the Italian Area split into two, it is hardly surprising that the peak period of Great France, plus half of Italy and its colonies, saw fiscal revenues close to the British.
However, there was a lot of fluff in this; the real economy made up a very small proportion, with the manufacturing industry ounting for only about ten percent of France¡¯s total economic volume, the rest being either agriculture or services, including a good part in the financial sector, which held thergest share.
What is hollow is hollow, and it cannot be solidified by beautiful lies.
Since thest economic crisis erupted, France¡¯s bubble economy had been burst. Without industrial pirs, the financial sector alone could not support an empire.
...
The Vienna Government, as the greatest beneficiary of colonial development, undoubtedly understood the benefits involved the clearest.
If the benefits were not significant, even Franz with all his persistence could not have brought Austro-African development to its present state.
Inyman¡¯s terms, once a colony is developed, there would no longer be any worry about industrial raw materials, and a market for goods would be established.
The market in Austro-Africa now is no weaker than Spain¡¯s, and when all of Austria¡¯s colonies arebined, the market is nearly asrge as the Prusso-Polish Federation¡¯s.
This is just the beginning. With over twenty million square kilometers, the development potential cannot be matched by the Prusso-Polish Federation.
It is precisely with this privately ownednd, coupled with arge domestic market, that Austria has risen to be the world¡¯s leading industrial nation.
Ever since the French restarted their colonial n, the Austrian Government had be vignt. The current dimension of the French Empire is substantial. If they were to resolve theirst shoring, it would pose a threat to Austria as well.
Economy Minister Reinhardt Halden: "The development of the French economy is constrained by industrial raw materials and is now nearing its limit. The French government¡¯s move to restart the colonial development n is clearly an act of self-rescue.
If the French n seeds, our goal to economically crush France will dissolve into nothing.
The European Continent is small and cannot amodate so many great powers. With the development of industry, conflicts between nations will only continue to escte and might even lead to a great war engulfing Europe.
If we do not take this opportunity to suppress France, it is inevitable that we will sh with them in the future, a situation not preventable by mere individual power.
For the enduring peace and stability of the Empire, it is necessary to eliminate this hidden danger in advance. I propose taking action against the French to sabotage their colonial development project."
It is necessary to be vignt; who else but the formidable Napoleon to me? Even after so many years, the Vienna Government has never rxed its guard against them.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg: "I oppose, the French colonial development n has already failed once, and whether it will seed this time is also unknown.
We should not, because of uncertain risks, prematurely drive France and Austria towards opposition."
```
```
"If we were to take action simply because there might be a threat, then the Prusso Federation, Russia, and Britannia all pose threats. Are we to make enemies with the entire world?"
Economy Minister Reinhardt Halden retorted, "It¡¯s not the same. The British are a maritime power, and although their threat to us is significant, it¡¯s not lethal.
The Prusso Federation and the Russian Empire are at odds, having exhausted most of their energies. All we need to do is to y the bnce between them.
Only France is an exception, like us, it¡¯s and power and its military strength is very close to ours, with our main advantage being economic.
If the French manage to fix this shoring, it¡¯s quite possible that the French government will once again embark on a path of external expansion. We certainly can¡¯t sit by and watch Napoleon¡¯s history repeat itself!"
Colonial Minister Stephen: "It¡¯s not so serious, colonial development isn¡¯t an overnight issue, it requires consistent investment over decades.
From the current situation, the French public is not enthusiastic about developing colonies, and the French government¡¯s investment in colonial development is limited.
Everyone is clear about the state of the French colonies. They are essentially deserts and wastnds, with not many areas suitable for human habitation.
French America and the Asian colonies are too far away and notrge in size; they can be temporarily dismissed, and the French likely won¡¯t be concerned with them in the short term.
The areas that truly have development potential are actually just French Algeria, Egypt, half of Tunisia, and half of Moro, and it¡¯s only a part of thend near the coast that¡¯s reasonable.
ording to the data we¡¯ve collected, these areas have rtively scarce mineral resources. Although many rich mines have been discovered, most remain undeveloped due to natural conditions.
The areas suitable for agricultural production won¡¯t exceed 400,000 square kilometers. Even if ntation economy is developed, whether it will be sessful under externalpetition is still uncertain."
(Note the arablend suitable for agriculture in the following countries: Algeria 210,000 square kilometers, Moro 220,000 square kilometers, Tunisia 70,000 square kilometers, and Egypt 35,000 square kilometers)
Such is the tragedy of the Desert Empire. The French upy less than thirty percent of the African Continent¡¯s territory, yet they hold three-quarters of its deserts.
As the world¡¯s third colonial empire, besides having arger size, its actual revenue doesn¡¯t necessarily surpass the Dutch, who are essentially affluent in the Southeast Asia region.
Prime Minister Felix: "We can¡¯t underestimate the French; they have a solid foundation. If the French government is determined, they have the financial strength to aplish the colonial development n.
Without saying anything about developing all the colonies, just by developing Algeria, Moro, and the Egypt Area, the French could increase theirprehensive national strength by twenty to thirty percent.
This is also a threat to us. However, this is a problem for the future, and it¡¯s too early to talk about these things now.
Taking direct action to sabotage the French colonial development n is too extreme; the situation hasn¡¯t reached that point. shing with the French prematurely is more trouble than it¡¯s worth.
For now, creating some trouble for them in secret to dy their colonial development n is enough. The longer we drag this out, the better it is for us."
Undermining their efforts is a given; Ennd, France, and Austria are allies but alsopetitors. If one can suppress another, no one would mind ying underhanded tactics.
Franz nodded in agreement, even if a fallout was inevitable, there was no hurry toe to that.
The French have only just announced a n that has yet to be implemented; we canpletely wait until they are midway through before taking action.
Some early disruption, much like what the French government did during Austria¡¯s time of colonial development.
However, at that time, the French were also busy with colonial expansion, with limited strength in the African Continent and not much resources to invest.
Later on, when arge number of immigrants poured into the African Continent, Austria¡¯s power there surged rapidly. Even if everyone wanted to undermine those efforts, it would no longer be possible.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg suggested, "The Paris Conference is about to conclude, and once everyone¡¯s spheres of influence are defined, taking any action would require considering the stance of all nations.
Our core objective is still to secure enough development time. If we want to dy the French colonial ns, it¡¯s best to do so from an economic standpoint and avoid a direct military conflict."
...
```
Chapter 639 - 212: Currency Hegemony - New Bimetallism
"Wee everyone to Austria Economic Online, I¡¯m your host Boni.
Today let¡¯s talk about a topic that concerns us all¡ªgold.
As we all know, gold is wealth, the ¡¯Divine Shield¡¯ that we use daily is issued based on a gold standard. It can be said that gold is closely rted to our lives; no one can do without it.
In thest month, the Vienna Gold Trading Market has seen gold prices rise by seven percent, hitting a two-year high.
We now connect with Professor Brigitte Foss, an economist who will interpret the impact of the gold price increase for us."
"Beep beep beep..."
Host: "Hello Professor Brigitte Foss, can you hear me?"
...
Brigitte Foss: "I can hear you."
Host: "Professor Brigitte Foss, the recent rise in gold prices has everyone very concerned.
Could you discuss the impact of rising gold prices on the global economy?"
Brigitte Foss: "Certainly, host."
"We all know that gold is a precious metal, typically used directly as currency or as a standard, and its price has always been stable, with little fluctuation.
The seven percent increase in gold prices over the past month can be said to be both unexpected and expected.
You might say that this statement contradicts itself and doesn¡¯t make logical sense, but in fact, it¡¯s not contradictory at all.
It¡¯s unexpected because gold, as a currency and standard, has an immutable value; under normal circumstances, even if fluctuations ur, they shouldn¡¯t be this significant.
However, besides being a currency, gold is also amodity. Since it is amodity, its price is determined by the market, and a short-term increase is a normal phenomenon."
"Looking beyond its role as a currency, if we analyze gold purely as amodity, the reasons for the price increase be clear.
The rise in gold prices at the Vienna Gold Trading Market is not an isted case. Almost at the same time, gold prices also rose proportionally at the London Gold Trading Market.
The direct cause of this price increase was due to an announcement two months ago by more than a dozen mining giants, including the South African Mining Group and the UK Doss Mining Group, to perform equipment maintenance, which reduced gold production capacity.
This decision directly led to a reduction of 20 tons in the amount of gold circting on the global gold marketst month, creating a supply shortfall that naturally drove prices up.
Equipment maintenance is temporary, and the mining giants need to make money; it won¡¯t be long before production capacity is restored.
Whether gold prices can immediately return to normal levels, however, is uncertain. As time progresses, the gold standard has be the mainstream of the era.
In recent years, the global economy has developed rapidly, and the demand for currency has also increased day by day.
The demand for gold as the standard has likewise been on the rise. However, the amount of gold mined has not increased at the same pace.
In order to meet the currency demand in the market, countries continue to leverage, and while the nominal exchange rate with gold has not changed, the risk of currency devaluation has already emerged.
This recent rise in the exchange price of gold and currencies of various countries includes these factors, as well as intion caused by excessive currency issuance by nations.
We don¡¯t need to worry about this aspect; the exchange value of the Divine Shield and gold remains stable.
Here I would advise everyone, if not urgently necessary, it¡¯s best not to holdrge amounts of foreign exchange.
Because no one knows when the money in your hand might be worthless.
From the current situation, several European countries have already experienced a de facto devaluation of their currencies. If these countries do not stop the irresponsible issuance of currency, it will eventually lead to disaster."
Host: "Professor Brigitte Foss, you just mentioned certain countries¡¯ gold reserves being insufficient, leading to intion.
So how should these countries deal with such a situation?"
Brigitte Foss: "The simplest method would be to adopt New Bimetallism.
Don¡¯t misunderstand, the New Bimetallism I¡¯m suggesting is not the traditional gold and silver standard but a more advanced Secondary Bimetallism.
For most countries, gold can¡¯t be gathered in a short period. If they still want to maintain the gold standard, then what should they do?
After research, I¡¯ve found that adopting New Bimetallism can perfectly solve this problem."
```
Simply put, it is to use reliable international currency backed by credit in ce of gold to act as the standard for issuing currency.
This is equivalent to using one portion of gold to act as the standard twice, issuing two portions of currency, while ensuring normal redemption. I call this method ¡¯New Bimetallism¡¯."
¡
Without knowing when it started, Franz also developed the habit of listening to broadcasts, although he knew it was all boasting.
The so-called rise in gold prices was actually the Anglo-Austrian two countries, gold-producing nations, artificially manipting gold prices to mount a blockade against other countries¡¯ currencies.
As for the so-called gold production capacity, isn¡¯t it up to the gold mining countries to decide?
In order to enhance their own currencypetitiveness, the Anglo-Austrian two countries have been controlling gold exports, creating trouble for theirpetitors on purpose.
For countries on the gold standard, not having enough gold reserves spells doom.
The demand for currency in the market won¡¯t decrease just because there¡¯s an insufficient gold reserve; inevitably, everyone must increase the leverage on currency issuance.
This is what the Anglo-Austrian two countries want to see: the higher the leverage, the greater the risk. It isn¡¯t obvious during good economic times, but any adversity could lead to an immediate copse, with no resilience to risk at all.
The Anglo-Austrian two countries are fiercelypeting for currency hegemony, but that doesn¡¯t stop them from joining hands to control the gold pricing, first striking at otherpetitors.
One could say that from the beginning, the gold standard was a huge pitfall set by the British for the rest of the world. This pitfall was an open strategy, and even knowing the risks, everyone had to jump in.
No matter what, gold is still rtively stable. Even though it can be manipted, it can¡¯t be overdone! If it gets out of hand, it would affect the interests of the Anglo-Austrian two countries as well.
It¡¯s not that no country has tried to escape this pitfall, but in the end, all have failed. It has been proven that countries ying with the silver standard ended up in even worse shape.
Headed into thetter half of the 19th century, silver has been in a consistent state of devaluation, with fluctuations far greater than those of gold.
As gold standard nations, the Anglo-Austrian two countries would stabilize gold prices for their own interests. The so-called market fluctuations are simply obstacles set against other countries¡¯ currencies.
The magnitude of these fluctuations is typically only a few points and doesn¡¯tst. Generally, after a few months, the market will return to normal.
Simply put, as long as governments buy into gold, its price immediately rises. Once they stop buying, the market soon returns to normal.
The rise is also targeted; there isn¡¯t such an issue when purchasing with British Pounds or Divine Shield.
If you want to import gold, you can¡¯t avoid tariffs, but if you directly use Divine Shield or British Pounds as standard currency, you can achieve the same goal and save on the tariffs for purchasing gold.
At its core, this is a means of promoting currency hegemony, albeit more subtly.
¡
After listening to a segment of the broadcast, Franz hung up the phone and said, "Frederick, go inquire about the progress on wireless radio development. This kind of interesting news should be shared with the entire world."
Before the invention of wireless radio, there was no way to talk about wireless broadcasting. Franz was listening to wired broadcasting, a technology that came with the birth of the telephone.
In simple terms, it is linking many telephone lines together to a single source of information.
This fancy technology naturally wasn¡¯t something ordinary people could enjoy. To listen to broadcasts, one needed at least a telephone and to pay a hefty broadcasting fee.
As of now, less than twenty cities around the world have ess to broadcasting, and there are even fewer than fifty thousand subscribers.
Austria was at the forefront of the industrial revolution, and its start in broadcasting was rtively early. Vienna has over five thousand paying users, making it the city with the highest broadcast coverage in the world.
This number is nearly at its limit. To raise the broadcasting coverage, wireless broadcasting would need toe into existence.
Given the limited listening audience, it was impossible for broadcast programs to be varied and colorful. Apart from news, there were only popr current eventmentaries, asionally interspersed with a few songs or jokes, passing as entertainment programs.
The only advantage might be the absence of advertisements, not because broadcastingpanies don¡¯t want to make money from them but because there are too few users to bring significant revenue.
Moreover, the current customers are high-end users who are notcking in funds; what they want is premium service.
Frederick shrugged his shoulders and replied, "No need, Father, I just visited yesterday. The progress is quite slow; the transmission distance is still capped at twelve hundred yards (approximately 1097 meters), and there can¡¯t be any obstacles in between."
There was nothing that could be done; after all, Franz¡¯s memory wasn¡¯t good. He hadpletely forgotten the principles of wireless radio; now everything depended on scientists¡¯ free y.
"Twelve hundred yards," this distance was far from Franz¡¯s expectations. It was barely suitable even for walkie-talkies, let alone wireless telegraphs.
Franz sighed, "Then let it be, let them experiment slowly. Scientific research is all about luck; rushing won¡¯t help."
These words were spoken to Frederick but were also a reminder to himself.
```
Chapter 640 - 113, Technology
As the 19th century reached itstter stages, the Second Industrial Revolution began to gather full momentum, and technology innovations emerged one after another.
As the birthce of the Industrial Revolution, Austria was among the first to reap the benefits of technological advancement, with the domestic economy charging straight onto the expressway of development.
By the end of 1877, eighty percent of Austrian cities had already embraced electricity, and the remaining cities were in the process of doing so.
The speed of this proliferation surpassed everyone¡¯s imagination, and the fundamental reason for all these developments was the progress of technology.
Nobody expected that power generation technology would achieve another breakthrough in such a short time. The power output of generators had increased, with the coal consumption reduced to 450 grams to 630 grams per kilowatt-hour.
The vast disparity was primarily due to the quality of coal. Austrian power nts were privately owned, and naturally did not require standardized coal quality imposed by the government.
Secondly, there was a gap in power generation technology. Different power nts began to see divergences in technological capabilities, and a new round of survival of the fittest was about to unfold.
While the cost of power generation decreased, the Austrian metallurgy industry also achieved breakthrough progress. The price of copper plummeted in the market, resulting in lower production costs for electrical wires.
The significant reduction in costs meant that establishing a powerwork was no longer a dream butid the decisive foundation for the proliferation of electricity.
The widespread avability of electricity brought more than just a revolution in lighting technology; it also apanied an industrial revolution. Machinery powered by electricity sprouted up like bamboo shoots after a spring rain.
In addition to electrical technology, there was also a major development in internalbustion engine technology. This epoch-making invention directly relegated steam engines to the scrap heap.
Of course, this would take time; steam engines were still mainstream for the era. Even Austria, at the forefront of the Industrial Revolution, had only just begun to experiment with internalbustion engine equipment.
But everyone had already seen the potential of internalbustion engines. Capital chases profits, and after realizing the tremendous potential of these engines, the number of enterprises developing them surged rapidly.
Especially for enterprises engaged in machinery manufacturing, failing to invest in new power research and development projects meant falling behind the times.
Quantitative change led to qualitative change; with more participants, results were inevitable. For instance, internalbustion automobiles were born ahead of time.
Of course, limited by power technology, cars of the era with internalbustion engines had no practical value yet. A car that needed maintenance after traveling just thirty or forty kilometers clearlycked economic sense.
The cars inmercial use on the market were all steam-powered. However, due to their excessive noise and unresponsive brakes, leading to easy idents in emergencies, they were banned from city use.
Although steam-powered cars were bulky, inconvenient to use, and slow-moving, they still had decent load capacities. Such ¡¯ck technology¡¯ was typically active in mines.
asionally, some fearless tycoons would use these steam-powered behemoths as luxurious cars. It was impossible not to notice them; where would you put a steam engine if the car were any smaller?
Franz always admired these brave souls. Without their daredevil spirit, Austria¡¯s automobile industry would not have developed so quickly.
As the saying goes, where there¡¯s a market, there¡¯s production. It was after realizing the demands of the wealthy that automobile enterprises began to research and develop internalbustion engine automobiles.
Of course, there were deviations. Franz knew some were working on electric cars.
Not by using batteries¡ªthis eracked the technology¡ªbut by directly installing a small generator and then an electric motor as the propulsion system.
Whether it was feasible or not, Franz didn¡¯t know. In any case, such cars were bound to berge.
With increasing size came increasing weight. To get such a car to move, the power of the electric motor would have to be increased, and the power of the generator boosted as well.
It was a vicious cycle; therger the power output required by machinery, therger its size and the greater its weight, causing the problem to feed back into itself.
From this perspective, such futuristic cars lost marketpetitiveness during the development process.
Technological innovation ismendable, and even if it ends in failure, there are still valuable lessons to be learned.
Upon reading this news, Franz merelyughed it off without any intention to interfere.
For a business to survive in the long term, it must be willing to make detours and learn from experience.
If apany¡¯s leadersck vision or judgment, sooner orter it will fail. Businesses like that are simply not worth saving.
Being half a step ahead makes one a genius, a full step ahead makes one a madman. Franz didn¡¯t know what leading by several steps would make one¡ªprobably a martyr!
Who knows? Many scientific and technological innovationse about by ident and then flourish unexpectedly. If apany is lucky enough to create valuable by-products on the path to failure, it can still make a fortune.
Take, for example, making electric motors smaller and more powerful, or miniaturizing generators; these are feasible under the current industrial conditions.
There are many simr cutting-edge projects, such as the electric-powered train.
In the end, research on the electric-powered train failed, but it inadvertently led to the invention of trams.
This turned out to be fortunate, as the heavily invested Austrian Railway Company switched its focus and began to work on urban transportation.
Trams are clearly morepetitive than horse-drawn or steam buses, and several cities in Austria have now adopted this advanced means of transport.
Unliketer times, where a project from inception to use needs years or even decades to poprize, the situation was different.
Capitalists back then were undoubtedly more proactive. Generally, it took only a few months, or at most a year or two, for new products to be promoted to the market.
The main factor is profit. Many industries are just starting out, without many interest groups to hinder progress.
Since horse-drawn buses and steam buses were heavily subsidized infrastructure projects, the Austrian Government naturally wouldn¡¯t reject more advanced and cost-effective trams.
There were sesses, and of course, there were failures. For example, some tycoon came up with a "moonnding project," and Franz could only sigh at the whims of the wealthy.
In this age, dreaming ofnding on the moon is just that¡ªa dream. It¡¯s better to go to sleep and achieve it in dreams.
The project is still in its infancy, with no results yet. However, it¡¯s already generating a lot of buzz, with dozens of wealthy individuals domestically funding the venture, aiming tounch the era of interster exploration.
If this project can persist for a hundred and eighty years, there might be a chance of sess, but it would probably take twice as long to generate economic value.
Regardless, this kind of scientific spirit is definitely worth encouraging.
If nothing unexpected happens, the moonnding project should receive the 1878 Austrian Best Technological Innovation Award, while the interster project will likely win the Most Promising Project Award.
These awards were specially established by Franz to encourage technological innovation.
The application conditions are simple, with just two requirements: either the project has achieved some preliminary results, or the investment exceeds one million Divine Shields.
Of course, there¡¯s a premise: the scientific project must benefit humanity.
Awarded projects are entitled to apply for free research space, with half-off water and electricity bills. Local governments will also actively cooperate with the project teams.
Tax exemption goes without saying¡ªall scientific research projects in Austria are eligible for government tax relief, provided they are subject to government oversight of research funding, to prevent moneyundering under the guise of scientific research.
Theoretically, whether or not the project ultimately seeds, as long as it has social recognition and you¡¯re willing to invest in it, you have a chance of winning an award.
Both the moonnding project and the subsequent interster project are money-consuming ventures that have gained wide social recognition.
These are just honorary awards, not too difficult to win. The real grand prizes for scientific research are bestowed by the Royal family, including cash rewards and even titles of nobility.
However, to win, one must have tangible scientific achievements, and if it¡¯s theoretical research, it must also be collectively acknowledged by the scientificmunity.
The "Contribution to Science Award" is not handed out annually¡ªit¡¯s conferred every three years, without division by field, and solely based on the technological achievement.
Foreign scientists can also apply; Franz does not discriminate.
That, however, is in theory. Domestic scientists in the Austrian military tech sector can be awarded, but foreign military tech experts are out of luck.
Tough luck¡ªafter all, the award is there to validate the sess of the technology. Military technology is strictly confidential; one can hardly expect to win an award and then show the results to the Austrians!
Come on, can everyone really trust the integrity of the Austrian judges not to use these technologies for themselves?
If someone dared to do this, Franz would certainly not be stingy with the reward. He would be willing to deal with all the repercussions that follow.
Chapter 641 - 214: Outbreak of the Pacific War
Early in the morning, Franz had just finished his morning exercise and had not yet had breakfast when Foreign Minister Weisenberg hurried over with bad news.
"Your Majesty, our embassy in Bolivia has sent word that two days ago, Chilean forces invaded Bolivia, disrupting the bnce in South America."
The reason the Austrian Government was concerned about this war was mainly due to the saltpeter trade. Because of the colonial rtionships in South America, Austria¡¯s rtions with Chile and Argentina were not particrly good.
After the discovery of rich saltpeter deposits in Bolivia¡¯s coastal Atacama province along the Pacific in 1863, it became a major import area for Austria¡¯s saltpeter.
With the increase inmercial trade, rtions between Austria and Bolivia warmed significantly, almost reaching the status of close allies.
However, the strategic focus of the Vienna Government was not on South America; the resources invested in the region were very limited, without further action.
Nevertheless, as a major power on the international stage, it certainly yed the role of a troublemaker. The reason it didn¡¯t gain much fame was mainly that its British counterparts were too dominant, overshadowing everyone else.
A small investment does not mean no investment at all. The Vienna Government did support its allies in South America, but the rtionships were not deep, merely partnerships.
Bolivia was one of them and received military assistance from Austria. Unfortunately, the Bolivian government was not very astute, swinging back and forth as Ennd, France, and Austriapeted with each other in South America.
Swinging back and forth requires capital; with it, this is flexible diplomatic policy, but without it, it¡¯s like walking a tightrope. Undoubtedly, Bolivia was a country without capital.
As for the trade in saltpeter, it seemed important, but in reality, it was just so-so. For Ennd, France, and Austria, getting cheap saltpeter would be better; without it, they could produce it on their own.
In an era without chemical fertilizers, the demand for saltpeter was not very high. Even if the cost of producing it themselves was higher, it wouldn¡¯t pose a challenge for the three major powers.
Moreover, Bolivia was just one saltpeter exporting country, far from a monopoly. Chile, its neighbor, was also an exporter of saltpeter.
History once again proved that being indecisive gets nowhere. After failed attempts at courtship by all sides, Bolivia was abandoned, and Chile leaned towards the British.
During the period of independence wars, Chile and Bolivia were allies, fighting together against Spanish colonial rule. However, it¡¯s easy to share hardships, but hard to share wealth.
The sovereignty of the Atacama Desert, on the border of Chile, Bolivia, and Peru, had never been clearly determined during the Spanish colonial rule.
After independence, Bolivia took control of the Antofagasta area in the central Atacama Desert, Peru upied the northern Tarapaca region of the desert, and Chile took the southern region. All three countries dered sovereignty over the desert area.
If this desert had been devoid of resources, the matter might have been left unresolved. Unfortunately, not only did this area have resources, but they were also very abundant, leading to conflict.
Chile was the stronger of the three and now backed by the British, it possessed the qualifications to use force.
Concerned, Franz asked, "Have the British intervened?"
Franz was not interested in the background or the oue; in the end, it all boiled down to interests. Right or wrong, in international politics, is, in fact, the least important aspect.
In the Imperialist era, discussing right and wrong typically meant either the sides were evenly matched or a major power was involved; otherwise, justice only belonged to the victor.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg: "So far, we have not found any signs of British intervention. From the standpoint of interest, maintaining stability in South America is more in line with British interests.
If Chile wins the war andpletely monopolizes saltpeter exports, that¡¯s not what the British would like to see.
Of course, that¡¯s just the analysis of apparent interests. If the British have a secret agreement with Chile, that¡¯s a different matter.
Our rtionship with Chile is very cold, and our local strength is limited. In the short term, we do not have the ability to confirm whether the two parties have undercover dealings."
Franz paced back and forth. He had not paid much attention to South American history and vaguely remembered that there was once a Pacific War between Chile and Bolivia and Peru.
He waspletely unclear about the exact time, the events, and the attitudes held by the powers. Even if he had been clear, it would have been of no use due to the influence of the butterfly effect, the international situation had already changed dramatically.
Franz: "Setting aside external factors, who do you think will win this war?"
Foreign Minister Weisenberg: "I am more optimistic about the Chileans. Militarily, Chile is clearly superior to Bolivia.
Although in recent years Bolivia has learned military tactics from us, the Bolivian government is too foolish.
If they had only learned the military systems of any single powerful European country, they might have been sessful. Instead, they chose to learn from multiple countries at once and ended up with a misfit army.
Just from a military standpoint, Bolivia¡¯s chances of victory are close to zero. However, with intervention from other countries, things be less certain.
Rtions among South American countries are intricatelyplex, and it¡¯s hard to get a clear picture in a short time. This war, sparked by the ownership of the Atacama Desert, also involves Peru.
Among the three countries, Chile currently has the strongest military power. Neither Peru nor Bolivia alone can match the Chileans.
Withmon interests at stake, it is very likely that the two countries will join forces. If Bolivia and Peru set aside their differences, the direction of this war bes difficult to predict."
Franz was very hesitant about whether to intervene in the South American war or not. The main issue was still input and return; he was not sure if the final oue would be proportional.
Austria¡¯s power in the South American region was limited, and relying solely on the forces of Austrian South America, there was simply no qualification to intervene.
As for the military forces of Austrian Central America, they could not be easily deployed either, otherwise the bnce in North America would be disrupted. Without sufficient power to deter, no one could guarantee that the United States and the Confederate States wouldn¡¯t take advantage of the situation.
It certainly wasn¡¯t worth the risk to venture into the South American war. Franz still knew his priorities; it was the growth of the United States that was the threat, not Chile, which wasn¡¯t even worth mentioning.
To make any significant impact, Chile would have to annex Argentina. This was clearly impossible, not to mention whether the great powers would agree, Argentina was not weaker than them.
After hesitating for a moment, Franz made a decision, "Let¡¯s wait and see for now, and maintain neutrality as long as our interests are not harmed."
This was the safest approach, as Austria¡¯s interests in the South American region weren¡¯t significant enough to warrant a substantial investment.
Even if they were to intervene, it would have to be that they were asked to intervene, not offering themselves up on a tter.
Once nationalism rises in small nations, they all share amon problem, which is the loss of self-awareness.
Intervening before they sort out their victory or defeat would win no one¡¯s gratitude.
...
It wasn¡¯t just Austria that chose to observe the situation; Ennd and France also opted for observation.
South American countries had numerous conflicts, and the war between Chile and Bolivia might even trigger a major South American melee.
It would clearly be a passive move to get involved prematurely. If they backed the wrong side, even the great powers would suffer heavy losses.
Not to mention, a market for goods could bepletely lost. Under normal circumstances, small South American countries don¡¯t have the audacity to say no to major nations, but that could change if someone backs them up.
...
In Bolivia, since the war with Chile erupted, President Irion Dasa was having a hard time.
Unlike the fervent nationalists within the country, as a national leader, Irion Dasa still had self-awareness.
Militarily, Bolivia was indeed no match for Chile. Not only that, but Bolivia alsocked international support.
It wasn¡¯t his fault. Bolivia hadn¡¯t entered the era of democracy yet, and the so-called government elections were essentially controlled behind the scenes by the military caudillos.
The people behind the scenes wanted to y bnce among the great powers, and the government that was put forward could naturally not refuse. However, such diplomatic bncing was not easy to y, and Irion Dasacked the ability to manage it.
Now that war had broken out, not a single country among the great powers was explicitly supporting them.
It should be noted that from the perspective of observers in this era, Chile was the one who invaded Bolivia first.
Under normal circumstances, public opinion should sympathize with the victim. In such a context, at the very least, there would be a verbal condemnation of Chile¡¯s military invasion.
However, Bolivia¡¯s diplomatic bncing had only failed a few years ago, and the governments of Ennd, France, and Austria were still holding grudges. Globally, the Bolivian government had been having a tough time in recent years.
Now that the three great powers haven¡¯t made a statement, other countries, unconcerned with the matter, naturally wouldn¡¯t risk offending the major powers by seeking justice for Bolivia.
President Irion Dasa: "Gentlemen, the war has begun. This war rtes to the fate of Bolivia, and we cannot afford to lose.
If we are defeated, we will not only lose our most vital source of wealth¡ª the saltpeter mines; we will also lose our most important ess to the sea, forever bing andlocked country.
For the great Republic of Bolivia, I hope everyone will do their utmost, striving to win this war."
Foreign Minister Preta Gul: "Your Excellency, the issues on the battlefield must be resolved by the military. Besides doing good logistical work, the only thing we can do is seek solutions outside the battlefield.
To increase our chances of winning in this war, I propose we temporarily ally with Peru, who has as many conflicts with Chile as we do, and jointlybat the Chileans."
Left with no choice in this nation dominated by military factions, Preta Gul, despite knowing full well that Bolivia was no match for Chile, dared not say it outright, only resorting to artistic touches to beautify the reality as much as possible.
President Irion Dasa nodded: "Hmm, that¡¯s a good proposal. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs should quickly send someone to contact the Peruvian government; as long as their demands are not too excessive, we can agree to them for now, as we are in need of allies.
Are there any other proposals?"
...
Chapter 642 - 215: Behind the Scenes
Before the nations of Europe had dered their positions, the situation in South America had changed again. Under the pressure of mutual dependence, Peru chose to ally with Bolivia, and the Pacific War broke out in full scale.
With the entry of Peru into the war, the situation in South America became even moreplicated. Initially, Chile had the upper hand against Bolivia, but with Peru¡¯s involvement, the situation changed and it appeared that the opposing forces were now evenly matched.
When military strengths areparable, diplomacy is put to the test. In those days, the influence of the great powers was considerable, especially when the contenders were evenly matched. Whoever gained the support of the great powers could obtain the proverbialst straw that broke the camel¡¯s back.
¡
London, Downing Street
Foreign Minister Edward: "The situation in the countries of South America has always been problematic. The war between Chile, Bolivia, and Peru, aside from being about the mineral disputes in the Atacama Desert, is more about diverting internal conflicts.
Nearly all South American countries have territorial disputes with their neighbors, and most of these countries have serious internal strife and the need to divert internal conflicts.
If we do not intervene in time, more countries will be drawn into this war. Once a full-scale war breaks out in South America, a new reshuffle will take ce, which is not in our interest.
At present, both warring parties are seeking our help. Considering traditional friendships, I suggest we support Chile in winning this war."
South American countries seem to be independent, but in reality, they are still economic colonies of European nations, just disguised in a somewhat more ptable form.
Without question, the United Kingdom took thergest share. As described in British newspapers: "Argentina is our ranch, Peru is our silver mine, Chile is our mine¡"
As the greatest beneficiary, the British naturally do not want to upset the status quo.
As long as it is just a war between Chile, Peru, and Bolivia, the British have the power to control the situation. If a full-scale war breaks out in South America, it will no longer be up to the London Government to decide.
Times have changed; recently France and Austria have been rtively idle and have long been coveting the British interests in South America.
Once the cards are reshuffled, the three nations will inevitably engage in a new round ofpetition. Can the British maintain their current advantages?
This is a question worth pondering.
Economicpetition is also a war, just without the smoke of gunfire.
If we let the data speak, we¡¯ll find that nearly sixty percent of South American foreign trade is with the British, with the remainder shared among other European and American countries.
Prime Minister Benjamin: "Have the Chileans agreed to our terms?"
In Britain, "traditional friendship" and "interest" are usually equivalent. If the Foreign Office advocates supporting Chile, there is only one exnation¡ªthe Chileans offered a higher price.
As for the rtionship between the two countries, that is secondary. Britain has many underlings, and if they had to support every underling, the London Government would have nothing else to do.
Foreign Minister Edward: "Of course, in addition to pegging the Peso to the British Pound, the Chileans have also promised that if we help them win this war, we will obtain the rights to develop the mineral resources in the Atacama Desert.
The Atacama Desert has the world¡¯srgest deposits of saltpeter. By controlling this, we would control the saltpeter market.
Whether for strategic value or economic value, it¡¯s worth our intervention."
After a moment¡¯s hesitation, Prime Minister Benjamin made a decision: "Try again to see if we can obtain exclusive rights, or at the very least, ensure that third-party authorizations require our approval first."
Promoting currency hegemony is the core objective, while controlling the saltpeter market is incidental. Prime Minister Benjamin is clear about the priorities.
"No problem!" Edward said confidently.
Thanks to the world¡¯s foremost Royal Navy, the United Kingdom¡¯s voice overseas has always been strong. Even France and Austriabined have no way topete with them in South America.
From a power perspective, whoever gains the support of the British will have the advantage in the war.
...
Inside the Presidential Pce in Santiago, President An¨ªbal Pinto Garmendia was meeting with a group of special guests.
"Your Excellency, we have finished our part, and now it¡¯s time for you to fulfill your promise," said a middle-aged man clothed in luxurious attire, his smile unable to conceal the pride in his eyes. What seemed like a calm conversation was actuallyden with warnings.
The frown on President An¨ªbal Pinto Garmendia¡¯s brow revealed his difort with the middle-aged man¡¯s attitude. However, as a politician, he managed to control his emotions.
He replied cheerily, "Rest assured, Sir Locks. As long as we win this war, the rights to mine the Atacama Desert will be yours.
Since the war is still ongoing, even if I wanted to fulfill my promise now, it¡¯s impossible to execute!"
There was no choice; the British had always been low on integrity. If they got everything they wanted beforehand, who knew whether they would just sell it off?
President An¨ªbal Pinto Garmendia did not have the power to influence the London Government and had to resort to indirect tactics, trying to influence the London Government through British capitalists.
Behind the scenes, this war was also instigated by British capital. The core objective was to monopolize the nitrate trade and to promote the hegemony of the British Pound.
Compared to Bolivia, which brought in the powers of Ennd, France, and Austria for a bnce of power, Chile was much simpler, always clinging to the coattails of Britannia.
Locks shook his head, "No matter, we can sign a treaty first. Fulfilling the treaty can wait until after the war; I have plenty of patience."
President An¨ªbal Pinto Garmendia was worried, and equally, Locks himself was very concerned. One should not assume that just because he was British there wouldn¡¯t be any unexpected developments; in fact, there was plenty ofpetition within Britain itself.
If they did not sign a contract early, other domestic forces might snatch the opportunity. The capitalist had no integrity when it came to their interests.
For the London Government, it didn¡¯t matter who was in control as long as the meat was in the pot. Locks certainly didn¡¯t want to work hard only to make a bridal dress for someone else in the end.
After a short pause, Locks added, "Your Excellency, I heard that Your country¡¯s newly formed troops arecking weapons, and I am willing to personally sponsor a battalion¡¯s equipment."
Seeing that President An¨ªbal Pinto Garmendia was tempted, Locks continued to raise the stakes, "All equipment currently in use by the British Army, plus an extra one million rounds of ammunition and five thousand artillery shells."
After much hesitation, President An¨ªbal Pinto Garmendia shook his head. He wanted the weapons and equipment, but it was problematic to ept them.
Locks¡¯s face fell, "Equipment for two battalions!"
President An¨ªbal Pinto Garmendia seemed lost in inner turmoil, struggling to decide.
Locks: "Three battalions¡¯ worth of equipment!"
"That¡¯s my final offer. If Your Excellency still can¡¯t ept, then I¡¯ll have to seek coboration elsewhere."
"Deal," President An¨ªbal Pinto Garmendia answered with difficulty.
It was once again proven that there¡¯s nothing military equipment can¡¯t solve¡ªif it doesn¡¯t work, it¡¯s because there wasn¡¯t enough equipment.
The countries of South America were unstable, and Chile was no exception. Election wasn¡¯t the only way to presidency, but military support was indispensable.
In such circumstances, no matter who became president, it was imperative to maintain the interests of the supporters behind the scenes.
Military equipment was undoubtedly the best bribe for the army, and even if President An¨ªbal Pinto Garmendia wanted to refuse, the people behind him would not allow it.
Chapter 643 - 216: The Dissolution of the Russian-Austrian Alliance
Diplomatic alignments can sometimes be very straightforward, ever since the British decided to support Chile, Bolivia and Peru had no choice but to seek support from France and Austria.
International trade is a minor issue; with such small national scales in South America, if it weren¡¯t for their rich resources and the promotion of currency hegemony, the great powers would not have taken notice of them.
One can tell by the poption figures, approximately 2.2 million in Chile, about 2.75 million in Peru, and around 1.3 million in Bolivia.
With such small poptions, and all being agricultural countries, expecting arge internal market is clearly imusible.
Chile is rtively wealthy, mainly due to its saltpeter exports, and its military is the strongest among the three nations.
Peru has silver, but unfortunately, the price of silver has been declining over the years, drying up the Peruvian government¡¯s purse.
Bolivia can be said to be the most tragic; having just discovered saltpeter mines and enjoyed a few good years, war broke out.
Undoubtedly, all three countries were unable to fund the war efforts in one go, and loans were inevitable.
In the Vienna Pce, Franz was approving a special loan, with the debtor generously offering the mineral resources of the Atacama Desert as coteral.
"Considering the current situation, how likely are Peru and Bolivia to win the war?"
Chief of Staff Albrecht: "Purely analyzing military strength on paper, the General Staff conducted a quantitative analysis based on the number of troops, weapon equipment, training status, past war records, and logistical support capabilities of the three countries.
The military strengths of the three nations are: Bolivia 1, Peru 1.8, Chile 2.1.
Theoretically, Bolivia and Peru had an absolute advantage; however, most of the time on the battlefield, it¡¯s the Chilean forces that are pressing Peru and Bolivia.
Bolivia and Peru, despite having a numerical advantage, have only united in name; there¡¯s absolutely no coordination on the battlefield, and sometimes they even sabotage each other.
If the cooperation issue of the Peruvian and Bolivian armies isn¡¯t resolved, their chances of winning the war will not exceed fifty percent."
This is amon problem in all joint operations, with Bolivia, Peru, and Chile all iming sovereignty over the Atacama Desert.
The current alliance between Bolivia and Peru does not mean that their territorial disputes have disappeared; they are simply forced to unite because of theirmon enemy, Chile.
In such a context, backstabbing on the battlefield is more than normal.
Franz: "Tell the Bolivians that we are not interested in the saltpeter of the Atacama Desert and ask them to provide other coteral.
If there is no suitable coteral, they can mortgage their domestic mineral resources to us, including gold, silver, copper, iron, oil, or natural gas."
Not being optimistic about Bolivia¡¯s chances of winning the war does not prevent Austria from supporting Bolivia in this war. Just the linkage of the "Boliviano" to the Divine Shield makes it worthwhile for Austria to support them from behind.
If it weren¡¯t for the fact that the mineral resources of the Atacama Desert had already been promised to the British by the Chileans and Austria¡¯s inability topete with John Bull in South America, Franz might have already sent people to stake a im.
Of course, the most crucial factor is theck of sufficient interest. Although the Atacama Desert is the world¡¯srgest source of saltpeter, it doesn¡¯t mean there are no saltpeter mines elsewhere, and there¡¯s also the possibility of synthetic saltpeter.
Initially, Franz was ready to bring Peru on board, but unfortunately, the French beat him to it. Austria¡¯s reach into South America has been too brief, its influence too weak.
If it weren¡¯t for the fact that Chile and Peru had already cozied up to Ennd and France, Franz doubted that Bolivia would even consider Austria.
Finance Minister Carl reminded: "Your Majesty, Bolivia¡¯s domestic precious metal mines have already been pledged away.
Copper, iron, and othermon minerals, although discovered in abundance,ck developmental value. Oil and natural gas are new energy industries, whether Bolivia possesses them is an unknown factor.
If we were to take these as coteral, the risk of the loan would increase substantially, and domestic banks might not ept."
Franz came to his senses; Bolivia¡¯s industrial capacity is limited, and heavy industry is virtually non-existent, practically zero.
Without the capacity for local smelting, mined ore has to be transported for sale; with the transportation conditions of the era, these mineral resources naturally lost their economic value.
Oil and natural gas needn¡¯t be mentioned, just beginning to be utilized, their importance is unapparent, and naturally, nobody¡¯s willing to explore at great cost.
After considering all angles, Franz realized these resources wouldn¡¯t be needed for some time. They may not even be useful for a hundred years, and early nning is utterly nonsensical.
Austria had already dered neutrality in the war, and this loan to Bolivia would naturally proceed as a civilmercial loan model, with the government simply brokering to collect a contract performance guarantee fee.
Considering the current situation, the likelihood of the Bolivian government winning the war is quite small; they are likely to follow in the footsteps of the original time-space and lose the war, naturally having no money to repay the debt.
If the coteral is worthless, private banks will not be convinced. If the government negotiates terms but no bank is willing to lend, wouldn¡¯t it be embarrassing?
Coming to his senses, Franz did not feel embarrassed at all, and promptly corrected himself, "Since the precious metal mines are gone, these things can only be considered as add-ons. The Bolivian government muste up with something else for coteral."
Lacking coteral? That¡¯s impossible. After all, it is a nation; how could it have nothing of value? If it reallyes to it, they still havend, don¡¯t they?
"Defaulting" on debts, there was no need to worry. It was still the 19th century, and it wasn¡¯t just once that debt collection by force had urred. Unless it was with a behemoth like Russia, where the cost of collecting debts was simply too high, and everyone had to concede defeat.
¡
Foreign Minister Weisenberg, "Your Majesty, our alliance with the Russians expires in just three months. The Tsarist Government¡¯s representatives for negotiations have already arrived in Vienna."
Whether to renew the Russian-Austrian Alliance, the opinions within the Vienna Government were divided, including Franz himself, whose position wavered several times in the process.
It wasn¡¯t that everyone¡¯s will was not firm; ultimately, it was the interests that tempted. Whether to continue the alliance or to abandon it, both contained a multitude of interests.
Over the years, the economies of Russia and Austria had essentially be tied together. Austria imported industrial raw materials from Russia and after processing, exported the finished products back to the Russian Empire.
Since 1854, the two countries had be each other¡¯s most important economic partners. At the peak, trade with Russia once ounted for two-thirds of Austria¡¯s total foreign trade.
With the rapid development of Austria¡¯s economy and its industrial andmercial products continually opening new markets, this figure began to decline year by year.
Even now, trade with Russia remained the most important part of Austria¡¯s foreign trade, upying 29.7% of Austria¡¯s total import and export trade volume.
If Russia¡¯s economy had not failed to keep pace, meaning its domestic market growth was too slow, this proportion would have been evenrger.
Without a doubt, the Russian-Austrian Alliance had made an important contribution to the economic exchange between the two countries and promoted bteral trade.
There were advantages and certainly disadvantages too; the Russian-Austrian Alliance also limited Austria¡¯s expansion. For instance, during the Prusso-Russian war period, the Vienna Government missed the opportunity to kick the Tsarist Government when it was down.
Limited further expansion could only be seen as a minor issue. The European Continent was notrge enough to allow for much expansion, and too much trouble would ensue from it anyway.
The main issue was international image; the Russians were hugely unpopr. The existence of the Russian-Austrian Alliance meant Austria shared the burden of pressure.
This restrained the traditionally flexible diplomacy of the Vienna Government, often leaving it without room to maneuver.
Economic benefits were not without cost; Austria was Russia¡¯srgest creditor.
It was bad enough that they lent money, but the Tsarist Government had a bad reputation when it came to credit. It often could not fulfill its obligations normally and even defaulted on a significant amount of Austrian debt.
Failure to repay debts is definitely the most unpopr behavior. The Austrian financial sector was a solidly anti-Russia faction, and consequently, the public¡¯s impression of Russians was also negative.
In agriculture, the two countries were inpetition. Austrian farmers bitterly detested the Russians for disrupting market prices, who werepetitors that undermined the market.
Austrian farmers were not powerless rural peasants; a significant number were from the nobility. These individuals were victims of Alexander II¡¯srge-scalend development policies and naturally despised the Tsarist Government.
Franz asked stoically, "Do you think there is a need to renew the alliance now?"
History seemed to repeat itself, as in the original time-space, the German Second Empire faced agricultural friction and subsequent conflict with the Russians, and now Austria was in a simr situation.
Of course, there were differences; apart from the nobility and farmers being anti-Russian in Austria, the financial sector also despised the Russians due to debt issues, with only the domestic industrial andmercial sectors supporting the renewal of the alliance.
Finding himself in a simr position, Franz somewhat understood Wilhelm II¡¯s diplomacy of distancing Germany from Russia in the original time-space.
When it came to interests, it was not something personal power couldpensate for, and even the Emperor had to consider the domestic public¡¯s stance and not go against the majority.
Prime Minister Felix cut to the heart of the matter, "Continuing the alliance, it has some economic use, but is of no strategic value!"
Minister of Agriculture Hols, "The economic value is not significant either. We are now in an era of free trade, and the tariff advantages we once had no longer exist.
Even without the Russian-Austrian Alliance, at most we would lose part of the Tsarist Government¡¯s procurement, which would have a negligible effect.
After many years of effort, numerous aspects of Russian industry rely on us and even if the Tsarist Government wants to cut us off, they must endure the losses that would result."
This was a major reason for the confidence of the Vienna Government. Austrian industry had its own system, and it followed a different standard than that used by Ennd and France¡ªit waspletely ipatible.
Russian industry was heavily influenced by Austria from the beginning, as the capitalists, seeking cheaper options, directly adopted Austrian standards.
It wasn¡¯t a big deal that they adopted Austrian standards, but the critical part was that Russian industry had not formed aplete industrial system and relied on machinery and equipment imported from Austria.
To back out now would mean that most of their industrial equipment would have to be scrapped, and the Tsarist Government simply could not afford such losses.
Chapter 644 - 217: Preparing for Battle
The end of the Russian-Austrian Alliance, like a thunderp from a clear sky, instantly shocked the world.
What Pacific War, disputes over the free trade system, secrets of Queen Victoria¡ªall these hot news topics were pushed aside.
Anyone with even a slight political sense knew that the global politicalndscape was about to be reshuffled.
With the Russian-Austrian Alliance gone, thest barrier constraining the Prusso-Polish Federation no longer existed. The Berlin Government would not wait for the Russians to prepare beforeunching a war.
Over the years, both Prussia and Russia had been preparing for war, and both nations¡¯ military industries and transport had achieved breakthrough developments.
Due to the Russian-Austrian Alliance, the Russians and Austria had conducted in-depth cooperation in the military industry. To save costs to the greatest extent, the Tsarist Government¡¯s bureaucrats directly copied the Austrian military industry system.
In the long run, thisplete replication would doom the independent R&D capability of Russia¡¯s military industry, leading to disastrous consequences.
However, in the short term, it significantly enhanced Russia¡¯s military industrial strength, advancing it directly to the world¡¯s top level.
What does military industrial development rely on?
There are many integrated factors to consider, but to sum it up, it can be encapsted in two words¡ªspend money!
The Tsarist Government was self-aware, recognizing that its R&D capabilities were poor and the funding insufficient, so they simply cooperated with Austria.
The Prusso-Polish Federation was different; from the beginning, the Kingdom of Prussia had been on the path of independent R&D. Constrained by funding, Prussia¡¯s domestic military industry had actually fallen behind.
The British couldn¡¯t help them in this aspect; John Bull¡¯s (Ennd¡¯s) army equipment was very mediocre. It wasn¡¯t that their technology wascking, but rather that the British Army was too small in number, and equipment procurement orders too few, so military enterprises naturally didn¡¯t want to spend a lot on R&D.
This situation persisted until just before the Prussian territorial trade. With the change of ownership in the Rhinnd region, the barrier between Prussia and France ceased to exist, and it was natural for the Berlin Government to cozy up to the French.
In recent years, military-technical trades between Prussia and France have be increasingly frequent.
Of course, Prussia and France were not allies, and the French had no need to care for the Prusso Federation, so the cooperation in military industry between the two countries was not as deep as that of the Russian-Austrians.
The cooperation was limited to technical exchanges, and going further was impossible. At least until Prussia and France unified their industrial standards, perfect integration could not be achieved.
Theoretically speaking, with unified Russian-Austrian industrial standards and the Tsarist Government¡¯s direct copying of Austrian military industry, they should have had an advantage in the arms race.
Unfortunately, Russia¡¯s industrial base was too weak andcked a sufficient number of skilled industrial workers. With the same production equipment, the products made by Russians tended to have a higher defect rate.
This gap in quality brought the military industries of Prussia and Russia to the same level. Even if there were gaps, they were limited to individual pieces of military equipment and did not represent a generational difference.
Compared to the military industry, changes in transportation were even more apparent.
Just a few years after the establishment of the Prusso-Polish Federation, the Berlin Government began construction of 10,000 kilometers of railways in the Polish Region; one-third is already in operation, and the remaining segments are expected to bepleted within the next two or three years.
It wasn¡¯t just the Polish Region that was fervently building railways; other areas of Prussia were also active. For example, the Lithuanian Region had nned 2 main lines with auxiliary branches, totaling a staggering 4,000 kilometers.
As of now, the total operating rail mileage of the Prusso-Polish Federation has reached 26,000 kilometers. Once the Berlin Government¡¯s n ispleted, the total rail mileage of the Federation will break through 37,000 kilometers.
This figure will allow the Prusso-Polish Federation¡¯s total rail mileage to surpass that of France, bing Europe¡¯s thirdrgest railway power, second only to the Russian-Austrian.
While the Prusso-Polish Federation is striving to build roads, Alexander II, who has realized the importance of transportation, has not been idle either.
In just ten short years, the Tsarist Government has started work on 34,000 kilometers of railways, of which 26,000 kilometers are now operational. Adding the previous railways, the total rail mileage in operation by the Russian Empire is approaching 30,000 kilometers.
Looking at the numbers alone, the Russian Empire seems to have surpassed the Prusso-Polish Federation, but in reality, the situation is quite the opposite.
The territory of the Russian Empire is more than twenty times that of the Prusso-Polish Federation, yet the gap in total railway mileage between the two is less than 15%. The disparity in transportation between the two countries is evident.
Now, both are racing against time, and there¡¯s no doubt that the Prusso-Polish Federation has the upper hand. Due to geographical constraints, Russians are inevitably at a disadvantage in railway construction.
Don¡¯t be fooled by therger total rail mileage of the Russian Empire; its transport capacity still can¡¯t match that of the Prusso-Polish Federation. This is determined by the climate: as soon as winteres, Russian railways cannot guarantee full-load operations.
In terms of transportation, for Russians to reach the current level of the Prusso-Polish Federation, they would have to build at least 150,000 kilometers of railways. This is only to connect the main cities in European Russia, considering Asia, not even double that would suffice.
Clearly, this is impossible. The Berlin Government will not give the Russians so much time. Should the Tsarist Government solve the transportation issue, they¡¯d have to cheat somehow, otherwise, they¡¯d stand no chance in a fight.
The whole world is focused on the news of the dissolution of the Russian-Austrian Alliance¡ªaside from the political impact of this alliance, the key reason is that its dissolution is tantamount to dering a countdown to the Prusso-Russian War.
The idle spectators can¡¯t help bute out and pontificate. Obviously, the Tsarist Government, the main actor, goes without saying. As soon as the bad news came, Alexander II smashed countless artifacts in anger.
"Damn Habsburg scum, a bunch of treacherous traitors..."
Curses resounded in the Winter Pce. It¡¯s no wonder Alexander II was so angry; to continue maintaining the Russian-Austrian Alliance, they had already made significant concessions and extended goodwill through various channels to the Vienna Government.
Nevertheless, it was all in vain. Not to mention a renewal for another thirty years, even extending the alliance until five yearster was rejected by the Vienna Government.
Alexander II¡¯s reforms are essentiallyplete. What is missing now is time to turn these reforms into national strength. It can be said that every day now is of vital importance to the Russian Empire.
The Russian-Austrian Alliance bought time for Austria to develop in peace, and now it is time to buy time for the Russian Empire. With Austria suddenly dering its exit, how could Alexander II bear it?
They don¡¯t need much, just to drag it out for five more years, and the Russian Empire will have the strength to easily defeat the Prusso-Polish Federation.
It is a disparity in scale, as well as potential for development. Although the development speed of both countries is very fast, the Prusso-Polish Federation has already reached its peak, while the Russian Empire is just getting started.
An angry Tsar is terrible, and none of the ministers wanted to provoke him. Seeing the adverse situation, Alexandrovich braced himself and persuaded:
"Father, now is not the time to be angry. Since the Russian-Austrian Alliance will no longer be renewed, the obstacle that restrained the Prusso-Polish Federation from waging war no longer exists."
"Hmph!" bellowed Alexander II. "What¡¯s there to fear? Is the great Russian Empire incapable of defeating its enemies without Austria?"
Alexandrovich: "Of course not, it¡¯s just that the current situation is very critical. We have made major concessions, and yet the Vienna Government still refuses to yield. There must be some secret deal behind this.
We can boldly specte that there is a backdoor deal between Prussia and Austria. The Berlin Government¡¯s chips are limited; the only thing that could tempt the Vienna Government is..."
```
Having said all that in one breath, Alexandrovich himself almost believed it. Of course, at its core, it was just a stepping stone, and nobody would actually believe that Prussia and Austria had conspired together.
For political figures, controlling their emotions is the least they can do. It¡¯s true that Alexander II was angry, but not to the point of losing control. His anger served to mask the diplomatic errors he¡¯d made since taking power.
It couldn¡¯t be helped¡ªthe man had taken a pro-Prussian stance at the start. With the legacy of a screw-up like Peter III, Russia¡¯s tolerance for such matters had significantly decreased.
Even though Alexander II had made the right choice and sharply changed his political stance, the initial pro-Prussian and anti-Austrian diplomacy still faced internal criticism.
Now that the Russian-Austrian Alliance had been terminated, there was definitely a group within the country ready to ce the me on him. The nobility, whose interests had been hurt by the reforms, had been looking for an opportunity to cause trouble, and Alexander II had to prevent this from happening at all costs.
This was why Alexandrovich pinned the responsibility of ending the Russian-Austrian Alliance on the Prussia-Austria collusion.
The pride of the Russians still mattered. No matter what, the Russian Empire could not tolerate Austria uniting Central Europe, as it would mean the end of their dream to dominate Europe.
The Tsarist Government could not yield on the issue of Teuton unification. Thus, the fracture of the Russian-Austrian Alliance made sense. It merely suggested that the Berlin Government had a lower threshold forpromise on this matter.
Whether it was true didn¡¯t matter, what counted was that it was politically viable.
After a brief silence, it seemed as if Alexander II was adjusting his emotions. "s!"
"Enough, what¡¯s done is done. Let¡¯s discuss how to deal with this situation instead!"
The rupture of the Russian-Austrian Alliance had been anticipated by the Tsarist Government. From the moment the government chose to join the British pound-gold standard, the split with Austria was inevitable.
Minister of Army Hellemed: "Your Majesty, without the Russian-Austrian Alliance, we no longer have exclusive control over the initiation of war.
Looking at the current situation, the Prusso-Polish Federation¡¯s railway n could bepleted in three years at most, two at the earliest, while our railway n will take at least five years.
We no longer hold the advantage in terms of time. The enemy won¡¯t give us that much time. We now face two options.
Either initiate the war now while everyone is unprepared, or prepare our defenses and wait for the Prusso-Polish Federation to be ready to attack us."
"Five years¡¯ time" is just a theoretical number; everyone knows that the Russian Empire¡¯s transportation issues can¡¯t be resolved in five years and at most could connect the main cities.
Of course, reaching this point would suffice. It would practically match the state of the Russian Empire¡¯s European transportation before World War I.
We¡¯re a bit behind, but at least we can support millions of soldiers on the front line. This number is enough to fight a war against the Prusso-Polish Federation.
The poption of the Russian Empire is 2.8 times that of the Prusso-Polish Federation, and it has a much higher capacity for casualties. The odds are very good in a war of attrition.
It¡¯s a shame they don¡¯t have that much time and now must choose. This war is extraordinary. The Tsarist Government can¡¯t afford to lose, as a defeat would mean the Russian Empire wouldn¡¯t recover for decades.
The breathing of everyone present became heavy all at once, clearly indicating that this was a difficult decision.
Minister of Internal Affairs Mikhail: "We can¡¯t wait for the enemy toplete their ns. Right now, they are busy building railways, and arge amount of capital is tied up. The resources they can allocate to war are limited.
```
Once the enemypletes their n, the situation will be different, and they will be able to focus all their financial resources on the war.
Times have changed. The international situation has undergone dramatic changes, and we are no longer enough to make Ennd and France wary. The British will not support the Prusso-Polish Federation as they did in thest war.
As far as I know, the financial situation of the Prusso-Polish Federation is also very bad. If it weren¡¯t for the sale of the Rhinnd region, they would have gone bankrupt long ago.
Once war breaks out, the Berlin Government will quickly fall into financial distress. A government with limited repayment ability, faced with an uncertain war, will not find it easy to borrow from the outside world."
War is about money. After the Near East War and thest Prusso-Russian War, the Tsarist Government has sobered up, no longer believing that the second Prusso-Russian War could end quickly.
If the war continues, it will be a battle of financial resources. As for the military, the Tsarist Government is not short of troops; as long as there is money, there will be soldiers.
The poor finances of the Prusso-Polish Federation are mainly due to the financial issues of the Polish Government. After selling thend, Prussia averted a financial crisis.
It is obvious to anyone that the Polish region could be a battlefield at any time; naturally, no capitalists are willing to invest in railways there.
Currently, the railways being built by the Prusso-Polish Federation are almost entirely funded by the government. This is clearly not enough with just the government¡¯s annual tax revenue; incurring debt is inevitable.
Byparison, the Russian Empire is in a slightly better situation. Its vast territory means that even if war breaks out, it will be at the borders, and investors are still willing to invest in the railways of the hearnd areas.
For instance, the railway from St. Petersburg to Moscow is an investment project of the Austrian Railway Company.
This is normal; even those who are optimistic about the Prusso-Polish Federation do not believe they can march all the way to Moscow. Wilhelm I is not Napoleon; hisbat strength is not that overpowering.
Finance Minister Coxsar shook his head, "Your Excellency, let¡¯s not forget that our finances are not much better.
Despite being prepared in advance, the treasury still cannot produce enough war funds in a short period of time."
War is a gold-devouring monster; it is normal for a war to consume several years, or even more than a decade, of financial revenues. It can be said that arge-scale war is the greatest disaster for finance.
Unfortunately, the Russian Empire has experienced such a disaster twice in just thirty years, and now it is about to embark on a third.
The Russian Empire indeed has arge family business, but no matter how solid the foundation is, it cannot withstand such turmoil.
Financial revenues are obviously not sufficient; no matter how much the government extorts and plunders, it cannot gather enough war funds from taxes alone.
The best source of war funds is still to finance through the financial markets. Regrettably, the Tsarist Government does not have enough credibility; striving for international market financing might as well be a dream.
Minister of Internal Affairs Mikhail remained unmoved, "If there¡¯s no money, go and raise it. If we can¡¯t raise enough funds domestically, then look abroad.
London, Paris, Vienna; any one of these financial markets has the capacity to provide us with sufficient funds. As long as the benefits offered arerge enough, do we still fear not being able to borrow money?
There is no need to consider the cost; this war is not something we can avoid just because we don¡¯t want to fight.
The price we pay now, no matter how great, cannotpare to the losses we would incur if the war were lost."
Chapter 645 - 218: Fundraising
```
By evening, the Russian Empire¡¯s embassy in Vienna was brightly lit, with the asional sounds of music drifting out¡ªthere was no doubt a diplomatic reception was underway inside.
There weren¡¯t many attendees; the host had only invited envoys from countries with good rtions with the Tsarist Government and some of the Russian nobility in Austria.
Such diplomatic receptions were held almost monthly and were hardly noteworthy. The only point of interest was that Foreign Minister Weisenberg had personally attended the banquet.
Before the rupture in the Russian-Austrian Alliance, Weisenberg¡¯s presence here would not have been surprising. But times had changed; as Russian-Austrian rtions began to cool, Weisenberg¡¯s appearance merited deep contemtion.
...
With a snort, Weisenberg couldn¡¯t help but spray the wine from his mouth. His eyes widened as he stared at the Russian Envoy Alexander Nikyevich Her: "Your Excellency, are you certain this is no joke?"
Nievich nodded seriously and assured him solemnly, "No!"
Having said that, he held Weisenberg¡¯s gaze unflinchingly.
After a brief pause, Weisenberg tly refused, "This is impossible!"
"How much does your country¡¯s financial revenue amount to? 5 Billion Divine Shields far exceed your government¡¯s debt capacity. Do not forget that your country still has a massive amount of debt unpaid."
Fortunately, the two were conversing in a corner, undisturbed by anyone unacquainted with tact. Otherwise, it would have caused a sensation throughout the venue.
"5 Billion Divine Shields" was no small figure, equivalent to 250 million British Pounds or around 1830 tons of gold, rtive to the annual fiscal revenue of thebined Ennd, France, and Austria.
As for loans, Austria had never provided Russia with such significant funds, not even during the heyday of the Russian-Austrian Alliance.
Of course, it¡¯s not as if the Tsarist Government hadn¡¯t considered borrowing earlier; it was mainly because Austria had not been wealthy in the preceding years. Despite its profound imperial history, Austria had only really prospered in the recent few years.
Capital umtion takes time, and even as it became the world¡¯srgest economy, Austria¡¯s financial sector still had limited capital.
Now nearing France¡¯s level and still a long way off from Ennd¡¯s, what propelled Austria was industrial wealth, not financial wealth.
5 Billion Divine Shields could be raised, but subsequent to that, Austria would face a domestic money shortage.
It was not just Austria¡ª even Britain, with its wealth of capital, would disturb the entire financial market if it were to dispense such a vast sum all at once.
Wealth and cash are two different concepts; the gap between paper wealth and liquid assets is immense.
Of course, this difficulty is only immediate. Given enough time, Ennd, France, and Austria would all be capable of assembling such funds.
One need only look at the Franco-Prussian War to see: the French lost 20 billion Francs (equivalent to approximately 1.6 Billion Divine Shields) during the war, andter paid reparations of 5 billion Francs (about 400 million Divine Shields), clearing the debt within a short three years.
Weisenberg rejected the offer outright, without even proposing conditions; the crux was the Tsarist Government¡¯sck of credibility. Lending money to the Russians now would be like throwing meat buns to a dog¡ªa total loss.
The Russian Envoy Nikyevich argued resolutely, "Your Excellency, we are very sincere this time. For the loan interest, we are willing to offer a monthly rate of 0.5%; this profit..."
Weisenberg cut him off, "Forgive me for being frank, but with your government¡¯s reputation, not a single bank would dare lend you money.
It doesn¡¯t matter if it¡¯s a monthly rate of 0.5% or even a daily rate; who would dare to issue a loan that¡¯s doomed to be irrecoverable?"
ording to the conventions of international loans of that era, one would have to deduct fees for procedures, exchange, guarantees, plus principal and interest for one year and any recurrent lending; indeed, a monthly interest of 0.5% was very generous, let alone any additional conditions.
All the favorable terms matter little if the stake is "poor credibility." High returns are only meaningful if the money can be recovered.
Nikevich rushed to rify, "We can provide real assets as coteral. If we fail to fulfill the debtter, your country may retain the pledged goods directly."
Weisenberg looked at Nikevich and said chillingly, "If your country can offer gold as coteral, there would naturally be no problem.
Not to mention 5 Billion Divine Shields¡ªeven 10 Billion would be lendable by me, and I could even waive the interest."
Nikevich frowned, a bitter feeling welling up inside. If they had so much gold to offer as coteral, the Tsarist Government would have already set their printing presses in motion.
In the age of the gold standard, gold was wealth. Whether it was used to back currency issuances or as currency itself, there were no issues.
"Your Excellency, this joke is not amusing at all. If we had that much gold, why would we need a loan?"
It was a fact; 5 Billion Divine Shields was about 1830 tons of gold. Aside from Ennd and Austria, no third country had such a reserve of gold.
Private holdings aside, if one ounted for civilian gold, then India and the Far Eastern Empire would surpass that figure.
Nikevich¡¯s remarks reminded Weisenberg that the Tsarist Government still had a significant amount of gold in its hands.
```
"Your Excellency, the Envoy, that¡¯s too modest. As far as I know, your country has always been a gold-exporting country; how could you possibly be in need of gold?"
"How about this? Your government can deposit the gold standard for ruble issuance into the Austrian National Bank and use this gold as a guarantee.
In consideration of the friendship between our two countries, I can decide to waive the interest for you. Your government can obtain arge sum of money for use without paying any cost."
"Gold-exporting country"¡ªthis was not what the Tsarist Government wanted. Even though the gold production of the Russian Empire was not low, the demand was also great!
Due to issues with credibility, the ruble, apart from being used domestically, was hardly recognized in international settlements, forcing the Tsarist Government to resort to using foreign exchange or gold for settlements.
In order to push forward with industrialization, the Russian Empire had been importingrge quantities of machinery and equipment in recent years. To address the trade deficit, the Tsarist Government had no choice but to fill the gap with gold.
Wessenberg suggesting that the Tsarist Government deposit gold into the Austrian National Bank was naturally not out of consideration for the Russians but rather to amass more funds.
Withdrawing gold was easy, needing only a decision from the Tsarist Government. Redeeming it back? That was a joke.
The Tsarist Government was borrowing money now to raise funds for war. As soon as the Prusso-Russian War broke out, this money would quickly be consumed in the conflict.
Even if they won the war, for a long time toe, the Tsarist Government would not have the funds to redeem the gold.
One-way outflow¡ªthat was dangerous. It seemed like a financial maneuver to obtain a huge amount of funds, as if it was a gain, but in reality, this waspletely based on the continuous friendly rtions between Russia and Austria.
If one day the two countries turned against each other, and the Vienna Government swallowed up these gold reserves, the ruble would instantly be worthless paper.
After understanding the risks involved, Nievich immediately rejected the proposal, "That¡¯s impossible. Your Excellency, the Minister, we can use territory as coteral, but not gold."
Wessenberg smiled faintly, not directly responding, and the two hastily ended their conversation.
...
The next morning, the documents for the Tsarist Government to raise war funds were ced before Franz.
"The Tsarist Government wants to start the war early, it seems Alexander II is reallymitted this time, even willing to mortgage his own territory.
If they had done this earlier, thest war wouldn¡¯t have been such a disastrous defeat. People always need to suffer losses before they learn their lesson!"
Prime Minister Felix said, "Although that¡¯s true, without experiencing failure, how can one understand the consequences of failure?
The Tsarist Government is learning from their past defeat, shedding their invincible arrogance, knowing now to be grounded in reality.
War is all about money. To some extent, the key to deciding the oue of this Prusso-Russian War is no longer military but based on how much war funding both governments can raise.
With the size of the Russian Empire, as long as there is sufficient war funding, they could even wear down the Prusso Federation by attrition."
"Wear down the Prusso Federation," this concept shed through Franz¡¯s mind briefly. This was the ideal scenario without external interference. The Berlin Government wasn¡¯t foolish; forming alliances was a must.
"Send people to watch the financial circles closely and monitorrge capital movements. Both the governments of Prussia and Russia are penniless, without enough funds, a war cannot start.
War, like a gold-consuming beast, is hard to finance. Only we and Ennd and France have the resources, and nobody¡¯s money just falls from the sky.
Without sufficient interests, Prussia and Russia will find it very difficult to raise the necessary funds. Geo-politically, we are the ideal creditors, and only we dare to eptnd as a mortgage.
The Russians havee to our doorstep, so we should quickly ascertain the Tsarist Government¡¯s bottom line to secure the greatest benefit for Austria."
Franz did not bring up gold as coteral for loans, who would not put their lifeline in someone else¡¯s hands unless absolutely desperate. This was far more serious than a territorial mortgage.
A territorial mortgage, severe as it seems, has a controlled risk. As long as the war is won, even if the debt cannot be repaid, there is still plenty of leeway to maneuver¡ªlike swapping out mortgaged territory.
Mortgaging one¡¯s own territory for debt might be hard to justify domestically; mortgaging the enemy¡¯s territory, however, carries no pressure.
If the war is lost, then there is nothing left to say. The government would change, and the mess would be the next administration¡¯s responsibility to clean up.
It is the same in a monarchy. It might not be necessary to change the monarch, but changing ministers is a must. Someone always needs to be held ountable for defeat, and the bureaucrats see this very clearly.
This naturally did not escape Alexander II; territorial mortgage loans proceeded with his silent consent. But gold as coteral, that was definitely beyond his bottom line.
Being blunt, with the Russian Empire¡¯s vast size, so long as it wasn¡¯t core territory, selling a piece was inconsequential. Territories have been bought and sold before; the political risk was limited.
But depositing gold as a mortgage to Austria, that was entirely different; it would mean cing the economic lifeline of the Russian Empire into the hands of Austria.
Chapter 646 - 219: Diplomatic Action
Stockholm, once it became the capital of the Nordic Federation, this ancient city was once again infused with fresh vitality; the nickname "Northern Venice" is well deserved.
Its beautiful scenery and unique Nordic charm add a special vor to the city, leaving asting impression.
No matter how pleasant the scenery is, it could not move Philip Francis Thomas. As an official of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Francis had always been full of pride.
However, the pride he held was ultimately defeated by reality. Ever since he epted this task, his spirit had been crushed.
To win the new round of Prusso-Russian Wars, the Tsarist Government not only sought to raise funds from Ennd, France, and Austria but did not overlook the closely connected Nordic Federation either.
Of course, Francis¡¯s main task was not to raise money; it was more about keeping the Nordic Federation stable to prevent this old adversary from stabbing them in the back at a crucial moment.
The unification of the Nordic three countries was not a simple 1+1+1=3 situation. Afterplementing each other¡¯s strengths and weaknesses, the Nordic Federation had be a self-sufficient system,parable inprehensive national power to that of Prussia twenty years earlier.
Recalling the old rivalry with Sweden for dominance in Northern Europe, the Tsarist Government dared not underestimate this potential opponent and ultimately decided to first pacify this old adversary.
For diplomats, this is undoubtedly a thankless job. There is no choice but to make concessions in the face of harsh reality.
Having personally experienced thest war, Francis was aware that the advantages of the Russian Empire over the Prusso Federation were not as significant as the government propaganda imed.
To some extent, the Nordic Federation already possessed the strength to influence the bnce of power. To win this war, the Tsarist Government had already given up on saving face.
It was not only about pacifying the Nordic Federation; all their neighbors were targets for their overtures. They did not seek these neighbors¡¯ support, simply their neutrality would suffice.
With a heavy heart, Francis, as the Tsar¡¯s special envoy, entered the Foreign Ministry of the Nordic Federation. Unlike his previous visit, he no longer had the capital to be arrogant.
...
Francis, "Count, we are quite sincere this time. The Russian Empire is willing to use the Finnish territory as coteral in exchange for a loan of 800 million Krone.
We can make amitment that half of the funds from this loan will be used to import goods from your country. The interest rate will follow the internationalmercial loan conventions at six percent annually, with principal and interest paid in annual installments."
The currencies of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden are all the Krone, and their value is the same (1 Krone is approximately equivalent to 0.4 grams of gold). After the establishment of the Nordic Federation, there naturally was no need to change the currency name.
"Your Excellency, the special envoy, you¡¯re overestimating us too much. The Nordic Federation is just a small country, not as affluent as yours; not to mention 800 million, we can¡¯t evene up with 100 million," says Ca Valenti, the Foreign Minister of the Nordic Federation, decisively refusing.
Francis was not angered, for the observant man had already noticed that the moment Ca Valenti heard about using Find as coteral, her eyebrows twitched, although she quickly masked it over.
This was an expected reaction; ever since the formation of the Nordic Federation, the calls within the nation to reim Find had been growing louder.
Militarily reiming Find was unrealistic. The Russian Empire was not a foe that the Nordic Federation could challenge; the disparity in strength was too great.
Moreover, with a pro-Russian Denmark within, rashly starting a war could very well split this fragile new government apart.
If they used economic means to reim Find, however, the situation would be entirely different.
The Danish government would not refuse the return of Find, for a strong Nordic Federation could help them regain the lost Two Principalities.
Indeed, the Nordic Federation is a national alliance built on mutualpromises. It was established with the support of the major powers while the Russian Empire was in a period of weakness.
Under such a background, when the government conducts domestic and foreign policies, they must also take into ount the interests of all parties. For example: Sweden supports Denmark¡¯s efforts to regain the Two Principalities, in exchange for Danish support for Sweden¡¯s remation of Find.
Of course, all this is contingent on having enough power. Although the Nordic Federation is a small country, it also has a historical foundation, and coupled with afortable natural environment, strategically, everyone tends to be conservative.
In other words: If they are strong enough and the opportunity arises, they will reim lost territories; if not strong enough, then they must endure for the time being!
The Prusso-Russian War is the opportunity they have been waiting for. Oscar II¡¯s strategy is simple: kick whoever loses while they are down.
The problem is quite clear. If the Prusso Federation loses, the country might not even exist anymore, naturally unable to prevent the actions of the Nordic Federation; if the Russian Empire loses the war, they won¡¯t be much better off, and the Finnish territories will definitely not be retainable.
The Tsarist Government¡¯s willingness to use the Finnish territory as coteral was also based on this reasoning. After all, if they lose the war, they wouldn¡¯t be able to hold onto Find anyway, so it¡¯s better to use it to stabilize the Nordic Federation first.
Francis, "Count, you are being too modest. With your country¡¯s economic strength, a measly 800 million Krone is truly a trifling matter.
As far as I know, your government¡¯s revenue this year alone amounts to 3.2 billion Krone, and just the liquidity in the Stockholm Financial Market exceeds 8.4 billion Krone.
Your country¡¯s banks are fully capable of handling this loan."
800 million Kroner is equivalent to: 87.43 million Divine Shields, or 43.715 million British Pounds. For any nation, this is a colossal sum of money.
Francis put forth this figure with reason. Although Find is not a small area, it remains a bitterly cold part of Northern Europe and is considered quite barren in this era.
The Russians also have plenty of such barrennds; they wouldn¡¯t pay it such attention if not for its high strategic value.
In this age where might makes right, the European Continent is far from peaceful, and small countries have no sense of security, with everyone trying to strengthen themselves as much as possible.
The Nordic Federation has set its sights on Find, not just because of nationalist factors, but more because there are no better options.
Ca Valenti shook her head, "Your Excellency, loans require consideration of risk. Your government¡¯s financial situation has always been poor, and it might go to war with the Prusso Federation at any time.
Once war breaks out, your country¡¯s debt repayment capacity will definitely bepromised, eventually relying only on coteral for reimbursement.
The Finnish region is too barren, with fiscal revenue barely covering expenses. Without sufficient mineral resources, relying on selling timber, how long would it take to recover the cost?
A hundred years, or two hundred? We can¡¯t wait that long."
Being rejected was not unexpected, having a negotiation began was already half a sess, indicating that the Nordic Federation was indeed intrigued.
Francis¡¯s mission was to stabilize the Nordic Federation, not actually to borrow a specific amount of money. To raise funds for war, solutions must still be sought from Ennd, France, and Austria; other countries are simply too poor.
After the inconclusive probing inquiry, Francis took his leave, leaving Ca Valenti quietly fretting.
Though a pie falling from the sky is good, one must consider whether it is poisoned. The Russians are not an easy adversary; trying to take advantage of them could easily backfire.
...
In the Pce, upon receiving this news, Oscar II¡¯s first reaction was not joy but rm.
After pondering for a moment, Oscar II voiced his concern, "What if the Russians win the war and then refuse to honor theirmitments?"
No way around it, the Tsarist Government¡¯s credibility is indeed that ster. If the war is lost, Russia will certainly honor themitments, because they would neither have the money to pay back the debt nor the strength to hold onto Find.
But winning the war is a different matter; even though the Tsarist Government is mostly still insolvent, it doesn¡¯t stop them from daring to default!
At that moment, if the Tsar declines to pay the debt and also refuses to hand over the Finnish region, then they would be in a fix.
They couldn¡¯t possibly use force to collect debts, right?
This is a method reserved for strong countries to collect debts from weaker ones; it simply does not work the other way around.
Foreign Minister Ca Valenti uncertainly said, "That shouldn¡¯t happen! The Tsarist Government is raising funds for the war, not only borrowing from us but also from Austria.
If the Tsarist Government defaults..."
Before she could finish her sentence, Countess Ca Valenti herself did not believe it. Borrowing money from Austria and from the Nordic Federation are two entirely different concepts. Find more adventures on NovelBin.C?m
If the Tsarist Government were to default on Austria¡¯s debts, they would have to think thrice and consider the political risks and potential countermoves from the Vienna Government.
It¡¯s different with the Nordic Federation; a default would just be a default. At least Ca Valenti could not find any countermeasures they could take.
No doubt about it, lending money to the Tsarist Government is far too risky, already far exceeding the risk tolerance of the Nordic Federation.
After a prolonged silence, Oscar II said, "Continue negotiations with Russia. No matter what, this is an opportunity.
Being able to reim the Finnish region through economic means is something we simply cannot refuse. Right now, the most important thing is to minimize the risk.
Since Russia has proposed a loan, they surely have measures that would reassure us. For example, if a third party provides a loan guarantee."
"If the Tsarist Government could persuade one of Ennd, France, or Austria to provide a guarantee for the fulfillment of the debt, it might be worth considering."
The Tsarist Government might not care about credibility, for theirs is already poor. It¡¯s different for Ennd, France, and Austria; their credibility in economic matters is top-notch, not something that can be bought with merely 800 million Kroner.
...
Chapter 647 - 220, Misfortunes Never Come Singly
The Tsarist Government was making moves, and the Berlin Government was not sitting idle either. Unlike the Russians, with their solid foundations and ample coteral, the Prusso Federation was much poorer.
Use resources as coteral?
Sorry, the Prusso Federation¡¯s mineral resources are very limited; the most valuable probably being the agricultural products from the Polish region.
Regrettably, the agricultural crisis had notpletely passed, and the international market for agricultural products was still oversupplied, making them barely worth anything.
If it were just a matter of price, it would not be impossible to negotiate. Capital chases profit, and a discount could be considered.
But the key issue was theck of security. Should the Prusso Federation be defeated, everything would go down the drain, for the Russians would not recognize these loans.
If resource coteral was out of the question, then what about territory, taxes, railways, or ports?
In theory, these things all have coteral value, provided that the bankers are willing to buy into them.
Given therge amount of capital involved, unless they could persuade the consortium to take over, even with the support of various governments, it wouldn¡¯t work.
There was no way around it; nobody dared to be certain that the Prusso Federation could win the war. If the war was lost, all promises made by the Berlin Government would be worthless.
Unlike the Russian Empire, even if they lost the war, the country wouldn¡¯t cease to exist. The coteral the Tsarist Government was putting forward, even if the Prusso Federation won the war, they would not have the capability to upy.
It was different for the Prusso Federation; their assets were limited, and if they were defeated, they would lose everything.
No one doubted the Russians¡¯ appetite; even if they couldn¡¯t swallow the Prusso Federation whole, they could still seize it to settle debts. The Vienna Government had no interest in Pnd, but their ambition towards the Prussian region was well known.
A slogan chanted over time can turn from false to true. Franz¡¯s Greater Germany n, after being voiced for so many years, had deeply embedded itself in people¡¯s hearts.
Besides a few high-ranking government officials, the rest of the Austrians all strove for the unification of the German Region.
The Berlin Government could not possibly dare to mortgage its core territories. Otherwise, even before the Russians attacked, their own Junker aristocracy would have already staged a coup.
Don¡¯t bother discussing the bigger picture with them; if the Junker aristocracy had any sense of the bigger picture, the historical Germany wouldn¡¯t have met such a tragic end.
In the Berlin Pce, Wilhelm I asked with anticipation, "Is there a bank willing to take on the deal?"
These days, the best way to handle international loans and bond issuance was to first settle an agreement with a banking consortium, allowing the banks to smooth things over with the governments.
Once an agreement with a bank was signed, it would generally get approved, sparing many political conditions.
Foreign Minister Geoffrey Friedman: "Up until now, only five banks have expressed interest.
These institutions are small banks, looking to make a risky bet. Even if talks seed, at most a few tens of millions of marks¡¯ worth of bonds could be issued. This falls far short of our target."
(1 mark is approximately equivalent to 0.358 grams of gold.)
There are always gamblers in this world; even though the general outlook for the Prusso Federation was bleak, there were still those daring enough to take on the business.
After a moment of silence, Wilhelm I slowly began, "Contact the Jews! As long as they are willing to issue bonds for us or provide a loan, we will support their independent statehood."
Wilhelm I did not like Jews, but now he had no choice but to cooperate with them. Due to the Tsarist Government¡¯s anti-Jewish policies, the Jews in Russia had been subjected to bloody massacres, and rtions between the two were very bad.
The enemy of my enemy is my friend. In this era, Jewscked a sense of security, especially after the outbreak of the anti-Jewish movement in Russia. For their own safety, the Jews had to strike back and show their power to the world.
In the original timeline during the Russo-Japanese War, the Japanese Government managed to hold on not only thanks to the support of the British, but also due to significant efforts from Jewish capital.
Foreign Minister Geoffrey Friedman: "Your Majesty, I fear that this may not be sufficient. It¡¯s true that the Jews are anti-Russia, but Jewish capital is more concerned with practical interests.
Only a portion of ordinary Jews advocate for the establishment of an independent state, and they do not have much say. Even if they are willing to cooperate with us, they do not have the capacity to take on much debt."
At this time, the call for the establishment of a Jewish state was not prevalent, and the Jews scattered around the world were still disunited,cking unity.
Jewish capital did not have a concept of nationhood, being loyal only to profit, and thus they faced ostracism from European society, always finding themselves in a difficult situation.
Most Jewish capitalists feared that the establishment of a Jewish state would lead to suspicion or even oppression by the governments of their host countries, and consistently opposed the idea of an independent state.
The Tsarist Government¡¯s anti-Semitic campaigns indeed shook many people. Unfortunately, it was to little avail, as themon folk were the ones to suffer the most, while the capitalists, relying on the power of their capital, received early warning and fled the scene.
"Ah!"
After a sigh, Wilhelm I resignedly said, "Let¡¯s give it a try and raise as much funding as possible. The Foreign Office should prepare; I intend to visit Europe."
Reality is harsh, and even if reluctant, in order to raise sufficient war funds, one has no choice but to present oneself for others to exploit.
¡
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Prime Minister Maoqi: "Your Majesty, I¡¯ve just received news that at 8:15 this morning, Marshal Albrecht Von Roon passed away."
When it rains, it pours; on the brink of imminent Prusso-Russian War, another pir of the military had fallen.
Albrecht Von Roon was the least well-known among the Three Prussian Heroes, but his contributions to the Kingdom of Prussia were by no means insignificant.
His leadership in military reform alone, the establishment of a strong Prussian Army, was enough to secure him a ce in history.
Roon held a pivotal position within the Prussian Army, acting as a lubricant in the power struggle between the military and the government. After the Prusso-Russian War, he yed a significant role in ensuring a stable transition of power within the Berlin Government.
Wilhelm I said in a grave tone, "Prepare for a state funeral!"
It was apparent that his mood was very grim. Already two months ago, when Roon had taken ill and was bedridden, Wilhelm I had braced himself for this moment. But now that it had indeede to pass, he found it hard to ept.
Politicians tend to have a strong resilience to setbacks. Wilhelm I swiftly emerged from his grief and began to consider the impact of Roon¡¯s death.
Striking a bnce between the power of the military and the government is never a simple matter. After Roon¡¯s demise, a new sessor had to be found to act as the lubricant.
The choice was not easy; the candidate had to possess sufficient prestige in the army tomand respect, and also needed to have a keen political acumen.
Wilhelm I¡¯s thoughts first turned to Maoqi, but he was quickly dismissed. Maoqimanded the necessary authority in the army; unfortunately, his political insight left much to be desired.
This was precisely why Maoqi had be Prime Minister. If it had been someone with strong political abilities as well as influence in the military, Wilhelm I would not dare appoint him as Prime Minister.
The bnce between monarchical and prime ministerial powers is always a game of strategy, with the fear of high-ranking officials overshadowing the ruler prevalent in both the East and West. While regicide was not on the agenda, if a subordinate became too powerful, checks and suppressions were inevitable.
After much hesitation, Wilhelm I decided to stabilize the situation first. With the Prusso-Russian War on the horizon, the Berlin Government could not afford any disruptions; any major issues would have to be addressed after the war.
He could no longer be concerned with the long-term consequences. Victory in the war necessitated solutions; defeat, on the other hand, would lead to exile, rendering any worries futile.
Chapter 648 - 221: Apportioning Risk
```
London was still enveloped in a dense fog. Stepping onto this dreamlike city again, Wilhelm I felt quite different.
The rtionship between English and Prussian royal families was still good; after all, Wilhelm¡¯s son had married the daughter of Queen Victoria.
Naturally, Wilhelm I¡¯s visit was met with a high-standard reception by the British Royal Family. However, British enthusiasm did not warm Wilhelm¡¯s heart.
There was no way around it; among those greeting him, there were no high-level officials from the British Government. Undoubtedly, the London Government did not ce much importance on his arrival.
In diplomacy, this is amon tactic, using such methods to rify political stances and apply pressure¡ªbut nevertheless, it is very effective.
Unlike during the first Prusso-Russian War, the London Government had invested both money and effort, even going so far as to offend the Russians by blockading the Baltic Sea toy the foundation for Prussia¡¯s victory.
Now, the declining Russian Empire was no longer a threat to Britannia¡¯s interests. In its ce were two new threats, France and Austria, and there was no longer a need to continue suppressing Russia.
Perhaps in the eyes of the London Government, the Russian-Austrian Alliance had already broken. Allowing the Russian Empire to maintain some strength could tie back a portion of Austria¡¯s power, preventing them from diving fully into the struggles for dominance in Europe and helping maintain bnce on the continent.
The Prusso Federation hoped to gain support from the British in the war, but without any international situations to exploit, they could only speak in terms of interests.
The wee banquet proceeded as normal, attended by a bunch of nobility while high-level British Government officials were still absent.
Inside the Prime Minister¡¯s Office at Downing Street, a Cab meeting was taking ce. It wasn¡¯t that the London Government was inefficient; rather, Wilhelm I had arrived too hastily.
With the Queen uninvolved, the British Cab wielded great power and naturally had great responsibilities.
The London Government did indeed take the uing Prusso-Russian War seriously, but after all, the conflict had not yet begun.
War is no trifling matter. ording to normal circumstances, a dy of several months, or even a year or two, would be typical.
Prime Minister Benjamin said, "Wilhelm I has already arrived, and the Russian Crown Prince will arrive next month. It¡¯s time for us to make a choice.
For the sake of Britannia, I hope you can all analyze this rationally and capture the greatest benefits for the Empire."
The oue of this Prusso-Russian war was not as critical to the London Government as thest one had been. Whether it was a victory or defeat for either side, the world¡¯s domination by the three great Empires would not change.
Foreign Minister Edward said, "Austria should be the most concerned about this issue right now. The oue of the Prusso-Russian War will determine their future potential rivals.
Prussia and Russia opposing each other is actually not a bad option. Now that the Austrians are allowing the Prusso-Russian War to erupt, it seems the Vienna Government is again dissatisfied with the status quo.
Over the past few years, Austria has seen a rapid increase in power, especially economically where their performance is particrly prominent.
Besides military strength, Austria has already fully surpassed France. If the French cannot assimte the Italian Area effectively, the bnce of power between France and Austria will eventually be lost."
Now, it is France and Austria that are Britannia¡¯s enemies; nothing else matters but power. France and Austria have the strength to threaten the British, which makes them enemies of the London Government.
An alliance between Ennd, France, and Austria was formed formon interests. A treaty can restrain behavior, reduce colonial conflicts, and save a considerable amount of military expenditure.
But even with an alliance, pressures and limitations must still exist. Restricting the power of France and Austria has be one of the London Government¡¯s core strategies.
Colonial Minister Robert said, "If the French assimte the Italian Area, the bnce on the European Continent will be lost, only to see France surpassing Austria instead.
This is actually a false issue. Whether France overpowers Austria or Austria surpasses France, the gap between their strengths cannot widen overnight.
We have sufficient time to make strategic adjustments. The problem now is the imminent Prusso-Russian War. Whose victory aligns more with our interests?"
Robert was optimistic about the French; it was Napoleon¡¯s legacy that gave him confidence.
The shadow of the French Army sweeping across Europe was too significant; even as the French Army failed to keep pace with the new round of military revolution, people still considered the French Army as the world¡¯s finest.
The performance of the French Army in the recent Near East War solidified this view for the British. Slow equipment updates and military training stuck decades in the past were issues that everyone inadvertently ignored. Stay tuned for updates on NovelBin.C?m
Internationally, it was generally believed that, given equal troop strength, the French Army was the most powerful inbat.
Based on experiences from wars against France, the best method to defeat the French was believed to be spending more money andmitting more troops.
The belief that France and Austria have equal strength is also based on this. The French military is more elite, but the Austrians have greater numbers and stronger economic power, which perfectly bnces each other out.
Foreign Minister Edward said, "The Austrians intentionally let the Prusso-Russian War break out, clearly aiming for further territorial expansion.
No matter the oue of this war, the Vienna Government will be the biggest winner. Due to geopolitical reasons, once Prussia and Russia settle their dispute, no one will be able to obstruct Austria¡¯s expansion.
In recent years, the French government has been rife with internal strife. Only in the past two years, with Napoleon IV gradually taking power, has the Paris Government stabilized."
```
Because of their interests, the capitalists who previously supported Napoleon III in unifying the Italian Area have now positioned themselves against the Paris Government, secretly funding the Italian Independence Organization.
With internal instability, the French had lost the ability to counterbnce the Austrians, which was the main reason the Vienna Government dared to let the Prusso-Russian War break out.
To maintain the bnce in Europe, we must create another enemy for the Austrians, someone to restrain them from behind, with both Prussia and Russia as options.
In terms of potential for growth, the threat posed by the Russians is clearly greater. If they win this war, that insufferable Russian Empire will return once again.
"Perhaps they will be too weakened after the war to vie for dominance over the European Continent, but in Central Asia and the Far Eastern region, they will still threaten our interests."
During the era of Napoleon III, the Italian problem was not severe. With his extraordinary political skills¡ªsuppressing some, allying with others¡ªthe situation was generally stable.
The case was different with Napoleon IV, as the previous Paris Government had been preupied with infighting, neglecting domestic economic construction.
Especially since they had implemented erroneous economic policies, merging the two markets into one. After opening up the market, the capitalists who supported the merger with France realized they had been duped.
What appeared to be fairpetition actually turned into economic plundering of the Italian Area by France.
It wasn¡¯t that the capitalists in the Italian Area weren¡¯t trying; it was the vast gap in industrial strength between the two sides, which simply could not be closed in a short period.
If these were the only issues, it might have been bearable. The misfortune would only befall the small and medium-sized capitalists. The more powerful capitalists could update their equipment and regainpetitiveness.
However, both the Italian Area and France shared amon problem¡ªscarcity of resources.
In the struggle for resources, the capitalists had no choice but to pull out all the stops. Unquestionably, the Paris Government¡¯s policies were undeniably biased in favor of domestic capitalists.
Resentment had been building over time. Discontented capitalists slowly manipted public opinion, stirring up people¡¯s dissatisfaction with the French, in hopes of pressuring the Paris Government to concede.
The result, naturally, goes without saying. Even if the French government wanted to make concessions, the capitalists of Paris would never agree.
In thest economic crisis, these conflicts were directly detonated. A portion of capitalists began to lean toward independence, promoting nationalism in the Italian Area.
The French were not the only ones who were displeased; the local nobility were equally unhappy. They received too little in the distribution of power by the French government.
Despite the many tensions, the Italian Area still did not erupt into arge-scale independence movement. The reason was simple: despite various diforts, the standard of living for themon people had improved.
The local economy was failing, but it didn¡¯t matter;bor could be exported. Being part of the same country, working abroad was naturally not a problem.
Compared to the Italian Area, France was definitely the ce for high sries. It was a win-win: ordinary Italians earned more ie, while French capitalists acquired cheapbor.
Some were pleased, but others were not. Due tobor mobility, thebor cost in the Italian Area doubled within a mere decade, causing Italian Area capitalists to grind their teeth in frustration.
Finance Minister Belfort: "What can the Prusso Federation offer us? What can the Russians give us?
Pardon my frankness, but the benefits these two countries can bring us are too meager. Just to bnce Austria, we don¡¯t need to intervene. Whoever wins will be Austria¡¯s enemy.
Now they are seeking our help, not so much for international diplomatic support but rather, they need money.
The determining factor in the oue of this war is not whether the armies of Prussia and Russia are formidable but rather, who can raise more money.
Lending them money is easy, but how do we collect it?
As much as we don¡¯t want to admit it, we have to acknowledge that our capacity directly decides the oue of this war.
If we bet wrong, we¡¯ll lose everything. This is an investment of hundreds of millions of British Pounds, and I oppose making a choice now."
A single word, "money," overturned the essence of British diplomacy. It immediately silenced Foreign Minister Edward, who had been inclined to support the Prusso Federation.
There was no helping it; the risk was simply too great. He didn¡¯t even know what to demand from the Prusso Federation to ensure the security of this debt.
After hesitating for a moment, Prime Minister Benjamin made a decision, "Let¡¯s first gauge Wilhelm I¡¯s bottom line and see how much they are willing to offer.
The Prusso Federation needs the support of at least two major countries to win this war. If they can get support from Austria or France, it¡¯s not impossible for us to issue war bonds for them."
International debt requires consideration of risks, and even the wealthy John Bull is not exempt. Without someone to share the risk, they dare not invest hundreds of millions of British Pounds on a gamble.
Supporting the Russians was not even within Benjamin¡¯s considerations, and it wasn¡¯t because of the potential threat but because of money.
Given the Tsarist Government¡¯s reputation, if he dared to lend money to the Russians, that would be madness.
Forget the issue of coteral¡ªeven if a contract is signed, it can still be breached. The Royal Navy¡¯s ships can¡¯tnd ashore, making their deterrent power against the Russians too small.
Chapter 649 - 222: The Continuation of Hegemonic Struggle
In the reception room of the UK Foreign Office, the atmosphere was particrly eerie. One side of the negotiations was extremely tense but had to feign smiles; the other side clearly had no interest yet pretended to listen attentively.
This peculiar scene was exactly that of the negotiations between the UK and Prussia. From the very beginning, the two sides were on unequal footing,
much like a person with no money in their pocket and hunger in their belly who needs to borrow money to eat. To get a loan, one would...
UK Foreign Minister Edward waved his hand, "I¡¯m sorry, Count. There¡¯s nothing I can do. Loans are the business of the banks, and you should talk to the bankers."
Merely relying on attitude is clearly not enough to borrow money. Without sufficient benefits, why would John Bull possibly open his wallet?
Prusso Federation Foreign Minister Friedman said, "Sir, we¡¯ve alreadymunicated with the banks. We need your country¡¯s government to provide an endorsement. Please rest assured, we are very, very sincere this time.
Interest could be raised by 30% above the international average rate, and we can provide financial ie, colonies, railways, mines, and ports as coteral."
While international loans could be very profitable, they also carry great risks. Without government "endorsement," anyone making international loans is a fool.
With government "endorsement," if debt default urs, the government will step in to collect. Although it¡¯s not guaranteed to recover the money, it does increase the cost of default for the other party.
If there were no government "endorsement," then you would be left to chase the debt yourself! There are plenty of examples, such as the previous default of the Tsarist Government.
Debts backed by government "endorsements" were settled through negotiation, allowing for the recovery of at least a portion. Debts without government "endorsement" were simply written off.
This time, with the oue of the Prusso-Russian war unpredictable and the continued existence of the Prusso Federation uncertain, without the London Government¡¯s endorsement, bankers naturally dare not take on this business, no matter how high the interest is.
In this day and age, governmental regtions on financial markets were almost non-existent. Yet, without government support, raising hundreds of millions of pounds from the financial market was an impossibility.
UK Foreign Minister Edward shook his head, "Count, I feel your sincerity, but it is of no use.
We are all well aware of the destructiveness of war. The Prusso-Russian war is imminent, and only if your country emerges victorious is there a chance of fulfilling the debts.
But this is just a possibility. The Russian Empire is not so easy to deal with. Even if your country defeats them once more, the cost will be significant. After the war, what will your country use to repay these debts?
War reparations?
Forgive me for speaking bluntly, but if the Tsarist Government had money, the war would not have ended.
Your country might acquire valuable assets likend, poption, factories, but these things, although precious, cannot be immediately converted into cash.
Furthermore, due to the war, your country will need to invest heavily in reconstruction. Financially, this will be a burden for a long time toe.
And this is the best-case scenario. If the war bes protracted and evolves into a long-term confrontation, the situation will be even worse.
If one day your country indeed cannot fulfill the obligations, are we to live off these coterals?
Count, you must understand that to bankers, the coterals offered by your country have no substantial effect."
Edward¡¯s words were already quite restrained, not even touching upon the possibility of a Prusso Federation defeat, yet it was something that had to be realistically considered.
Even if the war is won, the normal fulfillment of debts can¡¯t be guaranteed; if lost, let alone.
Friedman still had confidence in this war. However, his confidence did not mean the British shared it.
Whether we acknowledge it or not, theprehensive national power of Russia surpasses that of the Prusso Federation.
Their victory in thest war urred because every country in Europe wanted the Russians to lose, and the actual strength the Tsarist Government devoted to the fight was, at most, half.
Times have changed. The weakened Russian Empire is not as feared by others. To get countries to contribute money and support, interests would need to speak.
After hesitating for a moment, Friedman asked directly: "Sir, what does your country wish to gain?"
The Prussian Federation was not in a position to dictate terms; rather than wasting time negotiating, it was better to put cards on the table. After all, if the British were willing to pay, everything was negotiable.
UK Foreign Minister Edward gestured, "Count, you misunderstand. We don¡¯t wish to gain anything. You must believe that the friendship between our two countries will withstand the test. It¡¯s just that the bankers need assurance.
If your country could deposit reserve gold in the Bank of Ennd as a guarantee, everyone would be much more confident in you. Your country could at least secure a loan of 60 million pounds."
Friedman¡¯s face turned ugly in an instant. A loan of 60 million pounds sounded tempting, but in fact, the Prusso Federation currently had 478.6 tons of gold reserves for issuing currency.
Of course, due to international settlements, the Prusso Federation would still need to retain a portion of gold. The gold that could be deposited into the Bank of Ennd was valued at around 60 million pounds.
This was not just a matter of gold, but also involved currency issuance. Once the gold fell into British hands, it would be difficult to take it back.
With the reserve gold in British hands, future currency issuance by the Prusso Federation would inevitably be under the influence of the London Government. Simr to the Federal Reserve inter times, they could influence the world economy through mary policy.
There was nothing surprising about this, as the Americans had learned from the British. It was simply that America¡¯s national strength was stronger, and its hegemony was much more stable than that of Britain.
Due to Franz¡¯s butterfly effect, the Divine Shield emerged forcefully, and the British pound could not enjoy a monopoly on currency hegemony. Under this context, it was not surprising that the British were eyeing the Prusso Federation.
For the Berlin Government, depositing gold into the Bank of Ennd meant not only a loss of mary sovereignty but also a political stance.
Choosing to support the British would naturally offend France and Austria. No, it should be said that it would offend Austria.
Because of insufficient gold reserves, in this round of currency hegemony, the Franc had already been the first to exit thepetition.
Without much hesitation, Friedman gave his answer, "A loan of 60 million pounds is too little. The value of the gold we hold is no less than this amount, not to mention the additional political and economic value.
Once the gold is deposited into the Bank of Ennd, we will inevitably offend the Austrians. In the uing Prusso-Russian War, Austria¡¯s voice will be the most important.
Not long ago, the Vienna Government also made a simr request; their terms were much more generous."
Whether the Vienna Government had made a request or not, aspetitors, the British had no way to verify it. Even if there wasn¡¯t one, the Berlin Government would willingly offer it, and the Vienna Government would not refuse.
Edward smiled faintly. He wasn¡¯t surprised that Friedman used Austria as a pretext to raise the price; such urrences weremon in diplomacy.
However, the fact that Wilhelm I¡¯s first state visit was to be in London, signified that the Berlin Government was more inclined to cooperate with them.
He said tentatively, "Count, this issue can be discussed gradually. We wouldn¡¯t let our friends suffer a loss.
As for the Vienna Government¡¯s higher bid, they also need to be able to fulfill their promises. Though the Russian-Austrian Alliance has ended, the rtionship between Russia and Austria has not broken down.
In thest thirty years, the economies of Russia and Austria have be intertwined. Even if the Vienna Government were willing to abandon the Tsarist Government, it wouldn¡¯t be something that could be done in a short time.
No matter what choice your country makes, Austria won¡¯t be able to sever ties with the Russians for your sake - interests dictate this."
Friedman nodded, acknowledging this undeniable fact. Economically, Russia and Austria indeed stood together. The Russian-Austrian Alliance would not have dissolved if both countries did not harbor ambitions for hegemony.
The Berlin Government would rather cooperate with the more disreputable British, rather than seeking help from Austria, because of an inherent wariness of the Russia-Austrian rtionship.
After a pause, Edward continued, "If your country wishes to win this war, it will need more supporters. As friends, we would be happy to provide assistance to your country."
Edward spoke with confidence, for despite Britain¡¯s poor reputation in Europe, its influence in foreign diplomacy remained immense.
It was unnecessary to mention the small countries; what was crucial was the influence on France. Ever since the restoration of Napoleon III, the Paris Government had been filled with arge number of Pro-British Faction members.
If the British Government was willing to intervene with these people, it would greatly reduce the difficulty for the Prusso Federation to seek French support.
Friedman was tempted - not out of shallowness, but because the Prusso Federation had too few chips in hand.
The so-called colonies consisted only of a small part of the Indochina Penins, barely managed by the Berlin Government and essentially worthless.
The so-called "fiscal revenue" was even more of a joke. In the past decade or more, apart from the year when they soldnd, when had there ever been a surplus?
If these assets were put up as coteral, they still had to maintain government operations. Otherwise, would the bankers go collect taxes themselves?
Railroads, mines, ports¡ªthese were mostly just for show. Most of these industries were private, and only a very few belonged to the Berlin Government.
Private property is sacred and invible; naturally, the government had no right to dispose of it. What the Berlin Government could mortgage were only the assets that belonged to the government.
...
Chapter 650 - 223: The Inevitable Expense
Vienna Pce, the contents of the English-Prussian negotiations had already reached Franz¡¯s hands. It was not due to the effectiveness of the intelligence department but rather the British deliberately leaking the information.
Such high-level negotiations were known only to a few and they were all ministerial-level officials, simply not the kind that intelligence organizations could buy.
The prussian-Polish Federation turning toward the British was not surprising. After all, John Bull was a maritime nation and couldn¡¯t possibly be the master of the European Continent; there was no direct conflict between Ennd and Prussia.
By contrast, Austria was different. The Vienna Government cried for the unification of the German Region every day. The core territories of the Prussian Federation were all in the German Region, and it would be strange if the Berlin Government was not concerned.
From Austria¡¯s standpoint, mutual harm between Prussia and Russia was most in alignment with its own interests. Cooperation with Austria was akin to "negotiating with a tiger for its skin." Given a choice, the Berlin Government naturally leaned toward the British.
"The British actually want to promote rtions between Prussia and France, what do you think is their ulterior motive?"
The British had always been trying to iste the French, and now they suddenly promoted the closeness between Prussia and France, which made it difficult for Franz not to specte with the greatest malice.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg analyzed, "Your Majesty, there may be two reasons.
The oue of this Prusso-Russian war is hard to predict. Relying solely on the ability of the British to ensure victory for the Prusso Federation, and not wanting to give up the benefits thate knocking on their door, they must find others to share the risk.
If they drew France to their side, under thebined efforts of Ennd and France, even if the situation was unfavorable, they would be able to preserve the Prusso Federation and ensure their investments don¡¯t go to waste.
The other reason is aimed at us. The London Government believes there is an imbnce in strength between France and Austria and needs to help France attract allies to continue maintaining the bnce in Europe.
The likelihood of thetter is small. With the legacy of Napoleon, the British would only overestimate the strength of France and not underestimate it.
Since supporting the restoration of the Spanish royal family, the strategic situation of the French in Europe had already reversed. The London Government was still troubled by the breakup of the French-Spanish Alliance and had no reason to continue helping them attract allies."
In the mid-19th century, after the restoration of Napoleon III, France broke free from the constraints of the Vienna System and its military strength was fully restored.
Allied countries in Europe worried about the military threat from France. Under the lead of Austria, Western, Prussian-German, Swiss, Belgian, and Dutch nations signed a mutual defense treaty, leading France into a strategically passive state.
Of course, the French path to expansion wasn¡¯t blocked. For instance: Rtions between Ausa and Sardinia were poor, and the Kingdom of Sardinia was excluded from the joint defense organization, leaving France with only the option of expanding towards the Italian Area.
To change the diplomatic embarrassment, Napoleon III took a series of political and diplomatic actions to improve rtions with European nations.
After the outbreak of civil unrest in Spain, the French Government supported the restoration of Alfonso XII. Spain announced its withdrawal from the joint defense organization, and the strategic blockade was dered bankrupt.
Due to geopolitical rtions, the closeness between France and Spain meant that John Bull could not sleep easy. For its own strategic security, the British had always been trying to break apart the French-Spanish bond.
Prime Minister Felix said, "Whatever the reason, the closeness between Prussia and France has be a reality. Without the cooperation of the British, we alone will struggle to stop this from happening.
The French are ambitious and have always wanted to seize control over Europe; they would not refuse the Prusso Federation that has presented itself on a tter.
Both sides already have a foundation of mutual interest for cooperation, even if they don¡¯t form an alliance, their rtions will advance further. We need to prepare in advance to avoid being caught off guard."
There was no choice, the Prusso Federation chose the British, and Austria had to support the Russians; this was determined by national interests.
Franz was not interested in European hegemony, but he couldn¡¯t say that out loud! Austria not having ambitions on the European Continent was something Franz himself did not believe when said.
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It wasn¡¯t about ambition, mainly it was dictated by strength. Whether willing or not, once the power was there, interest groups would push the government upward.
Austria hadn¡¯t made a move, as the game was still in y. The French tiger¡¯s might lingered, and openly, the military strengths of France and Austria wereparable, with the British at their side.
Austria¡¯s rise was one part military and nine parts political; the Radical faction within was small. For most, the dream strategy was to unify the German Region; world domination wasn¡¯t in the n.
Of course, this was also rted to the distribution of interests. Austria got a not small share in the colonial movement, and as those with vested interests, naturally, they were not so cynical as to rush to disrupt the world order.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg said, "The situation is not so grave; the closeness between Prussia and France is not entirely bad news. At least the German Federation is inclined toward us. If we¡¯re lucky, we might even draw Belgium to our side.
As long as the Russians don¡¯t fall, the Prusso Federation will always be restrained, and our main concern remains France.
The only headache is the uncertainty of the British choices. However, this is not difficult to resolve; in the London Government, the anti-French faction is definitelyrger than the anti-Austrian faction, and we have greater advantages diplomatically.
Moreover, with Belgium and the German Federation, the London Government cannotpletely ignore the interests of its smaller partners; the possibility of joining hands with us to suppress the French is higher."
Reality was clear, every year the French had to import tens of millions of tons of coal from Belgium and Germany, and the number was still increasing.
This had seriously affected French economic development, especially in the heavy industry sector, where France hadpletely fallen behind the Anglo-Austrian countries.
Even if the French government wanted to exercise restraint, the capitalists within the country would not agree. If Paris does not want to see the esction of the Italian problem, it must solve the energy problem.
Looking around, besides Belgium and the German Federation, the nearby countries rich in coal resources were only the Anglo-Austrian two countries. This multiple-choice question had a fixed answer.
Right now, it hadn¡¯te to that, the French were actively searching for coal mines, hoping to find some in the North African colonies. After theypleted their exploration, they would take the most drastic measures.
Everyone is a realist; once the French make a move, Belgium and Germany will realize they cannot rely on the British, and Austria bes the only option.
Franz shook his head, "It¡¯s not that simple; hatred cannot sway the British decision¡ªthey are only influenced by interests.
From the current situation, France¡¯s demand for resources is steadily increasing. At most, in no more than twenty years, the French will reach out to Belgium and Germany for resources.
At that time, we will either be forced to enter the fray or actively participate in the game. The British will continue their strategy of bnce, suppressing whomever is strong.
Looking at the economic data, the French have already deviated. To maintain high economic growth, some genius came up with the idea of developing an industry chain centered on the financial sector.
At the current rate of development, how much longer do you think the bnce between France and Austria can be maintained?"
The nature of the Usury Empire hasn¡¯t changed; ever since the death of Napoleon III, the French government has been unable to suppress domestic capitalists, and the economy has inevitably tilted towards finance.
With the intensifying energy crisis, France¡¯s industrial costs are continually rising, exacerbating the situation. The manufacturing industry¡¯s share of the Gross National Product is declining.
In the short term, the illusory numbers hide the contradictions, and no one can see the crisis. But once a war breaks out, all the problems will surface.
There¡¯s no question about it; the world leader always suppresses the runner-up. When the French bubble is burst, it will be time for Austria and the British to fall out.
Economy Minister Reinhardt Halden said, "Military bnce can be maintained for only as long as the international situation remains unchanged. However, economically, the bnce has already been broken.
Based on data analysis collected by the statistical bureau, France¡¯s industrial power is only 68.1% of the British and 58.6% of ours, and this ratio is still falling.
The gap is even wider in the heavy industry sector. Take the steel industry as an example: France¡¯s steel production is only 37.2% of the British, less than a third of ours.
Coal production is even more disparate, less than a third of the British and only a quarter of ours.
These data already exin a lot of problems. It¡¯s worth mentioning that the newly-added Italian Region has almost made no contribution to the French heavy industry; coal production can be ignored, and there are only a few small steel workshops."
It¡¯s not an underestimation of the Italian Area; there are truly not many resources there. Capitalists were willing to support Napoleon III initially to obtain more cheap industrial raw materials.
No one expected that France was also resource-poor. The annexation of the Italian Area was only a nominal increase in France¡¯s national power; in reality, it was more of a burden.
Not to mention, without the Italian Area, France¡¯s resource shortage would not be as severe as it is now.
After hesitating for a moment, Franz made a decision: "elerate negotiations with the Russians. As long as the Russians are willing to deposit their gold reserves into the Austrian National Bank, we will ept their territorial coteral for the shortfall.
If the Tsarist government agrees to use ny-percent of the funds to purchase Austrian goods, we¡¯ll ept industrial raw materials as debt repayment."
Whether the loan is recoverable is no longer important. Since the Prusso Federation has made a choice, Austria cannot be without a response.
Furthermore, it was inevitable. Given the international credibility of the Tsarist government, who else would dare lend them money except Austria?
If the Vienna Government does not support the Russians, the war would be decided before it even starts.
Finance Minister Karl¡¯s face changed dramatically as he hastily advised, "Your Majesty, the Russian financial situation is extremely bad. Even if they win the war, they will not have the ability to repay the money.
There is no problem with the gold coteral. But territorial coteral ispletely unnecessary; Austria does not need these worthlessnds now.
The division of Prusso Federation is nothing but a bad check. Now that the British have decided to support the Prusso Federation, there is also a high probability that the French will support them.
With Ennd and France backing them, even if the Russians can win, they cannot destroy the Prusso Federation; at most, they can only recover the Polish Region, and we do not need these worthlessnds."
Karl repeatedly emphasized "worthlessnds," giving Franz a headache. Since the decolonization of North Africa, the Vienna Government¡¯s high-level desire for expansion on the European Continent had faded.
It wasn¡¯t that thend offered by the Russians for coteral was truly worthless. On the contrary, it was quite fertile; the main issue was the high costs involved.
With gritted teeth, Franz exined, "This is a strategic necessity; we need a Prusso-Russian mutual defeat, thus eliminating two potential threats.
Without providing funds to the Tsarist government, what can the Russians use to fight?
As for the issue of coteral, we can discuss it slowly with the Russians. We can first cheat the Tsarist government by saying that as long as they win the war, they can exchange the Prusso Federation territory.
For any nativends in the Germany Region, we can exchange at a ratio of 1:3, trying to get them to coteralize the Ukraine Region as much as possible.
If the Tsarist government insists on using the Bulgarian region as coteral, we¡¯ll ask them to add on Constantinople. We can even allow them to redeem it, but interest must bepounded."
Finance Minister Karl worriedly said, "Given the Tsarist government¡¯s credibility, it will be difficult to get them to honor the agreement. It might lead to even more disputes."
It¡¯s not a "might be"; disputes are bound to arise. Given the Russian reputation, the likelihood of fulfilling promises proactively is almost nil; it will still depend on power in the end.
Franz was quite assured on this point. The Prusso Federation is not weak; the Russian Empire will be seriously weakened after the war.
Chapter 651 - 224: The Austrian Threat Theory
After Wilhelm I¡¯s trip to London, the international situation became clearer. Anglo-Prussian rtions warmed up, and Russia and Austria, having just ended their alliance, came together once again. The power to decide the future direction of European affairs returned to the hands of the French.
If the Paris Government supported the Russians, the oue of this war would be decided in advance. On the contrary, if they supported the Prusso Federation, then the oue would only be known after the fight.
In the Pce of Versailles, Napoleon IV was very satisfied with the current situation. Prussia and Russia were both vying to woo France, and this feeling of determining the future direction of Europe was simply wonderful.
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dumbledore: "Your Majesty, the Russian Delegation has suddenly changed their itinerary, canceling their visit to London and are expected to arrive in Paris in three days."
Napoleon IV smiled slightly; he knew the Tsarist Government was in a hurry. Although the Russian Empire was stronger than the Prusso Federation in terms ofprehensive national strength, war was not just aboutprehensive strength but also external forces.
The Prusso Federation had already secured support from the British, and if they obtained French support as well, even if the Russians gained Austrian support, they would still be at a disadvantage.
The harsh reality told the Russians that being without money was absolutely uneptable. In terms of financial power, thebined funds that Ennd and France, the two gold sponsors, could provide were definitely more than Austria could offer.
In in terms, this war was the Russians¡¯ war, not Austria¡¯s. The Vienna Government could support them but could notmit indefinitely.
Unless the war could be ended quickly, it would ultimately be a battle of fiscal strength. With the lesson from thest war, the Tsarist Government no longer had any illusions about a quick victory.
Napoleon IV shook his head: "If they¡¯re only starting to act now, the Russians must be foolish!"
The Russian delegation arriving in Paris before Wilhelm I¡¯s visit may seem not toote on the surface. However, Napoleon IV¡¯sment about beingte also made sense.
There was once a chance for France and Russia toe together closely, but unfortunately, neither side cherished it. This was a historical problem. The contradictions between the two countries resulting from the Anti-French Wars were once again magnified during the Near Eastern War.
Alexander II once wanted to ease Franco-Russian rtions but was obstructed by Ennd and Austria, ultimately ending in failure.
After the Prussian territorial trade, France and Russia lost the pivot of joint interest, and thest chance for an alliance was shattered.
There is no regret medicine in this world. With the changing international situation, France no longer needs to ally with the Russians.
The young Napoleon IV, who was also ambitious, wished to surpass his father and achieve greater aplishments.
Therefore, what France needed was a subordinate, not a rival.
The Russian Empire would not lower itself to be a subordinate. Even if Alexander II could endure hardships, the Russian people would not agree.
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dumbledore waved his hand: "The diplomacy of the Russians has always been quite spontaneous; there¡¯s nothing surprising about it.
From the time Nichs I allied with Austria to the pro-Prussian and anti-Austrian strategies carried out by Alexander II after he took the throne, to theter falling out with Prussia, and the copse of the Russian-Austrian Alliance, it has always been like this.
The Tsarist Government¡¯s foreign policy strategy is too influenced by personal will. There is not only ack of long-term nning, but frequent changes ur, even to the point of self-contradiction."
Sensing something, Dumbledore, chose to stop right there. As chaotic as the Tsarist Government¡¯s foreign policy, the French government¡¯s foreign policy was not much better.
The most consistent foreign policies among the Great European Nations are those of Ennd and Austria. The Anglo-Austrian "European bnce" policy has continued from the end of the Anti-France Wars until now.
Although there have been changes in the interim, the overall direction has never changed. The current political structure of Europe is the product of the Anglo-Austrian "European bnce" policy.
Napoleon IV nodded: "Forget it; this is also a good thing. Once the Russians arrive, I can negotiate the price with the Prusso Federation.
Europe is too small to amodate so many great powers. An Austria, an Ennd is already enough for us; we cannot afford a fourth pole."
The cake is only so big; splitting it three ways already cannot satisfy everyone¡¯s appetites. Adding another slice into the mix, nobody would wee it.
On the issue of suppressing the rise ofters, the stance of Ennd, France, and Austria is unified. Whether supporting the Prusso Federation or the Russian Empire, there is one prerequisite - they cannot be allowed to grow too strong.
This time, Ennd, France, and Austria are divided into two camps, seemingly over interests, but in reality, there is already an understanding: neither Prussia nor Russia can be allowed to win the war too easily.
In this round of diplomaticpetition, the Russians lost from the very beginning. No matter how hard the Tsarist Government tries, it will not be able to garner more support.
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dumbledore: "Your Majesty, ording to news from London, Wilhelm I is seeking a grand alliance, and the British have already explicitly refused them.
If things go as expected, Wilhelm I will seek an alliance with us. This issue is significant, and we must approach it with caution."
"Prusso-French alliance," If this were twenty or thirty years ago, the French government would have been eager to have an ally to share the burden. Even a decade ago, the French Government would have agreed without hesitation.
Now it¡¯s different. Apart from the British-French-Austrian tripartite alliance, France also has an ally in Spain; there¡¯s no longer such a desperate need for allies.
Napoleon IV sneered: "There¡¯s nothing to consider. The Prusso Federation wants to ally with us, then they first need to defeat the Russians. If they lose the war, what right do they have to talk about an alliance with us?"
What benefits would the French government get from an alliance with Prussia now, aside from assuming obligations?
Even if the Prusso Federation won the battle, Napoleon IV would still have to carefully weigh the pros and cons of a Prusso-French alliance. At the very least, he could not ignore the attitudes of Ennd and Austria.
...
After the grand wee ceremony concluded, Crown Prince Alexandrovich, who was visiting Paris once again, showed a deep concern on his face.
Although the wee ceremony seemed grand, it wasced with a palpable sense of estrangement. Undoubtedly, the Parisians did not wee them.
```
If it were not for the Bonaparte family¡¯s desire to integrate into the European royal circles, cing great importance on etiquette, they probably wouldn¡¯t even bother with facade maintenance.
The initial reception was nothing short of a snub, leaving Crown Prince Alexandrovich with little hope for the uing negotiations.
Originally, ording to his wishes, the first stop was supposed to be Denmark, focusing on public rtions with the Nordic Federation; as for Ennd and France, they could simply do their best and leave the rest to fate.
Unfortunately, the Russian Empire was not yet a ce where he, the Crown Prince, could call the shots. Even though he had been involved in government affairs for many years, his say in foreign policy was still very limited.
Winning over Ennd and France might seem to promise rich rewards, perhaps even clinching the victory, but in reality, sess was impossible.
The key issue was "bargaining chips"; the Tsarist government simply had nothing to offer that could tempt them.
Use gold as coteral? Sorry, the Tsarist did not dare. Just as Ennd and France did not trust Russians, the Tsarist government likewise did not trust Ennd and France.
Unlike Austria, which is close by, if the Austrians breached an agreement, they could genuinely fight a battle. The cost of war is clearly above pledging gold as coteral, and these interests were not enough to make the Vienna government break its promise.
Ennd and France were different; being thousands of miles away, the Russians could not reach them. Should they suddenly decide to breach an agreement one day, the Russian economy would immediately copse, with no opportunity for retaliation.
Offernds as coteral? Let alone coteral, even if it were a matter of selling or ceding territory, they were willing to offer it to Ennd and France, they wouldn¡¯t dare to ept.
Under normal circumstances, no European nation would want to ally with Russia. Both Ennd and France were colonial empires, and they certainly did notck for a piece of territory.
Diplomacy without interests, is just hooliganism. Crown Prince Alexandrovich was simply going through the motions, naturally not in high spirits.
"Your Highness, Wilhelm I will arrive in Paris tomorrow. The French have arranged the wee banquet together. It¡¯s clear they¡¯re up to no good," a diplomatic official in the entourageined indignantly.
After a moment of silence, Alexandrovich said coldly, "Just say I¡¯m not feeling well and won¡¯t attend tomorrow¡¯s banquet."
As the Crown Prince, Alexandrovich was prideful; how could he willingly suffer such humiliation?
As the Crown Prince, Alexandrovich was only a Grand Duke, whereas Wilhelm I was a king; byparison, his status was a notch lower.
With the Prusso-Russian war on the verge of breaking out, such an ill-timed meeting was risky¡ªwho knew what kind of stories the newspapers would concoct?
"But, Your Highness. If you don¡¯t go, the outside world will..."
Cutting him off before he could finish, Alexandrovich interrupted, "There are not so many ¡¯buts.¡¯ What will the outside world say? They¡¯ll just fabricate some stories about us being afraid.
Given the rtionship between France and Russia, do you think the French newspapers will speak well of us? If you want to hear praise, you might as well just throw money at it, that works better than anything."
The more he understood France, the less confident Alexandrovich was. In the past, for the Polish independence movement, the French had even organized a volunteer army.
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Although that volunteer army never crossed the border, their deep-seated malice towards Russia was unmasked. With such a backdrop, attempting a public rtions campaign in Paris was a no-go, save for throwing money at it.
If France were in a republican era, where public opinion could influence government decisions, then spending money might be worth it. Clearly, it was not the case now; any amount of money spent would simply be wasted.
Alexandrovich deliberately dodged Wilhelm I, just as Wilhelm I avoided Alexandrovich, seemingly in tacit agreement to never appear in the same ce.
It seemed they both saw through the malicious intentions of the French, both cautiously avoiding a direct confrontation, to the disappointment of those who were hoping for a spectacle.
In the Pce of Versailles, Napoleon IV was meeting with Wilhelm I, the atmosphere congenial as if they were old friends reunited after many years.
Meanwhile, representatives of Prussia and France were locked in a verbal battle over interests. Seeing no breakthrough in the short term, Prusso Federation Foreign Minister Geoffrey Friedman quickly shifted the topic.
"Minister, the current international situation is not only detrimental to us but also to your country," he said.
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dumbledore, shook his head, "Earl, there¡¯s no need for rmism here. The current international politicalndscape is, for France, the best it¡¯s been in nearly a century.
We¡¯ve weathered the hardest times; why worry about now? Such minor threats are hardly worth mentioning."
This was the truth. For nearly a century, France had continuously been in the middle of the European political whirlwind, subjected to hostility and targeting by others.
Friedman picked up his coffee, sipped it lightly, then asked, "Really? Don¡¯t you feel threatened by the rapidly growing power of Austria? "
Dumbledore scoffed, "Austria is indeed powerful and growing rapidly, but it poses no threat to the great France.
On the contrary, it is your country that needs to directly face the pressure from Austria. Prussia and Austria share such a long border, and now the Vienna government is supporting Russia."
The French government was naturally aware of the Austrian threat, though it was not as evident as it was for the Prusso Federation. The border between the two countries was not long, and France had an unfounded confidence in its military strength, hence it was not much concerned.
Friedman presented pre-prepared intelligence information to Dumbledore.
"Here is some of the Austrian intelligence we¡¯ve collected. You might wish to take a look, Minister."
Since they had offended Austria, they might as well go all the way. To prevent the Vienna government from tilting the scales in the uing war, Berlin had to give Austria an enemy.
Looking at the world stage, only Ennd and France had the power to restrain Austria. The British were too cunning to fool, and too distant from Austria to feel any threat.
Being a neighbor, France was different; the two countries had always been rivals, each concerned with every bit of movement next door.
```
Chapter 652 - 225: The War That Can’t Stop
After briefly flipping through the documents, Dumbledore put them down and scoffed, "Count, such tant attempts at driving a wedge are quite low-end indeed."
"Everyone knows that we are allies with Austria, so why should we worry about Austria¡¯s threat? Is it because of this data?"
The threat of Austria to the French government was naturally not unknown; this was not the first time Dumbledore had seen the information provided by Geoffrey Friedman.
It was only a matter of discrepancies in the data. This was the same for all nations due to political motives and personal wishes. When collecting data about rivals, it often goes through an artistic process of embellishment.
In Dumbledore¡¯s view, it was nothing more than the Prusso Federation wanting to highlight the "Austrian Threat Theory" and deliberately exaggerating Austria¡¯s strength.
These documentspared various data points between France and Austria, with Austria upying an advantage in all aspects. After roughly looking at a few sets of data, Dumbledore lost interest.
Out of French pride, he did not believe in their veracity. The Paris Government also had collected intelligence on Austria, and their conclusion was that the overall strength of France and Austria was not much different, France even having a slight edge.
A sinking feeling settled in Geoffrey Friedman¡¯s heart, as he wondered if the data was too exaggerated and revealed the problem to Dumbledore.
After all, in a world without satellites or the inte, even collecting data about one¡¯s own country was very difficult, requiring a considerable amount of manpower and resources.
Not to mention the data on other countries. If one genuinely attempted to collect statistics, they would likely be treated as a spy before even getting started.
Typically, it was through estimating the number of ships entering and exiting ports or through economic newspapers andrgepanies¡¯ annual reports, these public channels, that information was gathered.
Then economists would take these figures and "roughly + possibly" equate to an answer. Errors were inevitable, and different economists woulde up with different results.
Whether it was out of national pride or political necessity, the French government did not permit conclusions that ced them below Austria.
Dumbledore, the Foreign Minister, not the Economic Minister, just needed to look over the reports with all their pomp and circumstance, not concerning himself with the finer details.
Taking a pause, Geoffrey Friedman said helplessly, "Well then, leaving aside this data. There can only be one overlord on the European Continent, and Austria is your country¡¯s biggestpetitor in the quest for dominance in Europe."
Dumbledore nodded in agreement.
Geoffrey Friedman: "In recent years, the Austrians have developed the Balkan Penins, and their strength has increased rapidly. Their poption on the European maind alone nearly reaches eighty million, and their total economic output has even surpassed that of the British, bing number one in the world.
These figures are well known, and I¡¯m sure Your Excellency has no objections."
"From 1870 to the present, the Vienna Government has expanded its military three times, with totalnd and naval forces reaching 714,000 men, of which the army alone ounts for 608,000 men."
This number for a standing army, apart from the Russian Empire, no other country in Europe can match them. As far as I know, the standingnd forces of your country also amount only to 476,000.
Besides the standing army, Austria also has a huge reserve force. The exact number is unknown, but every year more than a million receive reserve force training.
Such a vast military force, who is it targeting?"
I can think of no other country that needs such serious preparation by Austria, other than your country.
If we are not prepared, once the Austrians are ready, I fear your country will have to face an assault by millions of enemy troops."
Dumbledore shook his head, "Your Excellency, let¡¯s not equivocate. Can a bunch of civilian husbands even be considered an army? Should a war break out, France has enough strength to defeat all enemies.
Modern warfare is not about winning by sheer numbers. If we are to speak of numbers, Russia¡¯s army is thergest; does your country intend to capitte?
As for the threat posed by Austria, that is France¡¯s own domestic affair, and it doesn¡¯t require your worry. With that energy, you might as well consider how to deal with the Russians!"
Taking a pause, Dumbledore added, "A reminder to Your Excellency, if we¡¯re talking about threats, your country is also a potentialpetitor to France, and even ahead of Austria.
The world has been fully carved up, and the reason the British-French-Austrian tripartite alliance can exist is because we are all vested interests, and maintaining the status quo is enough.
Without a doubt, Dumbledore was very dissatisfied with Geoffrey Friedman¡¯s overreach, hence the direct warning.
Even if the threat from Austria was significant, it was up to the French government to discover it themselves. The reminder from Geoffrey Friedman was clearly meant to provoke a conflict between France and Austria.
As the Foreign Minister of France, how could Dumbledore ept being used by others?
...
On the way back to the embassy, upon seeing Geoffrey Friedman¡¯s persistent worry, Major General McPhee reassured him, "Geoffrey, don¡¯t be sad. You¡¯ve already done very well. The failure of this mission is mainly because we misjudged the French."
Geoffrey Friedman shook his head, "The mission hasn¡¯t failed, Dumbledore has epted our viewpoint."
Seeing Major General McPhee¡¯s puzzled look, Geoffrey Friedman exined, "Don¡¯t be surprised. If it weren¡¯t for hitting a sore spot for the French, Dumbledore would not have lost hisposure.
His final warning, although true, was something that has never been uncovered before. Since he put it out there directly, it seems that the rtionship between Ennd, France, and Austria is worse than we anticipated."
The more confused McPhee asked directly, "Geoffrey, if our n seeded, why do you still need to..."
Geoffrey Friedman replied with a wry smile, "Because what Dumbledore said is true. Ennd, France, and Austria don¡¯t want to see a new major power rising to share the cake with them. It¡¯s the same for both the Russians and us.
Now we¡¯ve almost reached our peak of development, even if we defeat the Russians, it¡¯s hard for us to gain much.
To advance further, we¡¯d face the unified suppression of Ennd, France, and Austria; our future is worrying indeed!"
Geoffrey Friedman had sobered up, realizing that despite the significant discord among the three countries, their interests were aligned when it came to suppressing neers.
The Prusso Federation was no longer a small country; if it defeated Russia again, it would rece Russia¡¯s position in Europe.
The British-French-Austrian tripartite alliance did not want to see the rise of a new Russia, so the good days of the Prusso Federation would end after this war.
If the international situation doesn¡¯t change, if the British-French-Austrian tripartite alliance doesn¡¯t copse, the Prusso Federation would always exist in the shadow of the three great powers.
If it weren¡¯t for the fact that insiders are blind, the Berlin Government would have already seen this clearly. However, everyone has been focused on how to defeat Russia, without considering what will happen after the war.
Deep inside, a voice kept telling Geoffrey Friedman that ending the dispute with Prussia was the best choice; that a war would only benefit the fishermen.
But as much as he thought this, it was impossible to say it out loud. How could the Prusso Federation, with its territory now exceeding eighty thousand square kilometers, much of which was taken from the Russians, simply stop?
Even if the Berlin Government were willing to reconcile, the Tsarist Government would not agree! How could the Russians continue to consider themselves a great power if they don¡¯t suppress the Prusso Federation?
Even knowing that continuing the war would be disadvantageous to both countries, neither side could stop.
The Junker nobility wanted to gain more, the Russians wanted to avenge their humiliation; a sh of interests that was simply irreconcble.
Major General McPhee smiled faintly, "Geoffrey, you¡¯re thinking too much. Even if we face suppression, it would only be after we defeat Russia. Who knows what the future holds?
I don¡¯t believe the British-French-Austrian tripartite alliance could maintain itself forever. As long as there is discord among the three, we will have our chance. Your next journey awaits at NovelBin.C?m
The world has been carved up, we have no share in the colonies, then we might as well give it up. If the British-French-Austrian alliance worries about us taking over Russia¡¯s ce, let¡¯s do it and show them."
In this era, overseas colonies symbolized wealth, naturally coveted by all, but the Berlin Government¡¯s attempts ultimately ended in failure.
It was proven that a navy can¡¯t be developed overnight, and the Junker aristocracy, beingndlubbers, really couldn¡¯t manage at sea.
Since the navy was beaten by the Danish people in the Baltic Sea, the Berlin Government extinguished its unrealistic dream of the seas.
The firmlynd-focused Major General McPhee wasn¡¯t dreaming about acquiring colonies anymore; seizing the opportunity to give the Russians a good beating was the best option.
Land expansion on the European Continent was never smooth sailing. The strategy formted by the Junker aristocracy was to gradually devour Russiannd, but theycked the aggressive stance to dominate Europe as in the original timeframe.
Chapter 653 - 226, Russian-Austrian Agreement
Once the seeds of doubt are sown, they never go away. After a meticulous study of the Vienna Government¡¯s actions over recent years, Dumbledore grew increasingly puzzled.
If Austria wanted to target France, why would they let them annex the Italian Area?
When propagating to the public, it could be exined away by France¡¯s might. As a member of the Cab, Dumbledore certainly didn¡¯t think so.
No matter how powerful France was, it couldn¡¯t stand against all of Europe teamed up. If the European nations united and applied pressure, France would have to beat a dismal retreat.
Expanding territory on the European Continent has never been an easy task, and the Italian Area is no barren backwater, Dumbledore didn¡¯t believe Austriacked ambition.
The French government had studied this issue for many years and finally reached an almost unbelievable conclusion¡ªthe Vienna Government adhered to the spirit of contracts.
The truth no longer mattered, as the meat had already been consumed. No matter how much they doubted, the French government would not give up the Italian Area.
Not understanding it was okay, just look at Austria¡¯s military strength. The so-called "threat" existed only on the basis of strength.
Dumbledore took a breath of relief as hepiled the recent data of the Austrian Army. The threat indeed existed, but France could still cope with it.
Take action?
Sorry, as a qualified bureaucrat, the first step is to weigh pros and cons, not to act blindly.
The threat from Austria was only potential. Without sufficient profit, there was simply no reason for France and Austria toe to blows out of the blue.
In this era of warfare, the defensive side clearly had the advantage. Not to mention, just the deployment of troops determined that.
Byparison, as a member of the Cab Government, Dumbledore was more worried about the military bing too powerful. Right from the start, Geoffrey Friedman had found the wrong person.
Prussia and France were different, one had a state with an army, and the other an army with a state. What seemed perfectly reasonable to the Berlin Government was entirely different in other national governments.
Because a threat might exist, taking direct countermeasures is the thinking of a military person, while politicians are always profit-first.
Knowing that they were being provoked and acting thoughtlessly as someone else¡¯s pawn is the act of a fool.
Geoffrey Friedman sessfully stirred up France-Austria rtions, but didn¡¯t alter the oue of the negotiations. If you want France to contain Austria, it can be done, but it will cost.
In the face of interests, the Paris Government still won¡¯t budge an inch. Supporting the Prusso Federation because of the threat from Austria is out of the question.
All are continental nations; to France, both Prussia and Austria are potential threats. It¡¯s merely a matter of "threat level."
...
As the key moment of the negotiations between Prussia and France approached, the talks between Russia and Austria too were drawing to a close.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg, "Your Excellency, the Envoy, I do not see your country¡¯s sincerity. The coteral you¡¯ve put forward is too little and not of equivalent value.
If these are the only coterals, I have grave doubts that your government would simply abandon these regions, which would mean a substantial loss to us."
Russian Envoy Nievich, "No, we are indeed sincere. Your Excellency, the Minister, do not forget, we have even pledged our gold reserves; defaulting is simply not a possibility."
Weisenberg remained unmoved. If not for the acquisition of the Russians¡¯ gold reserves and the promotion of currency hegemony, he wouldn¡¯t even be negotiating here with the Russians.
The so-called territorial coteral, the Tsarist Government indeedcked earnestness. Perhaps as a means to block Austria¡¯s entry into the ck Sea, the Russians¡¯ mortgaged territoriescked any seaports.
The Bulgarian region and territories west of the Dnieper River (Central and Western Ukraine + Moldova), offered by the Tsarist Government as coteral,cked crucial coastal areas.
In an era dominated by sea power, without ports, all being ind regions, these territories naturally diminished in value.
From the Russians¡¯ perspective, they had reasons for their actions. Allowing Austrians into the ck Sea was easy, but driving them out would be difficult.
Given the sorry state of the ck Sea Fleet, if the Austrian Navy entered the ck Sea, Russia¡¯s interests in the region would be severely threatened.
When ites to interests, the Tsarist Government wouldn¡¯t dare test Austria¡¯s integrity. If the stakes were high enough, perhaps the Vienna Government would intentionally let them be defeated for the sake of the coteral.
Even the current territorial mortgage was a risky decision made by the Tsarist Government after weighing the pros and cons several times.
"If Your country¡¯s government were to mortgage all its gold reserves, we naturally wouldn¡¯t worry about you defaulting, but Your country has only mortgaged half of its gold reserves.
Your country has always been a major gold-producing nation, with tens to hundreds of tons of gold mined each year; replenishing this portion of the reserves would not be difficult."
"Your Excellency, the Envoy, should be clear that we are not interested in Your country¡¯s territory. Not allnd is of immense value, especially after the loss of seaports, which significantly decreases its value."
Envoy Nievich furrowed his brows; replenishing gold reserves wasn¡¯t difficult for the Anglo-Austrian two countries. For other countries around the world, raising gold reserve levels was extremely challenging.
Russia might be one of the major gold-producing countries, but it couldn¡¯t withstand the annual outflow! Especially now that war was imminent, a massive outflow of gold and silver was simply unavoidable.
To mortgage all gold reserves was to ce one¡¯s economic lifeline entirely into the hands of the Austrians; to prevent the Ruble from bing worthless paper, Russia would have no choice but to obedientlyply.
Envoy Nievich: "Your Excellency, the Minister, that¡¯s impossible. Mortgaging half of our reserve gold is already our bottom line.
We can negotiate on the territorial mortgage; we can add some ports. In return, Your country must guarantee our loan with the Nordic Federation, and ensure that Your navy never enters the ck Sea."
In their efforts to raise funds, the Tsarist Government had repeatedly lowered its bottom line. This was particrly true after the arrival of unfavorable news from London, where the Tsarist Government¡¯s bottom line was reduced yet again.
To date, Alexander II had no way out. If he did not initiate the war in advance, it would be toote once the enemy was prepared.
The word promise" had never been in Russians¡¯ dictionaries. The Prusso-Russian War had essentially be the means by which the Tsarist Government transferred internal conflicts; the consequences of stopping were unimaginable.
Knowing that initiating a war now could lead to heavy losses, the Tsarist Government still had to go ahead with it, toughing it out.
Wessenberg: "That is possible, but Your country must put up an equivalent mortgage. If Your country¡¯s government defaults, we have to pay off the debt, and we must be secured.
The navy never entering the ck Sea, I cannot guarantee that. However, we can agree that as long as Your country¡¯s government does not default, the Austrian Navy will not enter the ck Sea."
Envoy Nievich almost had a nightmare every time the word "coteral" came to mind; it made his scalp tingle. This Russian-Austrian negotiation had already exhausted him greatly.
On the other hand, whether the Austrian Navy entered the ck Sea was a minor issue; all promises were useless. As long as it benefited them, no one could be stopped."
Envoy Nievich hurriedly said, "Your Excellency, this is just a normalmercial loan guarantee; we can pay a guarantee fee. There is no risk, and Your country can rest assured."
Wessenberg shook his head: "I¡¯m sorry, Your Excellency the Envoy. War is about to break out. If Your country can win the war, then I believe there will be no problem.
If Your country loses the war, or ends in a stalemate, will Your government still be able to repay the debts and honor itsmitments when the timees?"
It was almost a direct expression of doubt in the Tsarist Government¡¯s credibility. In his view, the Tsarist Government would certainly honor itsmitments if it lost the war; it was rather if they won that he couldn¡¯t guarantee.
A defeated Russian Empire could not refuse even if it wanted to; the Nordic Federation could send its own troops to collect, as kicking someone when they¡¯re down was a skill everyone was proficient at.
In contrast, Austria¡¯s coteral was a bit more troublesome. Parts of Western Ukraine could very well end up in the hands of the Prusso-Polish Federation after the war and the Vienna Government might face a struggle to im those areas.
...
After an intense battle of wits, on October 10, 1879, Russia and Austria signed the "Russian-Austrian Trade Agreement" in Vienna, which stipted:
The Russian Empire mortgaged the regions west of the Dnieper River and the Russian Balkans, raising 480 million Divine Shield from Austria, including 180 million Divine Shield in loans and 300 million Divine Shield in bonds (Note: excluding Odessa and Istanbul).
Loan interest: 3.5¡ë per month
Bond interest: 8.4% per year
Handling fee: 3%
...
A weekter, the representatives of Russia, Austria, and the Nordic Federation signed the "Debt Guarantee Contract" in St. Petersburg, with the Vienna Government providing a safety guarantee for the debts of both Russian and the Nordic countries.
Chapter 654 - 227: War Breaks Out
```
Shortly after the Russian-Austrian agreement was exposed, the Berlin Government openly counteracted by publishing the "Anglo-Prussian Debt Agreement" and the "Franco-Prussian Debt Agreement".
Secrecy was no longer an issue; it was now a time to boost morale. How could the citizens bravely participate in the war without favorable news?
International loans were always linked to politics, implying alliances during the provision of funding.
Ennd and France supported the Prusso Federation, while Austria and the Nordic Federation backed the Russian Empire; other European countries also chose sides.
The Nethends, Belgium, Portugal, Spain, and the German Federation were more inclined to support the Prusso Federation, whereas Greece and Montenegro supported Russia.
The Prusso Federation still held an advantage in terms of international support, but the Russian Empire had greater potential for war, so both sides were evenly matched.
At the Vienna Pce, Franz felt no surprise at the diplomatic loss to the Russians. For the Tsarist Government to have persuaded the Nordic Federation was an overachievement given their diplomatic skills.
Denmark yed a significant role in this; without the Danish effort, even with Austria¡¯s guarantee, the Tsarist Government would not have easily convinced the Nordic Federation to contribute funds.
The old grudges between the Russians and Sweden were decades old, with the older generation gone, and the bitterness was less acute for the new. However, the grievances between Prussia and Denmark were different; being only a few decades old, they were still fresh in everyone¡¯s mind.
No matter how much the Russians were resented, they had gone to war with Prussia on behalf of the Danish, and most Danish people felt favorably towards the Tsarist Government.
Though the Nordic Federation was centered around Sweden, the Central Government had to take into ount the feelings of the Danish public when making decisions.
Moreover, the Tsarist Government¡¯s offer was very tempting. With the Vienna Government¡¯s guarantee, the risk of debt default had been greatly reduced.
At worst, they could even profit handsomely from the war. The Krone wasn¡¯t an international currency; apart from spending within the Nordic Federation, the Russians had nowhere else to use it.
If luck was on their side, they could capture Find without a fight and that would be a huge windfall.
The outside world was in an uproar over the forting war, with a wide range of opinions.
Some even divided the European world into two camps, viewing this Prusso-Russian war as a chess game among Ennd, France, and Austria.
These chaotic news reports did not affect Franz¡¯s good mood. The situation was unfolding exactly as he had foreseen, with perhaps only minor deviations.
Having put down the newspaper in his hand, Franz said, "First, allocate 100 million Divine Shields to the Russians, and let the Tsarist Government be bold in their actions!"
Loans required installment payments; banks couldn¡¯t transfer hundreds of millions of Divine Shields in cash without affecting their operations.
As for bonds, they had only just been issued and couldn¡¯t be fully sold for several months; the Tsarist Government wouldn¡¯t have the money for a while.
Receiving 100 million Divine Shields in such a short time was definitely preferential treatment; normalmercial loans were never that quick.
...
Funds embolden heroes, and with the money in hand, the Russians were fully unleashed, immediately recruiting soldiers nationwide.
In the Winter Pce, Alexander II was listening to his son¡¯s report. Unable to secure support from Ennd and France, Alexandrovich¡¯s European journey came to a premature end.
"Are you saying that Ennd, France, and Austria conspired to have us mutually exhausted?" Alexander II couldn¡¯t help but be startled, as the current situation had deviated from his expectations.
Originally, Alexander II had imagined easing tensions with Ennd and France, hoping they would remain neutral in the conflict, at least neutral at the onset of the war. It turned out to be a vain effort.
Alexandrovich nodded, "Although there is no direct evidence proving this, their recent actions have made it clear.
The negotiations earlier were so difficult, and then suddenly an agreement was reached; this is obviously not normal.
If you analyze the turning point in the negotiations, you will realize that after the UK and Prussia reached an agreement, the Austrians suddenly made significant concessions to us, no longer requiring us to mortgage all our gold.
It¡¯s now the end of October, in at most two more months, winter will begin, and it¡¯s impossible to decide the oue of the war in such a short time.
Yet, the funds have arrived just in time, and the enemy has started to expand their army massively.
If the war is dyed until the spring of next year, we will be facing not tens of thousands, but millions of well-armed troops."
The Russian Army had certain advantages in winter warfare, but these depended on timing and location.
It was an advantage when defending the homnd, butunching an offensive was a different matter.
Not all regions experienced winters as cold as Russia, particrly the Polish Region, which wasn¡¯t cold enough.
```
```
After pacing a few steps, Alexander II said self-deprecatingly, "It doesn¡¯t matter, on the whole it¡¯s still to our advantage.
It seems that the impact of ourst failure has not yet subsided, the Austrians do not regard us favorably, fearing we will suffer a crushing defeat.
This is a good thing, as such judgment will prompt the Vienna Government to increase their support for us in the early stages. If we can take this opportunity to severely damage the enemy this winter, the situation will bepletely different."
Years of imperial life had matured Alexander II, and he had be apetent monarch. He was able to find the advantageous aspects in the shortest time and strived to amplify this advantage.
The foundations of the Prusso Federation were not solid; should they fail once, they would be greatly weakened. If they were to be dealt a serious blow, they definitely wouldn¡¯t recover over one winter.
By contrast, the Russian Empire¡¯s advantages were much greater. With its poption advantage, even if it suffered a defeat, one winter would be enough to recover.
Crown Prince Alexandrovich was on the verge of speaking out about the conspiracy of Ennd, France, and Austria, which was aimed at preventing the outbreak of war; however, reality told him this was not possible.
The power of hatred is immense, and even knowing this news did not waver Alexander II¡¯s determination to wage war.
Deep down, Alexander II also did not wish tounch a war at this time. But he had no choice, and neither did the Russian Empire. Discover hidden tales at NovelBin.C?m
If they didn¡¯t act now, waiting for the enemy to be fully prepared would only decrease their chances of victory even further.
The Russian Empire was simply too vast. Several main railway lines had already beenpleted, and it was not possible to significantly improve transport again in the short term; however, the enemy could. If dyed another year or two, the railwaywork within the Prusso Federation would be interconnected.
...
Minister of the Army Padro Wald: "Your Majesty, we havepleted our war preparations and are awaiting your orders tounch the attack.
As of yesterday afternoon, we have mobilized 1.68 million troops, and this number is still increasing at the rate of 150,000 per month. Of these, 820,000 troops have already assembled on the border.
Frontline strategic materials are all ready, sufficient to support the needs of one million troops for half a year ofbat.
Moreover, we have stockpiled arge amount of food in major cities along the way, which can be distributed nearby to minimize logistical pressure."
Without a doubt, the Russian People were much better prepared for this war than thest. Arge amount of strategic materials had been transported and stored at the front line in advance, so as not to find their army waiting for logistics at the outbreak of war.
The facts proved that Alexander II¡¯s reforms were not in vain. Compared to before, the efficiency and execution of the Tsarist Government had greatly improved.
War fosters growth, and this saying is utterly true. After having been defeated once, the Tsarist Government, through trial and error, had managed to establish a wartime mobilization mechanism.
How effective this was, still needed to be tested. But even the poorest mobilization mechanism was better than directly conscripting serfs onto the battlefield as before.
After pondering for a moment, Alexander II made his decision: "Shame can only be washed away with blood; since we are ready, let us dere war on the Prusso Federation!"
...
While the Tsarist Government decided to wage war, the Prusso Federation¡¯s war machine was also set into motion, with the high levels of the Berlin Government gathered around a roughly ten square meter sand table.
A year ago, Marshal Maoqi resigned from his position as Prime Minister and returned to his post in the General Staff.
Maoqi, holding the baton, was much better at this than being Prime Minister. In fact, during his many years as Prime Minister, he spent most of his time busy with military construction, rarely interfering in political issues.
His tenure as Prime Minister was the result of apromise of various interests, and personal ability was actually the least important factor.
Prussia was a military with a state, and the Prusso Federation inherited this well. The military had a veryrge say in politics, and without the overpowered Bismarck, no one could suppress these proud soldiers.
Wilhelm I was quite capable, but as King, he couldn¡¯t personally handle everything, so he had to find a way to maintain bnce in politics.
Maoqi, while pointing with his baton at the sand table, exined, "Your Majesty, you see, the blue gs represent the Russian Army¡¯s forces. The enemy has deployed about eight hundred thousand troops along the border.
This is just the beginning, as the enemy has amassed arge number of forces in the rear that can be sent to the front at any time.
It¡¯s already October, and winter is not far off. It¡¯s almost impossible to achieve a quick battle and quick victory, quickly defeating the enemy in a short period of time.
The General Staff ns tounch an offensive from the Polish Region before the arrival of winter, with the aim to push the battle to the Dnieper River and cut off the enemy¡¯s water transportation routes."
The Dnieper River originates from the southern foothills of the Valdai Hills, flowing south through Brus and Ukraine into the ck Sea. Most of the river can be navigated, holding high strategic and economic value.
Utilizing this waterway, the Russians could directly transport supplies from Austria to the hands of their frontline troops.
In thest war, it was after the Prussian Army cut off this waterway, increasing the transportation pressure on the Russians, that the Russian Army at the front found itself in a plight due to the shortage of supplies.
...
```
Chapter 655 - 228: The Trouble with the French
One by one, fallen leaves scattered on the ground, forming a golden "path of gold."
Stepping on it, asional "crunching" sounds made one feel sofortable, as if walking on a carpet, without a single extraneous leaf, each a golden leaf, endlessly charming.
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The joy of a bountiful harvest filled Vienna, where the family of Franz, out in the countryside, found themselves unable to tear themselves away from the beautiful scenery.
The poetic Franz was fervently writing, trying to leave behind a magnificent chapter for posterity. However, hecked the natural talent, and the content he produced never satisfied him.
Too contrived, as if he was creating for the sake of creating,cking the naturalness of "poetry and prose born of the heavens."
In this regard, Franz did have integrity; he never hired a ghostwriter, and naturally, he had no work he could proudly present.
After casually destroying the evidence of his failed attempts, Franz was ready to start over when his maid hurried over.
"Your Majesty, we¡¯ve just received news, the Tsarist Government delivered a deration of war to the Prusso Federation yesterday at midday."
Upon hearing this news, Franz put down his pen and instructed, "Send the order to pack up immediately, prepare to return to the pce."
The outbreak of the Prusso-Russian war, altered not just the Europeanndscape but the entire world situation. Even with prior preparations, Franz had to return to take charge of the overall situation.
...
Since it was a day trip, they hadn¡¯t ventured far. By evening, the carriage re-entered the pce. Without time to rest, Franz convened a Cab meeting.
Foreign Minister Wessenberg: "This morning, the Berlin Government also delivered a deration of war to the Russians, and the second Prusso-Russian war has fully erupted.
This afternoon, Wilhelm I issued a ¡¯Tell the people,¡¯ calling on the citizens to fight to the death against the Russians.
At the same time, the national mobilization mechanism was initiated. Starting now, all males in the Prusso Federation aged between 15 and 60 are inducted into reserve training."
"Ages 15 to 60," undoubtedly, this was the most extensive mobilization in Europe and the world.
Thest such extreme was in the Montenegro Duchy, where during the first Near East war, Montenegro mobilized all the men in the country.
Franz made no usation of Berlin Government¡¯s madness; in the face of life or death, any decision was understandable.
"How has the Prusso Federation¡¯s civilian reaction been, do the people support the Berlin Government¡¯s actions?"
For extreme mobilization, the most critical factor was the full cooperation of the popce. During World War II, Bulgaria, with a poption of just over four million, mobilized 1.26 million troops, relying on the full support of the citizens.
Foreign Minister Wessenberg: "It¡¯s been too short a time, and we have not been able to conduct a thorough investigation. However, from previous data, the public should support this war.
Especially the Polish poption, they extremely despise the Russians. If the war goes well, after the war, the Prusso Federation could truly be one country."
The national consciousness of Greater Pnd could be described as the strongest in the world. Wilhelm I was able to bring together Prussian and Polish by having amon enemy¡ªthe Russian Empire.
Under external pressure, Prussian and Polish clung together, but in essence, they were still two countries. Pnd still retained an independent government; it just had an additional Central Government above it.
The current political structure of the Prusso Federation is somewhat simr to Austria before 1848. Pnd is like a Hungary that wants to be independent but dares not due to the Russian threat.
Now the opportunity has arisen, once war breaks out, the Polish Government will have no confidence to refuse the Central Government¡¯s meddling in internal affairs. Power is easy to give away, but hard to take back.
Don¡¯t think about it; Franz knew what the Berlin Government would do next. By taking the opportunity of jointbat, they would gainmand over the Polish Army; by coordinating logistics, they would gain control of transportation and local governmentmand.
If skillful enough, they might even use this as an opportunity to weaken Pnd¡¯s power indirectly. Once arge number of males have been lost, Pnd would be incapable of resisting the merger of the two countries after the war.
Prime Minister Felix: "It¡¯s not just the Polish who want war; in the Prussian region, the Junker aristocracy controls the discourse, and their desire to fight is very strong.
The victory in thest war has made many forget themselves. If they win easily again this time, some are likely to challenge us."
For a proponent of Greater Germany, the Prusso Federation is a thorn in the side. The stronger the Prusso Federation, the smaller Austria¡¯s chance to unify the German Region.
No choice, even just the Kingdom of Prussia could be allowed into the Shinra Empire, but add Pnd to that, and it bes too much to bear.
No matter how Austria¡¯s national policy has changed, Felix¡¯s conviction to unify the German Region has never waned.
Even having passed his seventieth year, Felix still insisted on visiting every Sub-State in the German Region annually, propagating the "Greater German ideology."
This was obviously not what the sub-state governments wanted to see. If Austria¡¯s advantage hadn¡¯t been so great, and the vested interests hadn¡¯t needed to keep a way out for themselves, Felix would have been turned away long ago.
Franz smiled slightly, "Don¡¯t worry, my Prime Minister. The Russians are no pushovers; this war won¡¯t be over in a short time.
"Ennd and France support the Prusso-Polish Federation, and we support the Russian Empire; both sides have money and supplies. In the end, it wille down to manpower.
"The Prusso-Polish Federation has stronger officer leadership and more developed infrastructure; the Russians have vast territories and arge poption. Each side has its advantages, and this war will be fought."
A war where forces are evenly matched is often the most brutal. For themon interests of all, Ennd, France, and Austria will not let them finish the war easily.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg: "Your Majesty, before the outbreak of the Prusso-Russian War, the Berlin Government not only sold their only colony but also sold all their overseas colonial positions in session.
"The buyers were all French, even when others offered higher prices. Various signs indicate that there is an undisclosed deal between Prussia and France.
"During Wilhelm I¡¯s visit to Paris, he even proposed the threat of Austria. The Foreign Ministry believes that the secret agreement between Prussia and France is aimed at us."
Secret agreements are always the most troublesome. Franz was used to manipting others with secret deals, but now, as fate would have it, it was his turn to worry.
After pondering for a moment, Franz waved his hand, "Let¡¯s not worry about the Prusso-French secret agreement. Before the Prusso-Russian War ends, even if they want to target us, they won¡¯t have the strength.
"The French economy is already having problems. If their Africa development n fails, the good days for the Paris Government are over."
Ever since Napoleon III annexed the Italian Area, Franz had downgraded the French threat by two levels. The Italian Area seemed like a juicy prize, but it was only shiny on the surface.
In the industrial era, development is inseparable from resources. The Italian Area happens to be one of the most resource-poor regions in Europe, and before the French can digest it, they must solve the resource issue.
Regrettably, France itself is not resource-rich either and is insufficient for its own development. If domestic production can¡¯t keep up, they have to import, and now "Great France" imports arge amount of industrial raw materials every year.
Starting in 1870, France has been in a trade deficit. If the franc could be a world currency, a small deficit could easily be covered.
Unfortunately, under the squeeze of the British pound and the Divine Shield, the franc has very little room to survive, and an increasing number of countries are unwilling to hold francs.
In such a context, the outflow of gold and silver is naturally unstoppable. Fortunately, in this era, there are still many countries using gold and silver as currency. With a solid foundation, the Paris Government smoothed over the deficit by selling off silver.
This situation is clearly unsustainable. The French government is faced with only two choices: either increase exports or reduce imports.
Increase exports? Don¡¯t even think about it, because of industrial production costs, French industrial andmercial goods have alwaysckedpetitiveness in the international market.
If exports can¡¯t be increased, then imports must be reduced. Developing the African Continent became the national policy of the Paris Government in this context.
Of course, this development is different from Austria¡¯s; the French only want to establish a raw material source, with no ns for local integration.
...
Pce of Versailles, upon receiving news of the outbreak of the Prusso-Russian War, Napoleon IV immediately decided to hold a banquet to celebrate this good news.
After waiting for what seemed like an eternity, it finally came. In recent years, the French economy faced a bottleneck and had beennguishing for several years.
Economic Minister Elsa: "Your Majesty, the outbreak of the Prusso-Russian War is a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity for domestic industry andmerce, but it alsoes with a crisis.
"Compared to the benefits brought by war, the profits that can be made from investing in the North African colonies are far too small. If we cannot solve this problem, I am afraid that our Africa development n will have to be abandoned once again."
Development cannot be separated from capital. Without enough capital investment, the Africa development n naturally cannot proceed.
French capitalists had no interest in developing colonies; they only invested because of domestic capital surplus and ack of investment opportunities. Government efforts were just enough to persuade some people to begrudgingly invest in the colonies.
Now things are different, with the outbreak of the Prusso-Russian War, a new opportunity for making a fortune has appeared.
Anyone with a bit of political sense knows that this war cannot be over in a short time. Any investment in war-rted fields can bring in substantial returns.
Rather than investing in colonies where returns are uncertain, it¡¯s better to stay and make a profit from the war. When interests are concerned, everyone knows how to choose.
Napoleon IV¡¯s good mood vanished in an instant. The Africa strategy is crucial for the French economy, and the outbreak of the Prusso-Russian War means that all their initial efforts havee to naught.
...
Chapter 656 - Two Hundred and Twenty-Nine: No Time to Attend to
London, since the news of the Prusso-Russian war broke out, the British Government has been busy.
Prime Minister Benjamin: "You want to expand the army again?"
Army Minister Fox solemnly reminded, "Your Excellency Prime Minister, we have not expanded our army for many years. Apart from wartime, the army¡¯s organization has not increased in nearly fifty years."
Benjamin answered with an embarrassed face, "Sorry, I made a mistake. Tell me the reasons, why do you think about expanding the army?"
The presence of the British Army is so low that it is usually the Navy that requests expansions. The sudden application for army expansion caught Prime Minister Benjamin off guard, leading to his habitual use of "again".
Fox was used to this kind of situation. Such is the status of the British Army; it seldom grabs the government¡¯s attention except when needed.
"The outbreak of the Prusso-Russian War signals a reshuffling of European affairs, and we need a strong army to respond to emergencies."
Chancellor Garfield Bromley Anshilong opposed, "No, the situation in Europe is still within our control. As long as the bnce between France and Austria is not disrupted, there will be no problems.
Moreover, even if the bnce of Europe is broken, I don¡¯t believe that expanding the army will change anything."
Harsh as it might sound, this was the truth. Austria has over six hundred thousand regr soldiers, and France is close to half a million.
The Prussia and Russia currently at war have both mobilized armies of over a million, and thebined forces on the battlefield exceed one million two hundred thousand troops.
How many does the British standing army have?
136,000!
Of course, this is not the entirity of Great Britain Empire¡¯s armed forces. Across its vast colonies, there are at least five to six hundred thousand colonial troops, as well as several civilian armed groups.
However, thebat effectiveness of the colonial armies is notoriously low. When considering European affairs, these forces are customarily overlooked.
At that moment, Fox¡¯s face darkened, this was an outright provocation. In the recent wars, the army¡¯s performance had beenckluster, leaving him with no confidence to speak up.
Regardless of the army¡¯sbat effectiveness, as the Army Minister, Fox had to uphold the army¡¯s dignity. He immediately asked, "Sir, are you doubting the army¡¯sbat effectiveness?"
Doubting the army¡¯sbat capability is one thing, but voicing such doubts openly is uneptable. The British Army might be overshadowed by the Royal Navy, but behind this "younger brother" stands arge group of supporters.
Offending such arge group over onement is certainly not the act of a wise man.
Realizing his slip, Garfield immediately corrected, "No, I have never doubted thebat strength of the army.
My point is that the number of our army is too small, we simply cannotpete with the armies of other European countries. Even if our army is strong inbat, it¡¯s hard to fight against overwhelming numbers.
As an ind nation, it has been decided that Britain¡¯s focus must be at sea. Under these circumstances, the resources we can dedicate to the army are very limited."
Upon hearing this exnation, Fox¡¯s expression softened, "It is precisely because of this gap that we need to catch up and narrow the difference with France and Austria.
Our army¡¯s size does not match Britain¡¯s international status at all. We¡¯re not even talking about deterring France and Austria, even a third-rate country would dare to look down on us."
After reviewing the documents, Prime Minister Benjamin took up a pen and circled a number, stopping the argument, "Sir Fox, your expansion n has exceeded reality.
History has proven that Britain does not have the power to contend with Europe for dominance; maintaining bnce is the best choice.
To achieve this goal, diplomacy is key; the army doesn¡¯t need to regard France and Austria as hypothetical enemies; this is beyond our capabilities."
In the face of this situation, Fox remained unmoved; this was not the first time an expansion of the army had been rejected. Simr incidents urred almost every year.
The military always wants to expand, especially the stepchild that is thend army. Regardless of approval, they try every year¡¯s end.
They do not expect to reach all goals; even an increase of a single regiment¡¯s strength would be considered a great victory.
"Prime Minister, even if we ignore the European situation, the colonies cannot be neglected, right? In recent years, the pressure on the colonies has been increasing.
Especially in the Indian Colony, we are still preparing for military actions in Afghanistan and Persia.
If we do not expand the army, relying solely on colonial troops might not be enough to fulfill the government¡¯s ns."
Benjamin frowned upon hearing this; Austria had expanded its influence into the Persian Gulf Region, and they felt the pressure as well.
To contain Austria¡¯s expansion, the London Government developed the Persian strategy, nning to upy the Persian region before Austria could fully assimte the Arabian Penins.
As for the Afghan strategy, it is a historical legacy issue. As the world¡¯s hegemon, John Bull also sought to save face; after failing to invade Afghanistan in previous years, they naturally wanted to redeem themselves.
The Prusso-Russian War had broken out, and the Tsarist Government¡¯s energy was tied up in Europe, making it the perfect opportunity to take action. If we wait for the Russians to recover, seizing this area won¡¯t be as simple as it is now.
Seeing that the Prime Minister was intrigued, Navy Secretary John Vassil immediately interjected, "With the current size of the army, it is indeed impossible toplete so many tasks.
However, we still have time. After Austria assimtes the Arabian Penins, their next target should be the Ottoman Empire. We don¡¯t have to worry about thempeting with us for Persia before the fall of the Ottomans.
The same goes for the Afghan region; the Prusso-Russian War won¡¯t end anytime soon. We only need to worry about this threat if the Tsarist Government wins the war.
From the current situation, the likelihood of the Russians winning the war easily is almost zero. After this war, the Tsarist Government will need at least ten years to recover.
Such a long period is sufficient for us to aplish many things. If the army cannotplete the task, our Marine Corps can step in." Your next read awaits at NovelBin.C?m
Suppressing the army is a core strategy of the Royal Navy, no less important than subduing France and Austria, or even more so.
Lack of troops?
Just expand temporarily after the war breaks out; why bother increasing the establishment!
In the eyes of the navy, the army is superfluous. The Royal Navy and colonial troops are sufficient for overseas expansion; the police are enough to maintain domestic peace. What¡¯s the use of the army?
Even for quelling rebellions, the Marine Corps can be called upon! If necessary, we can simply expand the establishment again. The army isn¡¯t needed to join themotion.
Of course, this is just a thought. No matter how little the army is favored, the London Government could not possibly disband it.
The simplest bnce of power is well understood by all. Without the army, wouldn¡¯t the nation¡¯s military power fall entirely into the hands of the navy?
Benjamin nodded, "Let¡¯s put this issue aside for now and discuss it slowlyter. If the Army Department has doubts, they can submit them directly to Parliament for discussion.
Let¡¯s talk about the Prusso-Russian War now. The war may seem confined to Eastern Europe, but it¡¯s already affecting the global situation."
Parliament is the best shield; any problems brought there can¡¯t be resolved in a day or two, making it the best tool for dying time.
Foreign Minister Edward said, "The Prusso-Russian War can be considered thergest war in the history of Europe, and even of humanity.
ording to intelligence from the embassies, the total forces mobilized by Prussia and Russia are close to exceeding three million. It might not be long before both sidesmit millions of troops to the ughter.
It¡¯s hard to imagine that this is just Prussia and Russia. If France and Austria were to mobilize, it would probably be even more terrifying.
The war has just begun, and nobody knows the oue. The only certainty is that this war will be very brutal, with potentially millions of casualties."
When he spoke, Edward was still somewhat shaken. Before the war broke out, no one had expected Prussia and Russia to be so reckless.
Chancellor Garfield bluntlymented, "They are all madmen!"
Prime Minister Benjamin waved his hand, pretending to be rxed, "It doesn¡¯t matter whether Prussia and Russia are mad; the key is the chain reaction caused by the war and the benefits we can derive amid these changing international situations.
There¡¯s no need to mention trade benefits; everyone knows the arms dealers are going to make a fortune. Let¡¯s discuss the changes in the situation in Europe and the world."
Foreign Minister Edward smiled lightly, "It¡¯s not that serious. If the situation in Europe changes, although still uncertain, as long as France and Austria wish to maintain stability, they can manage it.
The impact on the global situation is even smaller. While Prussia and Russia are not weak, they are not colonial empires, and their influence is mainly on the Eurasian continent.
The most that might happen is a certain impact on the Far Eastern region, but Selys¡¯s ruler is too weak. Even if the Russians have no time to look eastward, they most likely wouldn¡¯t dare to make rash moves.
Actually, we just have to sit back with our coffee and pastries and watch Prussia and Russia fight; there¡¯s really nothing we need to do!"
Britannia has the confidence to be a bystander; regardless of the oue of the Prusso-Russian War, their interests will not be affected.
Colonial Minister Robert shook his head, "No, there¡¯s still something we can do. While everyone¡¯s attention is drawn to Eastern Europe, the South America war can follow our script.
Before the end of the Prusso-Russian War, I think France and Austria should be too busy to meddle with us; the Chileans this time are really picking up a huge bargain."
Considering that the navies of Prussia and Russia aren¡¯t impressive, Britannia, as a maritime nation, can happily profit from the war. However, France and Austria, situated on the continent, can¡¯t do the same.
The European continent is too small to amodate so many great powers; France and Austria would not allow a new great power to rise and encroach on their interests.
Whether it¡¯s Austria or France, they now need to keep an eye on the Eastern European battlefield and be ready to intervene in the war at any moment.
To ensure themitment of forces in Europe, France and Austria naturally can¡¯t worry about South America in the short term, and Bolivia and Peru are going to suffer."
...
Chapter 657 - 230: Maoqi
Under the roaring artillery fire, the sky gradually darkened, and the screams and shouts of killing echoed incessantly in the distance, perhaps by morning there would be thousands more corpses.
Marshal Maoqi, who had just arrived at the front, picked up the binocrs and stared intently at the battlefield. Due to the distance, he could only see the thick smoke from exploding shells.
A momentter, Maoqi sighed. The situation was far worse than he had anticipated. From the bombardment, it was clear the Russians had greatly improved since the past.
As night fell, both sides tacitly ceased fighting. A chilling wind began to howl, as if to awaken the souls of the dead.
Inside the Prussian Army headquarters, the newly arrived Marshal Maoqi began to rage.
"One week since the outbreak of war, and we haven¡¯t even taken the small fortress of Brest, what a bunch of ipetents.
Speak up! In peacetime, aren¡¯t you all very capable? Proud and dismissive, boasting about defeating Russia in three months, parading through St. Petersburg in half a year.
Now what? We can¡¯t even take Brest. Never mind parading in St. Petersburg, if this continues, our strategy to sever the Dnieper River will be bankrupt."
Everyone bowed in a posture of listening to a lesson. There was no denying that the battle was indeed going poorly.
ording to the General Staff¡¯s n, the Prussian Army should have captured Brest within three days and then moved south along the Dnieper River to seize Kiev, cutting off the Russian Army¡¯s aquatic supply routes.
The key to this strategy was speed. The Russianscked everything but soldiers. Once the Tsarist Government reacted, with a massive influx of reinforcements, the war would be much more difficult.
This was a lesson from history. During the first Near East war, the bloodshed experienced by the Anglo-French forces taught the world that the fully armed and logistically supported Russian Army was tough to crack.
As long as the Dnieper River remained in Russian hands, Austria¡¯s supplies could flow without interruption, and the war would evolve into a war of attrition.
Southwestern Armymander Hoenlohe Engelfingen stiffly replied, "Your Excellency Marshal, the enemy is much more stubborn than we imagined. Over these seven days, we¡¯ve engaged in numerous direct confrontations.
Although we¡¯ve had the upper hand most of the time, the overall situation is still not optimistic. Russian reinforcements are arriving quickly, and the forces we¡¯re fighting against have already been rotated three times.
You may not believe it, but they are not only holding their positions staunchly, they also frequentlyunch counterattacks.
ording to the intelligence we¡¯ve gathered, there are eighty thousand Russian troops defending the front lines of Brest, and another hundred thousand in the Volen Region, not to mention the unending stream of reinforcements in the rear.
The Russianmanders opposite us are a bunch of madmen who don¡¯t give a damn about soldiers¡¯ lives, often deliberately engaging us in tough battles.
In just one week, our Southwestern Army has lost the equivalent of two divisions¡¯ worth of soldiers. To achieve a breakthrough here in a short time is nearly impossible."
There¡¯s no helping it; strategic matters simply can¡¯t be kept secret. If the Prussian Army wants to sever the Dnieper River, the Russian Army naturally won¡¯tply.
As the enemy, they have to keep a close watch on us. Especially since the advent of airship troops, every day there are Russian airships breaching our borders for reconnaissance, making it very difficult to keeprge troop movements secret.
Maoqi¡¯s brows were tightly furrowed, and he knew that failing to take the fortress of Brest wasn¡¯t mainly the fault of these officers. The battlefield was a ce where strength spoke loudest, and it was natural for the Prussian Army, without an overwhelming advantage, to reach a stalemate.
The General Staff¡¯s strategic n: feint an attack on Estonia, making a posture of advancing to St. Petersburg to attract the Russian main force, thereby creating an opportunity to seize Kiev.
However, ns never keep up with changes. The goal of attracting the Russian main force was achieved, but taking the first step towards capturing Kiev was stuck.
No matter how good the strategy, it can¡¯t contend with the Tsarist Government¡¯s troop numbers. The Russian defenders outnumber the attacking Prussian Army, which is quite awkward.
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Not just here, but across the entire battle line, the Russian forces have the upper hand. The Prusso-Polish Federation, with all their effort, managed to assemble seven hundred fifty thousand soldiers for the battlefield, while the Russian Army¡¯s numbers had already surpassed one million.
Maoqi shook his head, "We don¡¯t have that much time. If we can¡¯t capture Kiev before winter arrives and sever the Dnieper River¡¯s transport line, things will be much more troublesome next year.
No matter how difficult, we mustplete this strategy. Otherwise, the enemy, with their superior numbers, will simply exhaust us to death.
I¡¯ll tell you the truth, it¡¯s not just the offensive at the Brest frontline that¡¯s stalled, it¡¯s the same across the whole battlefield.
In the past decade, the enemy has built arge number of defensive fortifications. With so many lines of defense, how could we possibly break through them in a short time?"
At this point, Maoqi let out a coldugh, mocking, "What, scared now?"
"Not scared!"
"Not scared!"
¡
As a group of war profiteers, how could they be so easily frightened? The war had only just begun, and encountering difficulties was normal. Even the most optimistic person wouldn¡¯t expect to defeat the Russian Army in just one week.
Compared to thest war, the current situation was already much improved. At that time, once the war broke out, the Russian Army pressed hard against the Prussian Army, but in the end, they managed to turn the tables.
"Since you¡¯re not afraid, then stop making excuses. Pull yourself together and figure out a way to tear through the enemy¡¯s defenses.
If the enemy has deployed heavy forces in the Brest region, then find a way to bypass them. If the main army can¡¯t get through, can¡¯t a small unit manage it?
At the very least, you could arrange for someone to blow up the channels of the Dnieper River. As long as the strategic objective is achieved, I don¡¯t care what methods you use."
In order to win the war, Marshal Maoqi was ready to stop at nothing. It might sound easy when he said it, but if a small unit was sent deep into enemy territory on its own, they were essentially on a one-way trip.
Hoenlohe Engelfingen, "Your Excellency Marshal, the enemy has deployed heavy forces in the Brest region, which is not suitable as a breakthrough point. It would be best to choose another direction.
Unlike thest war, the Russians have made ample preparations this time, and the Russian Army won¡¯t becking in supplies anytime soon.
Even if we cut off the Dnieper River, they can still transport supplies via the railroads in the eastern Ukraine Region, unless we can upy all of Ukraine.
Strategically speaking, this is much like chicken ribs¡ªtasteless and of little value. The Ukraine Region is not the core of Russia, even if they lose this ce, the Russians won¡¯t surrender.
They have already obtained the understanding of the Nordic Federation, and besides Austria, Russia can also get supplies from the Nordic Federation.
Before the Tsarist Government spends itsst Gold Coin, it will be difficult for us to exhaust their supplies.
To defeat the Russian Empire, we must upy Moscow and St. Petersburg. Compared to these two strategic locations, other ces should only serve as secondary objectives."
Marshal Maoqi mmed his hand on the table, "Your proposal, I will consider it seriously. Right now, what¡¯s needed is to carry out orders, do you understand, General!"
It was not that the proposal was bad, nor was it that Marshal Maoqi could not tolerate differing opinions. On the contrary, if there hadn¡¯t been preparations to attack Moscow, the Berlin Government would not have insisted on holding Smolensk in thest war.
If the strategic locations for the assault on Moscow were in hand, how could Marshal Maoqi possibly overlook them?
The problem was that the Russians had seen it too, and right at the outbreak of the war, they had assembled heavy forces to besiege Smolensk.
Under such circumstances, Marshal Maoqi naturally would not choose to directly sh with the Russians, hence the battle for Brest.
As for Smolensk, let it be used to deplete the enemy¡¯s forces. The Berlin Government had already established aplete defense fortification there, perfectly attracting Russian firepower.
¡
After the meeting, Marshal Maoqi kept Hoenlohe Engelfingen back for a confidential discussion.
"Marshal, why not speak up at the meeting?"
Marshal Maoqi: "That¡¯s right, it¡¯s just as you¡¯re thinking. Of course, I¡¯m not saying there¡¯s an issue with anyone who attended the meeting¡ªthe Russians are not yet capable of buying off high-ranking military officers.
But with the lower ranks, it¡¯s hard to say. In recent years, we¡¯ve caught no few spies, many of whom leaked information to the enemy without even knowing it. At such a crucial juncture, we must be cautious."
Hoenlohe Engelfingen looked thoughtful. Catching spies was never a harmonious affair, and although the Berlin Government didn¡¯t engage in guilt by association, several officers got entangled in the process.
Where there are people, there¡¯s conflict, and the military is not a monolith. Because of power struggles, anyone who got involved, guilty or not, would end up ignominiously retiring.
"Alright, in principle, I do not oppose this battle n. The Southwestern Army will do its best to draw the enemy¡¯s attention, but I still have some concerns about breaking through from the Volen Region."
Conquering Kiev isn¡¯t just about following the course of the Dnieper River downstream¡ªadvancing directly from the Volen Region is also a possibility, though not as convenient.
Marshal Maoqi smiled slightly, "It¡¯s good to be concerned. If even you think it¡¯s not feasible, it¡¯s even less likely for the enemy to imagine it.
Moreover, who has set a rule that we must drive straight to Kiev?
After achieving a breakthrough in the Volen Region, we canpletely turn our guns around and encircle the Russian forces in Brest.
The war has already begun, and the strategies nned in advance can only be ns. Whether to implement them and how to implement them must be based on the actual situation.
No matter how we fight, as long as we win this war that¡¯s what matters. Right now, what we need to do is to destroy as much of the main Russian force as possible. Once we¡¯ve dealt with this batch of troops, the battles that follow will be easier."
For one general¡¯s sess, a thousand bones dry in the sun¡ªeveryone cares only about winning the war, with no one paying attention to the sacrifices made behind the scenes. The nameless heroes are the greatest, and also the most tragic.
Marshal Maoqi would rather exert pressure on the officers, forcing them to attack rather than reveal the truth about the feint operations, also considering these factors.
If everyone knew the truth, would they still fight so desperately? If they weren¡¯t desperate enough, how could we create enough pressure to force the surrounding Russian forces to send reinforcements?
Even for political reasons, this feint might even be deliberately erased. If there is no breakthrough on the battlefield, the forces responsible for the feint won¡¯t receive any credit for their efforts, and instead, may bear the brunt of disciplinary action.
An outstandingmander must consider military and political aspects, as well as human nature."
Chapter 658 - 231, Willing to Let Go
The Prussian Army was in action, and the Russian Army was not idle either. Perhaps learning from the lessons of thest war, the Russians were much more cautious this time.
No matter how the Prussian Army attacked, they were fixated on Smolensk; other regions relied on previously constructed fortifications for defense.
From the standpoint of an observer, the Russians were a bit conservative in their strategy, but it has to be admitted that this was the safest option.
Smolensk is the gateway to Moscow; without taking this ce, the Russian Army simply cannot rest assured and advance to the west.
Those who have studied the Prussian Army know that they prefer to concentrate their superior forces in a local battlefield for a decisive battle; they excel in outnking maneuver, rapid breakthroughs, external line operations, and quick resolutions.
In thest war, the Russians suffered heavy losses, so naturally, they had to learn from their mistakes.
Steady and firm actions are undoubtedly the best choice. By concentrating forces in one direction for a key offensive and relying on fortifications for defense in other regions, the Prussian Army, even with concentrated superior forces, would find it hard to break through in a short time.
Defense is always more advantageous than offense; with bunker fortresses as support, without an advantage of two or three times the strength, it¡¯s practically impossible to breach under normal circumstances.
Inside the Vienna Pce, Franz furrowed his brows as he looked at the Russian military deployment map. The Russians had stabilized their position, but what about the Prusso Federation?
A battle of equal strength was what Franz wanted to see. Now, the Russian Army¡¯s tacticsck any technical content and are fully engaged in a war of attrition with the Prusso Federation.
"Albrecht, if you were in Maoqi¡¯s position, how would you fight this war?"
After a brief contemtion, Albrecht picked up amand baton and pointed on the map: "Here is Smolensk, located in the middle of the Eastern European in, and militarily regarded as the gateway to Moscow.
In recent years, Prussia and Russia have built many defensive works along the border. Smolensk, in particr, is crowded with bunker fortresses.
If I were in charge, since the Russians want to attack Smolensk, I would simply defend in ce and use the fortress works to exhaust the Russian Army¡¯s strength.
The Russians are defending other areas, and the Prussian Army can do the same. Winter ising soon anyway; even if a breakthrough is achieved now, it wouldn¡¯t be possible to expand the victory.
The issue of a decisive battle canpletely be dyed until next spring when muddy roads will be the Russian Army¡¯s biggest adversary in movement."
After a pause, Albrecht added: "Actually, apart from the army, the navy can also be considered.
In recent years, constrained by financial resources, the Russians have neglected their navy. Although the navy of the Prusso Federation isn¡¯t great either, they can seek help from Ennd and France.
Purchasing or leasing a fleet and directly raiding St. Petersburg ¨C if lucky, the war could end within the year.
Even if the Tsarist Government isn¡¯t captured, it doesn¡¯t matter. With the capital lost, the front-line Russian Army would definitely be shaken.
To recover from the failure, the Tsarist Government might even alter its previous strategy, ordering the front-line Russian Army toe out for a decisive battle, and the opportunity would naturally arise."
Franz was taken aback, suddenly realizing there was such an obvious w in the Russian¡¯s side, he couldn¡¯t help but be surprised.
Calming down, Franz shook his head: "Maoqi would not do this, and neither would the Junker nobles allow the glory of defeating the Russians to be handed to the navy.
An attack on St. Petersburg requires close coordination between the army and navy. The Prussian Army has not undergonending training; if coordination is poor, this n simply cannot be realized.
Moreover, purchasing a fleet would be such arge movement that keeping it secret would also be difficult. Even if Ennd and France cooperate as much as possible, entering the Baltic Sea would expose them, unless Ennd and France send troops personally."
The dispute betweennd and sea is an unavoidable topic. Although the army holds an absolute advantage in the Prusso Federation, the navy also has its supporters.
In thest wave of colonial expansion at the end of the fifties, Prussia also triggered a naval development trend and even built its own irond ships, establishing a colony on the Indochina Penins.
If it weren¡¯t for the army taking the initiative to start the Second Prussia-Denmark War, which led to the situation spiraling out of control, perhaps the Kingdom of Prussia might have be a new colonial empire.
Even now, Prussia¡¯s industrial andmercial sectors are still supporters of the navy. It¡¯s toote to carve up colonies, but our overseas investments still need protection!
International trade is difficult these days; without a strong navy to back you up, everything is challenging. Even pirates pick their targets based on who¡¯s behind them.
If one were to carefully calcte, it would be found thatndlocked federations like the Prusso-Polish Federation have ships suffering mishaps overseas at several times the rate of naval powers.
The capitalists¡¯ losses don¡¯t concern the Junker nobility¡ªwhose core interests lie in theirnd. If it weren¡¯t for the pressure from the Russians, they would even oppose the establishment of the Prusso-Polish Federation.
To prevent agricultural products from the Polish Region from impacting the domestic market, the Prusso-Polish Federation still maintains tariffs within its borders.
In this context, unless absolutely necessary, Maoqi, as a representative of Junker interests, would definitely not sacrifice ss interests.
As for Ennd and France personally sending troops, that¡¯s wishful thinking. They support the Prusso-Polish Federation, true, but that doesn¡¯t mean they want to see the Russians fail immediately¡ªat least the French only wish to see the Federation win miserably.
Albrecht nodded, "Indeed, once the navy bes the key to winning this war, it¡¯ll be difficult to suppress their development afterward.
The strength of the Prusso-Polish Federation is still insufficient. It¡¯s impossible to maintain a world-ss army and build a great navy at the same time."
This problem is not unique to the Federation; even Austria shares simr concerns.
Maintaining both a world-ss army and navy is a strain even for Austria. The annual disputes in the Vienna Government¡¯s budget are the best proof of this.
It¡¯s normal not to guess Maoqi¡¯s moves. Albrecht is just the chief of staff of Austria; his understanding of the Prusso-Polish Federation is limited, and inevitably his judgments are influenced by Austrian military thought.
In fact, each country¡¯s military thought differs, often influenced by its national power. Different countries¡¯ military tactics also differ.
There are no right or wrong tactics, only what is suitable and what is not. What seems perfect now may be outdated in a few years; what seems like a fantasy now may be mainstream in a few years.
With the evolution of the times, this situation will ur more and more frequently.
Franz asked nonchntly, "Hmm, let¡¯s put this issue aside for now; time will reveal the answer soon enough.
Let¡¯s talk about overseas matters. How is the war in South America progressing, and are the British up to something again?"
Based on his understanding of the British, if the London Government doesn¡¯t take advantage while Ennd and France are focused on Europe, it wouldn¡¯t be characteristic of John Bull.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg, "Yes, Your Majesty. ording to the intelligence we have collected, the second squadron of the British Pacific Fleet is on its way there.
If all goes as expected, there¡¯s a high probability they are intending to blockade the coastal regions of Peru and Bolivia to create an opportunity for Chile to win the war."
Hearing this news, Franz was quite irritated, yet he was also powerless. Unless France and Austria intervened together, there was no stopping the British actions.
In this era, Bolivia and Peru, apart from theirnd area, were truly tiny nations. Thebined economies of both countries didn¡¯t even amount to half of Vienna.
For such small interests, expecting a joint effort from France and Austria was undoubtedly a pipe dream.
Europe is the center of the world at this time. If intervention in South America led to a dispersion of powers that caused the situation in Europe to spiral out of control, that would be a tragedy.
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After hesitating for a moment, Franz made a reluctant decision: "Our strength in the South American region is limited. Without domestic support, it is difficult topete with the British.
For the time being, let¡¯s abandon our positioning in South America. As long as it doesn¡¯t directly harm our interests, let the British do as they please!"
¡
Chapter 659 - 232: Ruthless
The roar of cannon fire signaled the beginning; the battle for Koweli had begun. Leading the charge for the Prussian Army was Major General Luke, a rising star from the previous Prusso-Russian war.
Coming from the modest background of a Junkerndlord, Luke had risen to the rank of general through sheer will and a bit of luck.
He had always believed his resolve to be unshakeable, impervious to the cruelty of battle that could sway his heart.
In that moment, however, Major General Luke realized he was wrong; his heart was in disarray. Hemented inwardly, "It turns out I am but an ordinary man."
The Russians did not hide in their fortress bunkers; at the same time as the Prussian Army charged, the Russian Armyunched a counter-charge, and a fierce melee ensued.
The battlefield reverberated with the incessant sounds of battle cries and screams of agony. Luke witnessed a Prussian soldier being impaled by an enemy bay, who while screaming in pain, still clung onto the barrel of the enemy¡¯s rifle, simply to create an opportunity for hisrades.
Once upon a time, he too was among their ranks. Only through better luck and earning distinctions in battle had he smoothly ascended the ranks.
Recalling therades who enlisted with him, those familiar faces, most of whom had fallen on the battlefield.
To a certain extent, Luke¡¯s smooth rise through the ranks was also built on the backdrop of heavy casualties suffered by the Prussian Army in the previous war.
In times of war, the military speaks through achievements, minimizing the influence of one¡¯s origins.
Arge number of junior and mid-level officers had fallen, and with the massive expansion of the army, lucky ones like Luke withbat achievements naturally stood out.
As he watched the casualty count rise, Luke gradually calmed down, realizing something wasn¡¯t right. It seemed the Russians were intentionally luring them into an attack.
Night fell, and the ze of battle temporarily ceased, leaving behind nothing but debris.
Inside themand post, the more Luke thought about it, the more unusual it seemed; it was as if the Russians were deliberately engaging in a war of attrition with them.
Suppressing the doubts in his heart, Luke inquired, "Have the casualty numbers been tallied?"
Chief of Staff Pasquarino sighed, "They have. In today¡¯s battle, we had 526 soldiers injured and 248 soldiers killed in action. Just like that, two battalions¡¯ worth of men gone."
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Major General Luke stood up and took a few steps, saying, "Another two battalions. Since the beginning of the war, our 22nd Division alone has suffered nearly three thousand casualties. If this is the case across the entire battlefield, then this war is likely unprecedented in its brutality."
Chief of Staff Pasquarino said, "There¡¯s no helping it; war is always cruel. The recement battalions sent to us by headquarters have already departed and will arrive within two days at most."
The Prussian Army had also established a well-oiled wartime reinforcement mechanism, so it was unusual for a unit to run out of soldiers before receiving reinforcements.
Normally, when a unit¡¯s casualties reached a certain level, it would be reced and sent to the rear for rest and reinforcement.
Of course, ¡¯the rear¡¯ was a rtive term, still close to the front lines. They needed to be ready to return to battle at a moment¡¯s notice.
After hesitating for a moment, Luke went on to say, "Never mind, these concerns aren¡¯t ours to bear. Report our current situation truthfully! Tell the highmand we need heavy artillery. Without sufficient firepower, we can¡¯t guarantee that we¡¯ll capture the enemy¡¯s fortress within the allotted time."
Unfortunately, the Prussian Army was out of luck. The train transporting the artillery and ammunition was ambushed mid-journey by Russian airships, resulting in heavy losses.
Heavy artillery units are a scarce resource in any nation. The Prusso Federation only had a few heavy artillery battalions, and losing one before it even sawbat meant it couldn¡¯t be replenished within a few days.
Chief of Staff Pasquarino shook his head, "That won¡¯t be easy, don¡¯t set your hopes too high. There are only so many heavy artillery units in the country, and all are now deployed to the front. New heavy artillery battalions are still being formed.
ording to internal sources, Kreuger Company has already sent technicians to conduct repairs, but it will take at least a month to fix the damaged artillery.
In the most ideal scenario, we could have heavy artillery support in about four weeks."
Luke frowned, "Is there no way to convince headquarters to coordinate and redirect the nearby heavy artillery units to support our offensive first?
Koweli is a military stronghold; capturing it means taking control of the Volen Region. Why waste resources on insignificant ces like Camian and New Volensk!"
Chief of Staff Pasquarino replied, "This is the strategy set by the general staff. Multipoint offensives mean a breakthrough at any point would be a significant victory."
Luke waved his hand dismissively, "Don¡¯t exin, old friend. I know what¡¯s going on; it¡¯s just that headquarters isn¡¯t certain we can take Koweli.
If we¡¯re talking about overarching strategy, the importance of Koweli isn¡¯t all that significantpared to Brest."
"Best if you understand," Chief of Staff Pasquarino answered calmly.
Luke continued, "Alright, let¡¯s set aside these issues for now. Have you noticed anything unusual about the Russians? They don¡¯t seem to be fighting with their full strength and appear to be deliberately drawing us into an attack.
"If they fully open fire, our troops simply won¡¯t be able to charge their positions. Why would they make such a pointless sacrifice?"
Chief of Staff Pasquarino, as if thoughtful, nodded, then after a pause he said, "I¡¯d like to see the casualty figures. Perhaps they could exin this issue."
Luke¡¯s face changed, and he suddenly realized. If the Russian army fully opened fire, the Prussian Army,cking heavy firepower, would not be able to approach their positions.
Seeing no hope for victory, the Prussian army would naturally make meaningless sacrifices. If the Prussian Army didn¡¯t initiate an attack, how could the Russian army have any achievements?
The Russian forces stationed in Koweli were mostly second-line troops, and this ce was not the battlefield of choice for the Russians. The Tsarist Government¡¯s order to them was to hold their ground.
"Damn Russians, they¡¯re ying with fire, do they not fear us breaking through their lines? You should know that such fighting has absolutely no value to them."
Chief of Staff Pasquarino didn¡¯t answer. What the Russians thought was not important, anyhow, as long as there was a glimmer of hope to break through Koweli, they couldn¡¯t stop.
...
At the Russian Army Command, Major General Yaton-Ivanov, also looking at the casualty reports, was in a much better mood. Being on the defensive side, one always had the advantage.
"Fick, your suggestion was brilliant. The damn Prussian barbarians, they really fell for it. They actually fancifully thought to conquer Koweli; they¡¯re truly dreaming!"
As a military observer sent from Austria, under normal circumstances, he wouldn¡¯t be involved in the Russian army¡¯smand, but there are always exceptions.
After many years of the Russian-Austrian Alliance, the Vienna Government had cultivated arge number of Pro-Austrian Faction within Russia, and Major General Yaton-Ivanov was one of them.
Fick and Yaton were ssmates, graduated together from the Austrian Military Academy, and because their rtionship was quite good, Fick was assigned here as an observer.
Just like the students at the Austrian Military Academy, there were differences between the strugglers and the top achievers.
For someone like Yaton, who came for gilding, the school demands naturally weren¡¯t so strict; it was enough just to pass.
The monk from abroad could recite scriptures well, and Yaton, after returning to Russia with his foreign gilding, naturally climbed ranks swiftly. He happened to catch the big military expansion and became a General of the Russian army before he was thirty.
Inparison, Fick, the high-achiever, was still just a Major. There was no choice, thepetition within the Austrian army was much fiercer.
After the military reform, there were no battlefield promotions in the Austrian army unless one earned military honors. Otherwise, one could only progress step by step.
This was an example set by the Royal family themselves. Even Crown Prince Frederick served for several years and was still a Major; let alone anyone below him.
Looking at his ssmate¡¯s ebullience, Major Fick was, indeed, very envious. There were no soldiers who didn¡¯t like the idea of bing a General.
Even with a not-so-bad background, Fick couldn¡¯t guarantee bing a General in his lifetime. Austria produced thousands of officers each year, but there might not even be one General among them.
It¡¯s like that in peacetime; no matter how excellent you are, it¡¯s hard to have opportunities to show your worth. If you can¡¯t demonstrate your abilities, how can you prove you¡¯re better than others?
Fick rolled his eyes, "What¡¯s there to be excited about? You should know you¡¯re on the defensive side. The current kill ratio of almost 1:1 is already quite embarrassing!"
Yaton was unconcerned as he said, "No, this is actually quite good. In thest Prusso-Russian War, our exchange ratio with Prussia was almost more than two to one overall.
Now, being slightly advantaged, even with the help of defensive superiority, is a great victory.
The poption of the Russian Empire is more than double that of the Prusso Federation. As long as we continue like this, the final victory will definitely be ours.
Moreover, this division I¡¯mmandingprises second-line troops scraped together. If it were the main force, I would have already ordered a counterattack."
Fick didn¡¯t object; the Russian army¡¯sbat effectiveness was indeed not bad. Although their training was inferior to the Prussian Army and organizational aspects werecking, other areas were truly excellent.
Especially in terms of resilience, the Russian army was among the world¡¯s toughest. A force that could fight as long as it had something to eat was indeed rare.
After hesitating for a moment, Major Fick reminded, "Yaton, are you sure you want to keep going? If we continue like this, even if we wipe out the enemy, this division of yours will be used up."
Although it was his suggestion, Fick didn¡¯t like such meaningless attrition. If it hadn¡¯t been for domestic pressures instructing them to find a way to make the Russians bleed as much as possible, he wouldn¡¯t havee up with this distasteful idea.
Yaton smiled faintly, "War always requires sacrifice. As long as victory is obtained, what does it matter if casualties are a bit higher?"
Standing in different positions, they pondered the problem in different ways. Yaton was no fool; he naturally saw that Fick¡¯s suggestion might have had ulterior motives, but he didn¡¯t care.
In his view, so long as victory was achieved, the sacrifice of some expendable assets was not worth mentioning.
Chapter 660 - 233: Adding to the Frustration
Just when everyone thought the Prusso-Russian War had reached a stalemate, on November 2nd, 1879, a Prussian division suddenly bypassed Camian and headed straight for Pinsk.
Since the outbreak of the Prusso-Russian War, Franz had always been paying close attention and asionally deployed high-altitude airship reconnaissance.
Austria possessed the most advanced airship technology, and their most advanced reconnaissance airships could operate at altitudes as high as 8000 meters.
In these days, anti-aircraft weapons were not well-developed; as long as they were above 3000 meters, neither anti-aircraft machine guns nor artillery posed any threat.
With no safety threats, Austrian airships naturally often prated into other countries¡¯ airspace. At first, Franz was not ustomed to this domineering style, but as his neighbors showed little reaction, he gradually got used to it.
At several kilometers in the sky, if one doesn¡¯t use a telescope, many could mistake it for just a bird, so the chances of being spotted were quite low.
Even if they were discovered, they could im that the pilot had gotten lost. After all, such incidents happened frequently, especially with the airships of small European countries, which often strayed beyond their national borders.
The unusual movements of the Prussian Army drew the attention of the pilots and, after being reported, caught the idle Franz¡¯s interest, who immediately convened a meeting with the duty staff officers.
"Everyone has seen the intelligence; what do you think M?rck¡¯s objective is?"
No matter for what reason Franz was interested in this issue, the opportunity to demonstrate their capabilities in front of the Emperor excited everyone greatly.
General M?rck, the Deputy Chief of Staff: "Your Majesty, the Prussian Army¡¯s true target is likely not Pinsk; this may be a diversion to distract the Russians.
Pinsk is situated on a vital river route approximately 180 kilometers from Brest and can be considered the rear area. Such a deep advance of an isted unit would be a very poor choice militarily.
Even if they managed to evade Russian detection and not be discovered in advance, Pinsk has a regiment stationed for defense, and even if it can¡¯t stop the Prussian offensive, dying them for a few days should not be a problem.
Once the nearby Russian forces react, that Prussian force is doomed. Unless they can seize Pinsk within one day and then hold out using the local fortifications for over a month, there would be strategic value.
The risks involved are too great; as a renowned European general, M?rck surely understands this, so his real target could only be Brest."
A staff officer argued: "It¡¯s not necessarily Brest; maybe M?rck¡¯s aim is simply the Pripyat River. Of course, this probability is very small, as it¡¯s now the dry season, and even if they block the river, the damage would not be significant.
I think a more likely possibility is just a feint, deliberately drawing Russian attention to cover the Prussian Army¡¯s real strategy.
As for inserting to the rear of Brest, it seems like a good move, but what use is merely one infantry division?"
...
The staff officers had indeed great imaginations; in a short time, they analyzed more than a dozen possibilities, leaving Franz utterly confused.
Helplessly, Franz was just an ordinary person; asking him to understand the strategic deployments of military experts was really asking too much of him.
However, it was his son, Frederick, who was enthusiastically discussing with the staff officers. Perhaps his son had a talent for bing a military strategist, Franz thought to himself.
Of course, that was all he could do, think. As the Austrian Crown Prince, Frederick had no chance of bing a military strategist.
The era in which Emperors led troops into battle had ended; it was no longer the Middle Ages. As the Crown Prince, even if he went to battle, it would be purely ceremonial, with no real opportunity to prove himself.
Franz frankly thought that listening to the staff officers¡¯ discussion was much more interesting than reading newspapers; it was as exciting as a novel.
They all spoke with such confidence, whether it could work would only be known after trying; after all, in theory, it was all feasible.
The more Franz learned, the more he came to believe that luck yed a significant role and didn¡¯t blindly believe in the so-called aura of great generals. Just like adding up the legendary twenty-eight generals doesn¡¯tpare to the power of a meteor from the heavens.
...
While the Prusso-Russian War was still in a deadlock, the battlefield in South America had already taken a turn. Ever since the British Navy got involved, Bolivia and Peru began to face tragedy.
With the sea passages gone, supplies could only be transported from neighboring countries. Usually, that wouldn¡¯t be an issue since everyone likes wartime profits, but unfortunately, rtions were not good!
The South American countries had been fraught with conflicts since their establishment. If France and Austria intervened to mediate and warn the careerists to behave, it¡¯s likely that these countries would be more than happy to kick their neighbors while they were down.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg: "Your Majesty, as of three days ago, the British have detained more than two hundred ships bound for Peru and Bolivia, forty-five of which were registered in our country. Read exclusive chapters at NovelBin.C?m
To break the British blockade, the Foreign Ministry rmends that we join forces with the nations these ships belong to and collectively pressure the British."
What was inevitable would still arrive; relying on Chile¡¯s strength alone to take on two was difficult.
If the seanes to Bolivia and Peru were not cut off, the continuous influx of supplies would enable both countries to arm far more troops than Chile could.
When the quality gap is negligible, the number of troops will determine the oue of a war. In the initial battles, Chile was actually at a disadvantage.
After pondering for a moment, Franz made a decision, "Not only must we order the British to open the shippingnes, but we must also make thempensate for the losses. If they don¡¯t agree, we¡¯ll incite various countries to make a fuss together.
If the conditions are ripe, we can even pull in the French to make a show of imposing trade sanctions on the British, draw in more countries to boost our presence, and really give the British a hard time."
That¡¯s right, giving the British a hard time. Wanting to impose trade sanctions on the British is simply impossible.
In those days, John Bull was still the boss of international import and export trade, ounting for nearly half of the global trade volume. What could you use to sanction them?
Sanctioning them is impossible, but adding to their troubles is doable. Having suffered such a grievance, Austria cannot stand it, and Franz didn¡¯t believe the proud French could either.
If you can¡¯t beat the British at sea, you can always fight a war of words. Stir up public opinion, and the British will have no choice but toply. You couldn¡¯t afford to offend all the countries just for Chile.
...
In fact, before the Vienna Government even took action, the capitalists whose ships had been detained took the initiative.
This time, the media on the European Continent had a surprisingly unified stance, all condemning the British for their shameless acts and using the British Government of disrupting the normal course of free trade.
It wasn¡¯t just the continental newspapers that were criticizing; British newspapers were also sting the government. The Opposition Party had already organized public marches and demonstrations condemning the London Government for its unteral intervention in the South American war.
The capitalists used practical actions to exin what it means for capital to have no borders and for only interests tost forever.
Outside Downing Street Prime Minister¡¯s Office, there were already crowds of protesting citizens, waving the g of free trade, demanding that the London Government lift the blockade.
A perplexed Prime Minister Benjamin mmed his hand on the table, "Sir John, I need an exnation now, one that can be ounted for to the public."
Navy Secretary John Vassil looked worried, "Your Excellency, Prime Minister, we reached an agreement with the Chilean, with them funding the purchase of the goods on these ships.
It went very smoothly at first; the Chilean Government and the capitalists reached an agreement to stop transporting goods to Peru and Bolivia for one year.
But after they receivedpensation, they immediately organized another shipment of goods, the capitalists broke the agreement, and naturally, the Chilean Government refused to continue funding the purchase, leading to the detention of the ships."
Hearing this exnation, Prime Minister Benjamin felt like cursing. Relying on capitalists to honor an agreement? Wasn¡¯t that a joke?
Just change a legal entity, and the previous contract bes invalid. Legally, there was no way to hold them ountable, and these people clearly wanted to profit from the crisis.
Benjamin was also feeling a headache. Allowing these ships to pass was definitely not an option; if Chile lost the war, the control over the nitrate trade would fall into the hands of France and Austria.
Also, allowing the Chilean Government to continue buying these goods wasn¡¯t viable; with the nature of the capitalists, as soon as they made a huge profit, it wouldn¡¯t take long for an evenrger fleet toe.
You couldn¡¯t expect the Chilean Government to keep buying indefinitely; even if the nitrate trade was lucrative, Chile wasn¡¯t so wealthy!
Benjamin rubbed his forehead and said, "First, send someone to exin to the public outside that it¡¯s the Chilean Government detaining the ships, and we are just conducting military exercises in South America.
No matter what, first find a way to disperse the public outside. Continuing like this is having a really bad effect."
Foreign Minister Edward: "It¡¯s not just the protesting citizens outside that need to be dispersed; we are also facing significant international pressure. Up to now, we have received diplomatic notes of protest from twenty-two countries, including France and Austria.
One individual country doesn¡¯t matter, but if they band together, then it bes difficult to handle.
Especially France and Austria; the Prusso-Russian war has tied up their resources, but that¡¯s more in terms of military affairs, with their foreign departments still quite idle."
Bolivia and Peru are small countries; during ordinary times, the countries with which they trade probably don¡¯t even number twenty-two, and now so many protest notes have emerged¡ªthere must be something fishy behind this.
Edward didn¡¯t say it explicitly because he knew very well that it would be better not to uncover this lid.
Apart from the possibility of maniption by France and Austria behind the scenes, a greater likelihood is the handiwork of the capitalists. The demonstrators outside prove it, definitely orchestrated by domestic shippingpanies.
In that era, there was no inte, andmunication between countries was inconvenient, making it very difficult to verify the nationalities of ships.
For convenience, many ships were registered in multiple countries at the same time, deciding which nationality to use based on actual needs.
To enhance their influence and force the London Government to concede, so as not to block everyone¡¯s war profiteering, naturally, the more countries involved, the better.
Small countries also need to make their presence felt, and now is a good opportunity. When ships registered in their country are unjustly detained, they have every reason to protest.
With so many countries involved, even if the British want to settle ounts after the fall, France and Austria wille forward to bear the brunt, otherwise they won¡¯t be able to muster support next time.
Chapter 661 - 234: Discovery
The London Government shirked its responsibilities, leaving the Chilean Government with a headache. Without British support, they wouldn¡¯t dare to detain the vessels of over twenty nations, even if they had the gall to try.
At La Moneda Pce, the Chilean Foreign Minister Domingo said, "Your Excellency, President, these are the diplomatic protests from various nations. Under France and Austria¡¯s instigation, an envoy delegation has already been assembled. What do you think?"
There was no avoiding it. President An¨ªbal waved his hand dismissively, "You deal with it first. Test their bottom line, then decide what to do."
In this age of survival of the fittest, international diplomacy is guided by the principle of bullying the weak and fearing the strong.
It was the British Navy that detained the ships and confiscated the cargo; everyone else merely protested to the London Government. Under both internal and external pressure, the British shifted the me onto the Chilean Government, triggering an immediate change in the situation.
Protest?
No, that was too civilized. It seemed the imposing envoy delegation knew that if the Chilean Government did not bleed for this, the issue would not be settled.
Offending the British was out of the question, but offending the Chilean wasn¡¯t, and now countries didn¡¯t need France and Austria to lead; they were taking initiative on their own.
President An¨ªbal was already flustered. The British stance was clear. If the Chilean Government couldn¡¯t withstand the pressure, they would lift the blockade and let these ships pass.
This was something the Chilean Government could not ept. If Bolivia and Peru received external aid, Chile¡¯s hopes of winning the war would be increasingly distant.
Seeing that President An¨ªbal was out of options, Foreign Minister Domingo suggested, "Your Excellency, we cannot react passively. We must also present a n to show our sincerity to other nations.
While it appears many countries are now protesting, in reality, it¡¯s mainly France and Austria. The other nations aren¡¯t significantly involved and are primarily just trying to make their presence felt. Apologizing should suffice to handle them.
We must take the initiative and divide the envoy delegation. To achieve this, our power alone is not enough; we also need British cooperation."
President An¨ªbal shook his head, "Dividing and dissolving seems good in theory, but it¡¯s actually useless.
France and Austria support Bolivia and Peru; we can¡¯t offer enough benefits to buy them over. The stance of the other countries is of little importance; it doesn¡¯t matter if we offend them.
The problem is that due to internal and external pressure, the London Government¡¯s stance has already wavered. You should be aware that among the detained ships are those belonging to British shippingpanies.
These people are all losers in the struggle for profits, looking to trade with Peru and Bolivia to recoup their losses."
Chile had given purchase orders and shipping contracts to British shippingpanies, seeminglypensating for their lost markets in Peru and Bolivia. In actuality, only a few benefited from this arrangement.
Many capitalists, due to not being well-connected, gained no advantages and some even saw their interests harmed; naturally, they were not content.
This didn¡¯t deter the capitalists. If they couldn¡¯t benefit from Chile, they would continue doing business with Peru and Bolivia. Free trade, after all, must be free.
It brings to mind the Near East wars, where British merchants still smuggled goods to Russia; during the Ethiopian war, British merchants smuggled arms to the resistance. What¡¯s happening now is nothing byparison.
A thorough investigation would reveal that some parties were benefiting from Chile while also trading with Peru and Bolivia.
With ships detained and goods confiscated, their revenue streams were cut off. For capitalists, it¡¯s obvious that ying both sides maximizes profits.
The unrest within Britain essentially stems from capitalists seeking greater profits, stirring up the public to cause trouble.
Compared to their own interests, what is government strategy? It¡¯s best if the South American war continues indefinitely, so everyone can continue profiting from it.
President An¨ªbal, who alsoes from a legal background, was very aware of the appetites of capitalists. If the London Government couldn¡¯t suppress domestic capital, the so-called blockade would soon be nothing more than a facade.
Foreign Minister Domingo argued, "Your Excellency, we must trust in the London Government. Currently, with theprehensive blockade, no one can navigate this route, and the nations are still tolerating it.
If the Royal Navy makes concessions and allows only their own ships to navigate, do you think the nations will remain tolerant?
I fear at that point, they will perceive it as a British plot to monopolize South American trade.
If it trulyes to that, with their interests severelypromised, who knows if France and Austria might lead the formation of an Anti-British Alliance?"
It¡¯s not a matter of "if" but "will." Where interests lie, anything can happen as long as the stakes are high enough.
After a moment of hesitation, President An¨ªbal asked, "What do you n to do? We don¡¯t have many chips in our hands; it¡¯s very difficult to buy off so many countries."
Foreign Minister Domingo: "It all depends on themitment of the British. If the London Government¡¯s support is strong enough, and France and Austria are tied up by the situation in Europe, then the diplomatic pressure from other countries is trivial.
All we need to do is bribe France and Austria with some interests, like selling them saltpeter at a low price every year, or opening our domestic market to them.
We don¡¯t need their support, just to stabilize France and Austria. Once the war is over, it will be much easier to discuss these matters.
For other countries, it depends on the actual situation. For example, in South American countries like Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay, those who can provide assistance to the enemy should be won over first.
We don¡¯t need to give out much in actual benefits, just issue nk checks. Use their ambitions and stabilize them with the interests of Bolivia and Peru, and whether to cash in after the war will depend on the actual situation.
The importance of other countries that have no ability to influence this war is inherently low, so we can put them off for now."
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Thew of the jungle is vividly demonstrated here. Reality once again proves that justice and principles need to be protected by artillery.
President An¨ªbal nodded, "Hmm, follow your n then! I will go see the British Ambassador now. Leave the diplomatic corps to you and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to handle."
...
While the Chileans were taking action, the situation on the Prussian-Russian battlefield changed again. After the Prussian Army split their forces, the Russians in Camian couldn¡¯t resist the temptation and counterattacked.
An unexpected scene unfolded: the probing counterattack actually routed the Prussian Army, achieving their first major victory since the outbreak of the war.
After seeing the battle report, Franz even doubted if he was reading it wrong. When had the Russians be so fierce? It was as if they were ying with a cheat code!
Not only was Franz stunned, even the Russians themselves were dumbfounded. Theypletely did not anticipate why the Prussian Army suddenly became so vulnerable.
You should know that even after splitting their forces, the Prussian Army in the Camian area still had twenty thousand troops. Normally, with so many troops holding their ground, it would be practically impossible for the Russian Army to win in such a short period of time.
The war had been over for two days now, and General Olivier Sonnfeld was still dazed, not knowing how this pie had fallen onto his head.
General Olivier Sonnfeld did not let victory go to his head and chose to quit while he was ahead, deciding against expanding his gains further.
A knock sounded on the office door. Olivier Sonnfeld: "Come in!"
A young officer reported nervously: "General, something¡¯s not right. Interrogating the Prussian prisoners, we found that these soldiers were transferred here a week ago, and most of them have been in service for less than a month.
Colonel Daniel, who was in charge of guarding the prisoners, discovered during his inspection of the POW camp that the uniforms we captured were mostly too old or too small, with less than one fifth being able-bodied men and many of them Polish.
All signs indicate that the enemy force we routed is not the same one that we fought before. They were probably just cannon fodder intended to draw our attention, and the enemy¡¯s main force has already moved."
General Olivier Sonnfeld¡¯s face turned pale, and he hurriedly opened the map to study the movements of the Prussian Army.
"This is bad, the enemy¡¯s target is Brest. The Prussian forces that left three days ago were not one infantry division, but two. Their target is not Pinsk, and the detour was only to distract our attention.
Immediately send a telegram to the headquarters exining our situation. Also, notify the garrison in Brest to be on high alert."
The young officer reminded him: "General, if we report this directly, our military achievements will be greatly diminished. How about we embellish it a bit, or wait until the news is announced to the whole army before reporting?"
Having finally won a battle, everyone could have been promoted and honored. If that were messed up all of a sudden, everyone would likely harbor grievances.
After hesitating for a moment, Olivier Sonnfeld shook his head, "This message is too important, it must be reported immediately. You can polish it up a bit.
Say that we interrogated the prisoners and discovered the enemy was hiding strength, and that the Prussian forces that left three days ago consisted of two divisions with Brest possibly as their target.
Secretly execute part of the prisoners and add them to the data for eliminated remaining enemies. Gather the able-bodied prisoners, have war correspondents take some photos to send back, and who would dare to challenge our military achievements?
Defeating a second-rate Prussian force is an achievement enough; any more than that and the folks back home wouldn¡¯t believe it.
You deal with the pertinent details. The victory has been announced, and as long as it looks eptable, the government is not going to scrutinize.
The overall situation must be prioritized, but military honors cannot be sacrificed. That means, unfortunately, the prisoners must be sacrificed, especially since there¡¯s a higher-than-normal ratio of old and weak among the captives this time, and it would be easy for others to notice something¡¯s amiss if we don¡¯t dispose of some."
Chapter 662 - 235, Bait
God did not favor the Russians, and time sided with the enemy. By the time the Russian Army ryed the message to St. Petersburg, it was already deep into the night.
The officer in charge of drafting the telegram was a seasoned bureaucrat, who spent the beginning of the message detailing the battle oues, emphasizing the bravery, good fighting, and fearlessness of the Camian defenders¡¯ sacrifices etc., only getting to the reportter on.
The duty bureaucrat, justing down from a party and still in a foul mood from not having had his fill, quickly scanned the beginning and mistook it for a message seekingmendation, so he did not read on.
The great victory at Camian had already been reported two days prior, and celebrations had been held then. The details of the second report were naturally not as pressing and queued normally, with no need for urgency.
It was only the next afternoon when Marshal Ivanov, who was in charge of the department, saw the message that he discovered itster content.
By that time, it was toote, and a stream of urgent telegrams from Brest arrived one after another even before Marshal Ivanov could make a decision.
Two urgent messages collided, and Marshal Ivanov was furious. On the battlefield, time was life; if they had received the messagest night and reported immediately, reinforcements would have already been dispatched.
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"Who was the bastard on dutyst night? I¡¯m going to have his head!"
Upon hearing this, the aide-de-camp replied in a panic, "Yes, it was Georgy."
Hearing the name, Marshal Ivanov¡¯s anger intensified: "Which idiot arranged for this yboy to be on duty? Doesn¡¯t he know that this waste is good for nothing but causing trouble?"
There was no way around it, nepotism couldn¡¯t be dealt with. Even though Alexander II had already reformed the army, connections still hadn¡¯t beenpletely resolved.
Georgy came from high nobility; his father was the current Finance Minister, and he used his family background to enter the military for prestige.
Simr examples were not unusual in the Russian Army, and normally Ivanov didn¡¯t care¡ªas long as they didn¡¯t cause trouble. Apart from a few who might have potential, the rest were typically tasked with simple jobs for "training."
Receiving telegrams was undoubtedly one of those jobs. The most important requirement was reliability; the rest of the job was simple, categorized by the urgency of the telegrams.
The nobility was undoubtedly reliable; their fate was tied to that of the Russian Empire. They would not leak secrets to the enemy.
It wasn¡¯t a busy job, and it was easy to get credit; naturally, it was popr with everyone.
Seeing no one answered, Ivanov knew this probably involved someone influential and didn¡¯t bother asking further. He mmed the table, "Immediately have that idiot sent home. I don¡¯t want to see him in front of me again."
Execution was out of the question, but sending him home was possible. Not seeking responsibility for such a big matter, Ivanov was already showing great leniency.
It was just that the matter hadn¡¯t blown up yet, and it could still be handled internally, the lid kept shut¡ªif not, Georgy would have been done for. Failing at a critical moment, Alexander II wouldn¡¯t hesitate to kill the chicken to scare the monkey.
The aide-de-camp answered in terror, "Yes, Marshal."
If anyone came close enough, they¡¯d see that the sweat had already started to trickle down his forehead, and his heartbeat was elerating.
There was no helping it; when gods sh, the mortals suffer first. Many things can¡¯t withstand scrutiny; once taken seriously, it bes a bloody storm.
Still, Marshal Ivanov had a view of the bigger picture; he knew this moment was critical and the government couldn¡¯t fall into disarray. He had to downy major issues and overlook minor ones.
As for the telegram, it would have to sink like a stone in the sea, as though it had never been received.
...
Of course, the strategic vision of General Olivier Sornfield was useful. When reporting to headquarters, he also sent a warning to the defenders of Brest.
The bureaucrats above might take things lightly, but the officers on the front lines dared not ck; even when messages arrived in the middle of the night, the defenders reacted immediately.
But time was still too short; adjusting the strategic deployment was no longer possible and they could only strengthen their guard to ensure there would be no surprise attacks.
Since the Prussian Army divided its forces, the defenders of Brest had been on alert, but their preparations were only for a single division of the Prussian Army. Now that the enemy forces had doubled, the original preparations were clearly insufficient.
The Battle of Brest fully erupted, and the Prussian Armyunched attacks regardless of cost, while the Russian Army also fought desperately. Airships, artillery, and machine guns, filled the entire battlefield.
The cruelty of modern warfare left one dumbfounded. Seeing photo after photoing from the front lines, Franz was shocked as well. Human life at this moment, was worth nothing.
At the Vienna Pce, Chief of Staff Albrecht said, "Your Majesty, from the current situation, the Russians are going to be in trouble.
The actions of the Prussian Army have disrupted the Russians¡¯ deployment, and the defensive line painstakingly established by the Tsarist Government now exhibits clear weaknesses.
Brest being encircled by the Prussian Army from both sides¡ªwhether the defenders can hold, no one knows. The Tsarist Government cannot afford to take this risk.
General Maoqi picked a very good time. The ind regions of the Russian Empire have already entered winter, temperatures in many ces already dropping to below minus ten degrees.
Under such harsh weather, sending reinforcements from the rear to Brest is already out of the question.
In terms of time, transferring troops from the nks would be fastest. The Ukraine Region hasn¡¯t entered winter yet and reinforcing Brest would only take three to five days.
But by doing so, the forces on the nks would be weakened. No one can guarantee that the Prussian Army wouldn¡¯t repeat its trick, using sacrificial troops to divert attention while their main forces have already moved.
The Russians should be having a headache right now. No matter which option they choose, it¡¯s a gamble. If they choose wrongly, the entire Southwest battlefield will copse."
Copse?
Franz shook his head, "Not so dire. It¡¯s November now. Even if the Prussian Army takes Brest, they don¡¯t have time to expand their conquests.
If pushed to the brink, Alexander II could still barter with the Prussian Army. Completely disregarding the threat in the Southwest, concentrate forces to strike from the coast and attack East Prussia.
Even if they lose all of Ukraine, the Russian Empire is still the Russian Empire. Howrge is the territory of the Prusso Federation? Just one Russian Army causing havoc in the rear would mean that, even if Berlin Government were to win, they¡¯d still be the loser."
No matter how ineffective the Russian navy may be, it is still somewhat stronger than the Prusso-Polish Federation. During thest war, it was able to attack the coasts of the Prusso-Polish Federation, and if it weren¡¯t forgging logistics, the oue of the war would have been reversed long ago.
Experience is a hard teacher; it gives the test first, the lesson afterward.
This time, the Tsarist Government stocked up quite a lot of supplies in St. Petersburg. The reason they did not attack the coasts of the Prusso-Polish Federation is more because the Berlin Government was well prepared and deployed arge number of coastal guns.
These are minor issues, as long as one is willing to sustain casualties,nding is always feasible.
Of course, the premise is that Ennd and France do not interfere; otherwise, the Russian navy truly won¡¯t be able toplete the mission.
Frederick proposed, "The Russians actually have another option. After the great victory at Camian, the defensive pressure on the local garrison has greatly decreased.
If the Tsarist Government dares to take risks, they can disregard everything and directly order the local troops tounch a surprise attack on Warsaw.
No matter whether they seed or not, they can disrupt the Prussian Army¡¯s deployment and cause them to be in a flurry for a while. If they seed, that would be a tremendous gain."
Franz shook his head. He had always despised such gambling tactics. Sess would certainly be good, but what if it failed?
"Albrecht, exin it to him!"
Franz was aware that he was quite adept at strategic y, but when it came to tactics, it was truly a test of endurance, thus he did not choose to enter the fray but instead left it to a professional.
Albrecht nodded, "Your Highness, before implementing this n, you need to understand what kind of troops the Russian Army guarding Camian is.
Don¡¯t be misled by their decent military achievements into thinking they are strong inbat; the reality is that there¡¯s much intion in their record.
ording to our intelligence, half of the Camian garrison troops are newly mobilized recruits. They can defend and fight with the wind at their back, but they will copse immediately if they encounter a tough battle.
Asking them to sneak attack Warsaw, I¡¯m afraid more than one-tenth of the personnel would fall behind during a forced march before even reaching the battlefield.
Even if we disregard these internal factors and assume all these Russian soldiers are elite and that the Prussian Army does not intercept them halfway, they still won¡¯t be able to aplish the task.
Simply the citizens of Warsaw alone could cause them to return defeated. The Polish have a deep-seated hatred for them, and such a support-less army, once in, would not be able toe out again."
Frederick¡¯s face turned red, with his pride somewhat wounded. Such a simple issue was overlooked, severely impacting his confidence.
Franz smiled slightly; to him, this was a good thing. Perhaps it was due to his frequent interactions with the staff, Frederick hadtely been excessively overconfident.
As a Crown Prince, it was sufficient to study strategicyouts; wasn¡¯t delving intomand of troops tantamount to having water in his brain?
...
Camian, Russian Army Command
Chief of Staff Larson: "Commander, headquarters has sent a telegram, ordering us to immediately detach two regiments to reinforce Brest."
Major General Olivier von Sonnenfeld¡¯splexion changed drastically as he looked at the map, his brow furrowed, "Drawing troops just from us, ask if it¡¯s only us being asked to detach troops or if other regions are also reallocating forces."
Chief of Staff Larson: "I¡¯ve already asked about that. Including us, troops from nearby units are all being moved.
However, the number of troops drawn from each is not significant, and it appears that the most are being taken from us. It could be due to considering our recent major victory, anticipating that arge battle would not break out soon."
Olivier hesitated, sensing something amiss but unable to pinpoint the problem.
"If that¡¯s the case, then carry out the orders! And yes, try to move together with surrounding units as much as possible; sending just two regiments alone is too risky."
Caution was Olivier¡¯s greatest strength, a lesson learned from thest Prusso-Russian War. Guided by this principle, Olivier often fought cautious battles.
With no significant victories, but also no crushing defeats, he could be considered a highly consistentmander, reassuring his superiors.
...
In the Prussian Army Command at the Brest Frontline, Maoqi had taken over the operations room.
A middle-aged officer whispered, "Marshal, the Russians are on the move."
Maoqi stood up, walked briskly to the sand table, and ordered, "Hans, mark the movements of the Russian troops for me."
"Yes!"
Upon finishing, the middle-aged officer acted swiftly, proficientlypleting the task.
Maoqi¡¯s face broke into a joyful smile, "That¡¯s good. Excellent, we¡¯ve already won half this battle, and the size of our victory now depends on how generous the Russians are.
Tell Demacia, the Russians have taken the bait, and however much they can capture is a testament to their ability.
Order the Seventh and Eleventh Divisions to intensify their offensive. From now on, attack Brest day and night, causing the Russians to run ragged.
Order the Thirteenth and Twenty-Fifth Divisions to be battle-ready; whether they can capture Volhynia or not is up to them."
As a military expert who excels in external operations, Maoqi¡¯s least favorite thing was to conduct siege warfare. If the Russians were to hold their ground, it would be a matter of pure strength, leaving him no room to apply his myriad skills.
Now that the Russians had moved, the situation had changed. Facing the Russian Army in the field would certainly be easier than dealing with them in fortresses and bunkers.
Although the Prussian Army had paid a heavy price in the early stages ofbat, it would all be worth it to mobilize the Russian forces and break the deadlock on the southwest battlefield.
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Chapter 663 - 236: The Russians’ Counterattack
The Prussian Army¡¯s intention to break the stalemate in the southwest did not affect the strategicyout of the Tsarist Government. Marshal Ivanov continued with his previous strategy.
For a war involving millions of participants, the gains and losses on individual battlefields were no longer that significant.
As long as the southwestern front did not copse entirely, it fell within the eptable range for the Tsarist Government. Now, they had a more important target¡ªSmolensk.
No matter how well-prepared the Prussian Army was, war always resulted in deaths.
Smolensk had be a meat grinder, with nearly a thousand men falling every day. The brutal casualties, whether for the Russian Army or the Prussian Army, were a difficult test for both.
After one month of warfare to take Smolensk, the Russian Army¡¯s casualties had already exceeded one hundred thousand; as the defenders, the Prussian Army didn¡¯t fare much better, suffering upwards of seventy thousand casualties.
Half of these were either killed or permanently disabled, leaving the battlefield forever, one could say that both the Prusso-Russian sides suffered heavy losses.
The cold numbers in the battle reports did not shake Marshal Ivanov¡¯s will. If anything, they reinforced his earlier judgments.
Attrition warfare is the cruelest but also the most reliable method. Continuing as things stood, Russia would definitely not be the first to falter.
Just because Marshal Ivanov could ept this did not mean others could. The heavy casualties still sparked questions within the Tsarist Government.
At the Winter Pce, during a high-level government meeting
Minister of Internal Affairs Mikhail was the first to raise objections: "Your Excellency, only a little over a month into the war and we¡¯ve already suffered casualties of more than a hundred thousand, with hardly any advancement on the front. Shouldn¡¯t you offer an exnation?"
Ivanov remained unmoved as he replied, "Your Excellency, to be precise, from the start of the war until now, we have lost 65,863 men and 97,684 have been injured.
Oh, those are the stats from two days ago, the numbers must have increased quite a bit by now. There will be no problem for the total casualties to surpass two hundred thousand within this month.
However, you must not only look at our losses. The enemy has suffered greatly as well. ording to the data, the Prussian Army¡¯s death toll is also close to sixty thousand."
The highly exaggerated "Victory at Camian" contributed a quarter to this number, directly narrowing the exchange ratio between the Prusso-Russian sides.
Finance Minister Kristanval: "Your Excellency, no one denies your aplishments in battle. The problem is that our losses are too substantial, and the war has only been going on for a little over a month!"
Ivanov scoffed, "Where is there a war without deaths? Any sacrifice is worthwhile as long as we can secure victory.
Of course, if we wanted to quickly end this war, it wouldn¡¯t be impossible, but it would do considerable harm to our international reputation."
At such a time, he still had to deal with power struggles, and Ivanov deeply detested these politicians, offering them no quarter.
Whether his dissatisfaction was genuine or just for show to the Tsar, that question was open to interpretation based on perspective.
In agitation, Finance Minister Kristanval asked, "What method? As long as we can end this war, we can slowly recover our international reputation."
It¡¯s not that Kristanval didn¡¯t value international reputation. It¡¯s simply that Russia¡¯s standing in Europe was already at the bottom, so how much worse could it get with a bit more damage?
All eyes turned to Ivanov, anticipating his response.
After a pause, Ivanov feigned a casual tone, "It¡¯s simple, we can follow the example of the Tatars. Send troops to wreak havoc in enemy territory, and weaken their war potential to the greatest extent."
Everyone drew a sharp breath. That wasn¡¯t sabotage; that was outright ughter.
Foreign Affairs Minister Chris Basham quickly opposed, "That won¡¯t do. Such actions would provide Ennd and France with an excuse to intervene in the war, and I¡¯m afraid even Austria wouldn¡¯t support us by then."
It¡¯s the 19th century, and on the European Continent, orchestrating a massacre was outdated.
Reading the room, Ivanov knew that no one supported this n. It wasn¡¯t that they didn¡¯t want to; they simply didn¡¯t dare. Russia could not bear the consequences that a massacre would bring.
Ivanov: "If that¡¯s the case, then our only option is to mitigate the situation by sabotaging without killing."
When he said this, Ivanov himself didn¡¯t believe it. To sabotage without killing was pure idealism.
In practice, the enemy would definitely resist; how could there be no killings after a conflict arose? On the battlefield, when bloodlust takes over, the Russian Army¡¯s discipline simply couldn¡¯t be reined in.
Moreover, since Ivanov intended to send the Cossack cavalry to carry out this n, the situation would be even more uncontroble.
Alexander II shook his head: "Not killing is impossible, we just need to kill selectively. Eliminate the enemy¡¯s able-bodied and leave behind the weak, giving the internationalmunity an exnation will suffice.
Tell me your n. The enemy isn¡¯t naive; prating deeply into enemy territory is not that simple. If we are caught by the enemy, it will be a big problem."
Alexander II had long stopped caring about reputation; if they were already enemies, it was natural to weaken them as much as possible. If it weren¡¯t for considering the reaction of other European countries, he wouldn¡¯t mind a massacre.
Ivanov: "Your Majesty, this n involves bothnd and sea. Onnd, the Saxon cavalry will dress as bandits and cross the border to cause destruction.
The sea attack will be simr to thest war, only this time our mission is special, and to avoid unnecessary trouble, part of the army might need to dress as pirates.
We can issue letters of marque, encourage civilians to arm themselves and participate in the looting of enemy coastal areas. It would be even better if we could attract real pirates to join.
Considering the stance of the Vienna Government, the hostages taken by the pirates can be sold to Austrian colonial merchants."
In order to win the war, Ivanov had abandoned his principles.
After weighing the pros and cons, the room fell silent. No one supported or opposed the n. Clearly, they were all bureaucrats and elites, unwilling to be the first to take responsibility.
Alexander II red at the crowd: "Why so silent? Whether you support or oppose the n, a clear stance must be taken today." Discover hidden tales at NovelBin.C?m
After a pause, he added: "If there are objections, thene up with a better n. We don¡¯t have much time to waste with the situation on the battlefield being so dire."
Out of no choice, Finance Minister Kristanval stood up: "Your Majesty, Marshal Ivanov¡¯s proposal is very good, but some details need to be refined.
Prating deep into enemy territory is not easy, and one careless move could lead to the annihtion of our entire force. How can we ensure the safety of the troops we deploy?"
He agreed. There was no other option, as Kristanval was not adept at warfare; asking him toe up with a battle n was utterly unreasonable.
Ivanov confidently exined: "This is simple. On the main front, we have already tied down the main forces of the Prussian Army; the enemy in the rear will not be too strong.
Moreover, with airship reconnaissance, we can keep track of the enemy¡¯s major troop movements and make timely adjustments.
The forces attacking bynd and sea, as long as they don¡¯t prate too deeply into the ind areas, canpletely withdraw before the enemy arrives. We are only there to cause destruction, not to upy territories.
Onnd, it¡¯s mainly the Cossack cavalry, swift as the wind. Only the Polish cavalry could pose a threat to them, but their numbers are too few.
Because of logistical reasons, we will control the scope of activity and not stray far from the main forces."
All this was theoretical; in actualbat, the situation was definitely not as simple as Ivanov described. To say nothing else, if the Prussian Army moved at night, they would be undetectable by airships.
Even if Prussian troop movements were spotted, high-altitude reconnaissance could not distinguish between main forces and fodder. If the Prussian Army wished, they could easily disguise civilians as soldiers.
These issues, of course, Ivanov wouldn¡¯t mention; otherwise, it would onlyplicate matters. He had no expectations whatsoever regarding his colleagues¡¯ military expertise.
...
The resolution was passed, and Ivanov breathed a sigh of relief. Once this n was initiated, rivers of blood would flow, and the reputation of the Russian Empire would once again plummet to rock bottom.
No matter how it was glorified, this would be a dark chapter in history.
Chapter 664 - 237: Success Is Not a Matter of Luck
In the Vienna Pce, Franz was holding the year-end meeting when a sudden telegram interrupted the proceedings.
On November 27, 1879, the Russian Army, reinforcing Brest, was ambushed by the Prussian Army en route, marking a turning point on the Southwest battlefield.
On the surface, as far as the Vienna Government was concerned, the Prusso-Russian War only mattered in terms of the final oue; the twists and turns on a local battlefield weren¡¯t significant enough to warrant such grave preparations.
However, the Southwest battlefield was an exception. On one hand, this was because the Tsarist Government mortgaged thends west of the Dnieper River to Austria, and should these territories fall into the hands of the Prusso Federation, it would make it very troublesome for the Vienna Government to collect the debt in the future. (Limited to the Ukraine Region)
On the other hand, it was about export trade; since the war¡¯s outbreak, the Tsarist Government had been buying extensively from Austria.
Should the river Dnieper be cut off, restricted by transportation, the Russian-Austrian trade would definitely be severely affected.
To profit from the war, the Vienna Government had also made ample preparations. Many state-owned enterprises had increased their production lines, and if the Russian-Austrian trade volume were reduced, these businesses would suffer heavy losses.
When touching on self-interest, the government naturally had to take things seriously. As for the year-end meeting, it could be considered important or unimportant, depending on how one looked at it.
The year-end meeting included: a summary of the political, economic, diplomatic, and military developments of the current year, and the government¡¯s ns for theing year.
All departments had already done their homework, and reporting to Franz now was also preparation for vying for the next year¡¯s fiscal budget.
These ns mostly revolved around national policies, the core of which was already being led by Franz himself. When it came to specific ns, he seldom intervened, leaving the Cab Government to take charge.
...
Franz, "Chief of Staff, give us the current situation on the front!"
"Yes, Your Majesty!" Chief of Staff Albrecht replied.
"Yesterday afternoon, Russian troops setting off from the Volen Region to reinforce Brest were ambushed by the Prussian Army just after crossing the Pripyat River.
Since these Russian forces were hastily assembled from various locations and their organizational rtionships were not yet sorted, a division of Prussian Army routed thirty thousand Russian soldiers, with at least a loss of over eight thousand in manpower.
The rest of the troops have be scattered birds of a feather because of the scare, and arge amount of arms and equipment were abandoned, losing their capability to engage inbat again in the short term.
Disregarding these units that havepletely lost their morale, the total strength of the Russian forces in the Volen Region has dropped from an initial 102,000 to 67,000, no longer holding any advantage in manpower over the Prussian Army.
If I were Mark, I would give up Brest and focus the main offensive on Koweli. Capturing it, whether deciding to move east to Kiev or north to Brest would be possible.
However, the Prussian Army only holds an advantage in the Southwest battlefield. To the north, the Russians have already reached Riga, and the Vezem¨¦ hignds defensive line is also in grave danger; the Middle battlefield has turned into a meat grinder at Smolensk.
Looking at the current situation, it¡¯s likely that the Russians might adopt a joint sea and ground offensive approach. Relying on the advantage of the Russian navy, the probability of seizing control along the Baltic Sea coast is very high."
Franz, "So, Mark must be under a lot of pressure right now, right?"
Albrecht affirmed, "Indeed!"
If the Prussian Army cannot achieve a substantial breakthrough on the battlefield and the Russians take action in the Baltic Sea, threatening the homnd would escte internal tensions, and the naval faction within the Berlin Government would rise to the asion, which would be quite the spectacle.
When personal interests are at stake and the coastal popce creates an uproar, the naval faction would take the opportunity to exert force; even someone as respected as Mark would not be able to withstand pressures from all sides.
Franz sighed privately, any greatmander felt so powerless in the face of internal crisis. Mark¡¯s eagerness to break the impasse on the Southwest battlefield was likely due to this reason.
Starting purely from a military perspective, actually allowing the Russian forces into the Polish Region and then devising a strategy to encircle and annihte them would lead to a greater chance of sess.
Not only would there be a solid mass base to rely on, the pressure on logistics would be reduced, and even the battle line would shrink, allowing for the deployment of more troops to decisively fight the Russian Army.
What is the best military strategy politically is a blunder. If the Russians were really allowed in, the Polish people would be alienated from them.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg reminded, "ording to the intelligence we¡¯ve received, the Russians have also made a breakthrough in their diplomatic efforts.
It seems they¡¯ve made a covert promise to the Danish people; just a week ago, the Danish Government submitted a naval exercise n to the Nordic Federation Assembly, with the Danish Strait as the location.
If the n goes through, the Prusso-Polish Federation¡¯s sea transport channel would be cut off. The Russians must have offered a high price, as the Swedish people are already showing interest, and the chance of it passing is significant."
A sea blockade wouldn¡¯t spell the end for the Prusso-Polish Federation; they could still transport supplies via the German Federation Empire, taking the River Elbe.
However, this would greatly increase the logistical pressure. Most crucially, the positioning of the Nordic Federation constitutes a very unfavorable diplomatic situation for the Berlin Government.
If the Prusso-Polish Federation is at a disadvantage on the battlefield, who can guarantee that the Nordic Federation won¡¯t kick them while they¡¯re down? Stay connected with NovelBin.C?m
The Danish people have always wanted to reim the Two Principalities, and if the Russians are willing to pay a price to buy off the Swedish people, anything is possible.
The perplexing situation caused Franz immense headaches. He had originally thought that thebination of Wilhelm I and Moltke was formidable, but he didn¡¯t expect Alexander II to be such a tough opponent.
In thest Prusso-Russian War, Alexander II had not yete into his own and could only be considered a semi-finished Emperor. He was slightly inferior in the strategic game, but this time, his resurgence was different.
Since the war began, Franz had yet to see any signs of uprising within Russia, which was an impressive feat.
It should be noted that in modern times, the Tsarist Government was quite peculiar, as every external conflict was apanied by an internal uprising.
The absence of issues signified that Alexander II¡¯s reforms were sessful. A stable Russian Empire was undoubtedly terrifying.
After some hesitation, Franz said coldly, "For now, we should not act rashly in foreign affairs. Unless the Nordic Federation directly enters the war or the battlefield situation spiralspletely out of control, we will continue to maintain neutrality.
The General Staff must pay close attention to the progress of the war and report back immediately upon detecting any possibility of a party gaining a decisive advantage.
From the current situation, it seems that the Russians have a greater chance of victory, so let¡¯s not make a move for the time being and wait for Ennd and Pnd to transfuse blood to the Prusso-Polish Federation.
Once the bnce of power is upset, we¡¯ll secretly sell the technology for the Maxim machine gun to the weaker side and teach them trench warfare tactics, to prolong the war as much as possible. Mortars can be sold as well."
Maintaining bnce on the battlefield, Ennd, France, and Austria each had their roles. For instance, if the bnce of power on the field was disrupted and the Prusso-Polish Federation was weakened, Ennd and France would be responsible for their support; if the Russians were weakened, it would be Austria¡¯s responsibility to offer support.
In any case, support the weaker party to ensure that both Prussia and Russia suffered damage, this was the pursuit of the old empires. Preventing the rise of a fourth power was the collective will of these three empires.
No, it should be said that it¡¯s the collective will of France and Austria. The British stance remains uncertain. In this regard, their strategy is rather muddled.
As for weapons with low technological content, Franz had never seen any need to keep them secret. The reason he had not brought them forward earlier was simply that it wasn¡¯t necessary.
To achieve strategic objectives, throwing a few technologies into the mix was not a big deal. If it were not for the issues of performance, Franz would even be prepared to throw tank technology into the fray.
Regrettably, this contraption, even if disposed of, would hardly achieve its potential effectiveness.
The fantastical steam-powered tank, being toorge and slow, was extremely unmaneuverable and an easy target for artillery.
Tanks powered by internalbustion engines suffered from insufficient performance and were incredibly costly, making them too expensive to be feasible.
If Austria cannot afford them, Franz did not believe that Prussia or Russia could. Moreover, they were unable to produce the necessary engines.
Though internalbustion engines have been around for some years, they remain high technology.
Apart from Austria, which has advanced further in this area because of Franz, other nations have not invested much in research and development.
Technology is built on money. Without financial investment, it is naturally difficult to achieve results.
"Yes, Your Majesty!" Albrecht responded.
After the brief interlude, Franz asked again, "What¡¯s the situation like in South America? Have the Chileans released our ships?"
The London Government yed the ostrich and handed over the seized ships to the Chileans. Naturally, Austria then sought rpense from the Chilean Government.
The policy of bullying the weak and fearing the strong has always been the nature of the great powers. Asking the British forpensation versus asking the Chilean Government is entirely different.
Foreign Minister Wessenberg chuckled, "Those three little friends in South America are still at it, and it¡¯s unlikely there will be a clear winner anytime soon.
Since the British handed over control of the seized ships to the Chilean Government, things have progressed much smoother. The only problem now is that the materials on the seized ships are gone, and we are in discussions with the Chileans aboutpensation.
If it weren¡¯t for the sudden intervention of the British, we would have already signed an agreement with the Chilean Government.
It might be the British greed that has upset the Chilean Government, who now wish to involve the power of us and the French, to counterbnce the British."
This was good news. Although nitrates from Chile were not unique, and Austria had discovered some nitrate mines in its colonies, importing from Chile was still the cheapest option in terms of cost.
The conflicts between the two countries were utterly inconsequential in the face of mutual benefit. With that thought, Franz suddenly realized that this current Chilean Government was not so simple.
Appeasing both France and Austria might appear to be selling out national interests, but in reality, itid the foundation for winning the war.
Without settling things with the two big bullies in advance, even if they defeated Peru and Bolivia, they wouldn¡¯t be able to enjoy the fruits of victory.
There were too many instances where victories on the field were nullified by diplomatic concessions.
The Chilean Government obviously understood the true nature of the great powers and took timely remedial measures by utilizing the ship seizure incident.
Franz could not help but marvel: the emergence of any nation was never a fluke.
Chapter 665 - 238: A War Without Gunsmoke
1879 was a pivotal year for the entire world, both politically and economically, greatly influenced by the Prusso-Russian War.
Due to the tense European situation, France and Austria both kept a tight watch on the European Continent, refraining from causing any disturbances. The British merely made a foray into South America, focusing their main energies on the European Continent as well.
With the three major bullies refraining from stirring trouble, there was even less need to mention other countries.
At this time, the political sensitivity of colonial empires was extremely high. With the tense situation on the European Continent, there wasn¡¯t a focused concentration on the homnds¡ªwhat to do if the situation spiraled out of control?
With the colonial empires not causing disturbances, it was undoubtedly good news for those precarious independent nations, who could finally enjoy some days offort.
The outbreak of the Prusso-Russian War even subdued the conflicts between Ennd, France, and Austria. For mutual benefits, the three great powers had stood together early on.
Of course, this alliance of interests was unreliable, and the moment there was a significant shift in international circumstances or an imbnce in the powers of the three nations, the alliance could crumble at any time.
If the impact of the Prusso-Russian War on the international situation was more about the post-war period, then its impact on the world economy was immediate.
Many industries were affected, spanning nearly every domain, with agriculture, manufacturing, finance, and service industries reaping thergest dividends.
In the capitalist economic world, a new round of prosperity had begun. The most ssic example was the disappearance of the agricultural crisis and the elimination of overcapacity in manufacturing, with the booming economy directly driving the development of finance and service industries.
Though the war had just started, its greatest dividends had not yet fully emerged, but capitalists were filled with confidence.
A massive influx of hot money had already poured into the market, suddenly improving the economic environment. Help Wanted signs could be seen everywhere in the streets, with slight wage increases for workers in war-rted fields.
ording to statistical data, just in November, Austria¡¯s new investments totaled to 160 million Divine Shield, a sharp increase of 76.4%pared to the same periodst year.
Most of this capital flowed into manufacturing, with factories springing up everywhere, a clear sign that investors were very optimistic about this opportunity.
Not just Austria, but the entire European Continent was like this. Capital poured into various industries like madness, wanting to get a slice of the Prusso-Russian War.
Looking at the statistical data, Franz furrowed his brows, "The market is too hot right now. Although the war¡¯s consumption is significant, Prussia and Russia¡¯s wallets are somewhat...
Neither Ennd and France nor us will provide them with unlimited funds. Before long, a new round of overcapacity will erupt, and post-war Europe¡¯s economy will likely wail."
Economy Minister Reinhardt Halden exined, "Your Majesty, this is an inevitablew of economic development. In the previous wars, many people made a fortune. They have been blinded by interests, ignoring the existence of risks.
Not only domestically, but the entire European world is like this. ording to economic experts, in the past two months alone, Europe¡¯s new investments have increased by at least 50%pared to the same periodst year.
Post-war overcapacity will be amon problem for European countries. It¡¯s a huge trouble but also a tremendous opportunity.
As long as we seize this opportunity, we can take advantage of the situation to crush the French manufacturing industry and weaken our biggestpetitor."
In those days, there were no anti-dumpingws; free trade was the trend of the times. The French still couldn¡¯t withstand the pressure and joined the free trade system six months ago.
The core of "free trade" is for governments to remove restrictions and hindrances on import and export trade, abolish privileges and preferential treatments for domestic import and export goods, allowing goods to be exported and imported freely, and topete freely in domestic and international markets.
On the surface, it seems beneficial to everyone, providing ess to the global market and clearing obstacles to the flow of goods.
However, there are disparities between enterprises and between countries, with these gaps directly affecting marketpetitiveness.
Without a doubt, resource-scarce France was at a disadvantage in this round ofpetition. Importing raw materials directly drove up production costs.
To cut costs, capitalists naturally sought to lower workers¡¯ wages, and the influx of cheap Italianbor created favorable conditions for reducing wages.
In the past decade, Europeans¡¯ average wages had increased by 23.8%, while in Great France, the average wage had increased by a mere 5.4%.
Against this backdrop, conflicts between the French and Italian people were frequent, and even with the Paris Government¡¯s strong suppression, it was of little effect.
Regrettably, even after driving down wage costs, most French industrial andmercial products stillcked internationalpetitiveness.
There was no choice, as cheapbor costs were the norm during that era. Aside frombor-intensive industries,bor costs ounted for less than one-fifth of the total cost of most industrial andmercial products, and often even less.
Industrial raw materials dominated production costs, and without addressing root issues, how could marketpetitiveness be improved?
The market is a whole, and loweringbor costs also weakened purchasing power.
Although Great France had a poption of sixty million, its market consumption power could not catch up with John Bull¡¯s, which only had over thirty million people.
With market consumption powergging, it fed back into industrial production, forcing enterprises to produce cheaper goods, creating a negative economic cycle.
Take coal as an example: the cost of industrial coal in France is 1.3 times that of Austria, and in some ind areas, it even exceeds twice that amount.
This is just the beginning, as high coal prices lead to increased costs of electricity generation, which in turn cause a rise in electricity prices. The expensive electricity is undoubtedly the biggest obstacle to the spread of electrical power.
One slow step results in being slow at every step; if electricity does not proliferate, then naturally there can be no talk of machinery powered by electricity.
As a result, upstream electrical machinery manufacturers are constrained in their development andck the investment to research and develop more advanced equipment, gradually falling behind in internationalpetition.
Downstream equipment users, because they do not adopt the most advanced productivity in time, are surpassed bypetitors in marketpetition, or even eliminated.
In this era of the survival of the fittest,gging behind means getting beaten up. The French have strong military power and no one attacks them for no reason, but economically it¡¯s different¡ªeveryone is apetitor, and underhanded tactics are inevitable.
As long as it¡¯s possible to take down apetitor, paying a price is naturally worthwhile. Under a free trade system, massive overcapacity appears, and then it bes a contest of industrial strength among nations.
In this regard, the Vienna Government has confidence, as does Franz. This is because Austria¡¯s infrastructure construction is the unrivaled king of its time.
Not only is the transportation developed, but it is also among the earliest in Europe to have widespread electricity and a birthce of the Second Industrial Revolution, with emerging industries at the forefront of the world.
In this aspect, Anglo-Austria are two extremes¡ªone focusing on emerging fields and the other concentrating on traditional industries¡ªboth dominating their sectors. This creates favorable conditions for cooperation between the two countries.
Franz, "In that case, let the crisise more violently! It would be best if it destroyed the manufacturing industries of both Europe and America, as if clearing the stage before the curtain rises.
This time we can cooperate with British capitalists, letting private enterprises take the lead, without directly dragging the government into it. As soon as the Prusso-Russian war ends, we¡¯llunch together and kick off this grand capital war."
A war without gunsmoke can sometimes be even more brutal. The destruction it brings is in no way inferior to that of an actual war.
One can imagine that before long, unemployment and bankruptcy will once again be hot topics throughout society.
After pondering for a moment, Economy Minister Reinhardt Halden, "As long as they have joined the free trade system, they are easy to deal with.
The United States of America is somewhat difficult; they still stubbornly implement trade protectionist policies, and it¡¯s incredibly challenging to pry open their doors."
Fool me once, shame on you; fool me twice, shame on me. American capitalists have been harmed by the British several times and are now frightened, choosing to shut the door and y by themselves.
After all, they are rich in resources and can directly copy European technology. Except for a slightly smaller domestic market, they are still livingfortably.
Franz, "Leave this problem to the Foreign Ministry. When ites to promoting free trade, the British are eager leaders.
We can join forces to put pressure on the Union, bing half-ally if they join. If they remain willfully stubborn, then there¡¯s no need to be polite.
Since they want to y the protectionism card, just let them y enough of it. International embargo is an excellent choice."
To be honest, at this point in time, the industrial andmercial products of the Union do not possess muchpetitiveness; many of their products are even inferior to those of the Russians.
If they do not protect their trade and open their doors topetition, they will undoubtedly suffer a terrible fate.
Franz does not expect the Union topletely open its markets. Just cracking open a door would suffice, and if that really isn¡¯t feasible, smuggling would be eptable too.
When ites to striking atpetitors, Franz never misses an opportunity.
Prime Minister Felix, "Your Majesty, if we push further, the postwar economic crisis could be very severe.
If the crisissts too long, the situation on the European Continent might be broken again, and we are not yet ready."
Man-made disasters are the most terrifying, especially ones that can be initiated but cannot have their oues controlled, with destructive powers even greater than a war.
With the advent of the industrial age, the influence of the economy on political situations grows everrger. There are countless cases of economic deterioration leading to political instability, causing the outbreak of wars.
Franz shook his head, "We do not have that much time to prepare. We can never be fully prepared; by the time we are ready, the opportunity will also have slipped by.
Besides, our inaction does not mean the British will not act. Rather than reacting passively, it¡¯s better to take the initiative."
With agees conservatism, but it¡¯s not to say conservatism is bad; in fact, for a great nation, conservatism often means longevity of national fortune, while radicalism is a disaster for a country.
However, the opportunity is too rare; once missed, to take action again would require paying a much greater cost.
Put bluntly, Franz is not one to settle for peace either. Aside from avoiding risks in the military, he does not mind trying his luck in the economic field.
If sessful, that would be the best oue; if it fails, it¡¯s the spectors who are unlucky. The Vienna Government is very experienced in dealing with economic crises, and such setbacks will not reach the nation¡¯s core.
Chapter 666 - 239: Can’t Stay Idle
To wage a trade war does not mean allowing industries to develop wildly. Countless cases have proved that enterprises withoutpetitiveness are the first to fail when crisis strikes.
Big but not strong industries find it hard to stand in internationalpetition. Austria has surpassed the era of blindly chasing quantity; now, what¡¯s needed is an emphasis on both quality and quantity.
In order to calm the market, right before Christmas in 1879, the Austrian Government issued a "Market Risk Warning", listing thirty-nine industries as having overcapacity.
It also raised the investment entry barrier, demanding not only registered capital but also technical requirements. Capitalists who wanted to invest in these industries had to use the most advanced technology avable.
For capital, these barriers were not really a problem. Except for the high-tech fields, you could easily buy whatever technology you needed as long as you had the money.
Franz did not expect investors to heed the government¡¯s advice; in the face of profit, people always liked to overlook risks.
Forcing everyone to adopt more advanced productive forces and to increase productpetitiveness was mainly to allow these neers to hold out a little longer when crisis exploded.
This was of great importance; once a global overcapacity crisis erupted,panies wouldpete inprehensive strength, and cost and capital would determine who could survive to the end.
The victor is king, and the survivor is king as well; the enterprises that make it through are the real winners.
It is the same for nations. The country with more surviving enterprises and stronger power will be the new industrial hegemon.
Perhaps at the onset of the crisis, the capital of the Anglo-Austrian two countries might join forces to eliminatepetitors, but in thetter stages, the industrial andmercial sectors of the two countries are bound to sh eventually.
However, both are Colonial Empires, free trade aside, the market of their Overseas Colonies remains their own privatend. With such an outlet in ce, aplete copse is unlikely.
A heated market gives people the most direct sense that money has be easier to earn. Nearly every industry enjoys the spoils of war, with the immigration industry being the sole exception.
Indeed, immigration is also an industry in Austria. Affected by the grand immigration strategy, several hundred thousand to over a million people emigrate to the African Continent every year. From transportation to settlement, aplete industry chain has already formed.
Regrettably, the immigration industry has always been inversely proportional to economic development; only when there are economic issues does the immigration industry thrive.
As arge amount of hot money flows in, the number of new job positions surges, and with the opportunity to earn money domestically, naturally, the number of people willing to emigrate overseas decreases.
On the Vienna Ring Road, there is a building full of Renaissance charm that no longer boasts its former bustle. The staff gather in small groups, idly basking in the sun.
If not for the sign at the main entrance, no one would believe this is an Austrian Government department¡ªindeed, it is the renowned Immigration Bureau.
If such a situation urred in another government department, the supervisory department would have intervened by now. The Immigration Bureau, however, is an exception.
During busy times, it could be alight with activity day and night; during ck periods, one couldplete a day¡¯s work in ten minutes and then have nothing left to do.
While ordinary staff have time on their hands, the chief, Gold, is worried. With everyone idling, what will happen to the grand immigration strategy?
Even if the Cab Government understands his predicament and does not hold him ountable, failure to meet targets will indefinitely stain his political record.
In the meeting room, Goldid down the report he was holding, "Gentlemen, since the outbreak of the Prusso-Russian War, the number of people applying for immigration has drastically decreased, and this year¡¯s immigration n cannot bepleted.
If we do not take action, next year¡¯s immigration efforts are also likely to be bleak.
Year by year, if this continues, the government¡¯s grand immigration strategy will be doomed.
The failure of the immigration strategy will directly affect the development of the African Continent and the domestication process, consequences we cannot bear.
Starting now, everyone must get moving. Mobilize your personal connections and promote immigration as much as possible."
Everyone¡¯s expressions soured, clearly seeing this as a thankless task. At this moment, they all reminisced about the economic crisis period when people would take the initiative toe knocking on doors to pull connections without them even asking.
A senior official objected, "Chief, I¡¯m afraid this might not be effective. We¡¯ve stered immigration ads all over the country. Even in the most remote mountain viges, they can be seen.
After years of promotion, the concept of immigration has deeply rooted in the hearts of the people. However, as dear as the homnd is, people are reluctant to leave. We can¡¯t force them to migrate."
Not everyone is willing to go through the trouble, and many older officials, having lost the possibility of further advancement, are no longer interested in these political missions.
That¡¯s not much of an issue, though; once the orders are issued, everyone will still carry them out.
What gave Gold headaches was the phrase "very difficult to make an impact". If it couldn¡¯t make an impact, then sending everyone out for propaganda would be pointless.
After hesitating for a moment, Gold said firmly, "If we can¡¯t do it here, then go to other countries in the Germany Region for propaganda. As long as they are German Descendants, it can count towards your political achievements.
Especially the Kingdom of Prussia, which is currently at war, can be considered a key propaganda area. Even if you¡¯re caught, Austria¡¯s Foreign Ministry will bail you out.
Let¡¯s discuss and set a target, then divide into groups to start working. Everyone present at today¡¯s meeting will be the propaganda team leaders, myself included."
It can¡¯t be helped; the Austrian Immigration Office already has a notorious reputation in the Germany Region, and all the national governments are on high alert against them.
For instance, the Kingdom of Prussia had long since listed them as undesirable, and even the staff of the Immigration Bureau can¡¯t get visas.
But for every measure from above, there is a counter from below. The Immigration Bureau is also a government department; forging a new identity and slipping through the cracks is nothing out of the ordinary.
Propagandizing immigration isn¡¯t illegal, and even if they are caught, the Berlin Government has no authority to handle them; they usually just notify Austria¡¯s Foreign Ministry to take custody of the individuals.
Austria is strong enough; the Berlin Government can¡¯t do much openly, but they still make sure to give them a hard time in secret.
Gold didn¡¯t want to do it that way either, but he had no choice. If he didn¡¯t put forth a semnce of doing everything possible, how would the outside world know of their continued efforts?
Having tried and not tried are twopletely different concepts when the strategic n ultimately fails to be fulfilled.
Taking the lead personally and making a trip, regardless of the oue, is better than watching a group of subordinates just soaking up the sun every day.
Retire? Gold wasn¡¯t even forty years old yet. As the head of Immigration, the most important branch of the Colonial Department, he had a long political career ahead, with plenty of room for advancement.
Franz naturally did not know the enormous pressure the grand immigration strategy had put on the Immigration Bureau.
In fact, not only the Immigration Bureau was under great pressure; many other government departments in Austria were as well.
At this time, civil servants were not asmon as inter eras, yet the workload hadn¡¯t decreased by much.
Take the Immigration Bureau as an example; the total staff was less than fifteen hundred, covering the entire European Continent. At its peak, it organized up to 1.3 million immigrants in a single year to the Overseas Colonies.
Of course, arge part of this was already organized by the Colonial Companies; the Immigration Bureau was merely responsible for data statistics and coordinating rtions among various parties.
What to do when staff is insufficient? The answer, of course, is overtime. Forget about an eight-hour workday; during busy times, even working "996" would be considered knocking off early.
There¡¯s nothing unfair about it; within the societal norm of prevalent overtime, there¡¯s nothing much toin about. You should know that the situation in factories regarding overtime is much worse.
ording to statistics from the Vienna Government, urban workers average 9.1 hours of work per day, calcted over the whole year of 365 days.
If you subtract holidays and rest days, many people work more than 12 hours a day, indicating an enormous workload.
Certainly, the capitalists won¡¯t admit to this. Manypanies, when calcting working hours, exclude necessary breaks, meal times, bathroom breaks, and even the intermittent downtime of machinery.
The goal is clear: pay less for overtime. With a different calction method, the daily working hours suddenly look much shorter by 1-2 hours, making the data appear far more appealing.
The woes of the Immigration Bureau do not affect the Austrian public, who are still basking in the joy of increased ie, striving for a dreamy tomorrow.
There¡¯s a saying that fits well: happiness is rtive.
Compared with the Prussia and Russia, who are in the midst of war, with Great France, which is trapped in a resource crisis, and with many small countries who are on the brink of copse, the Austrian people naturally feel the happiness.
Chapter 667 - 240, The End of the Knockoff Era
Sarajevo was still just an ancient city embraced by mountains with beautiful scenery, before it became the fuse of the World War.
Among the numerous cities in Austria, it was hardly noteworthy. Especially after it failed to be the capital of the Bosnia and Herzegovina Province, it became even more insignificant.
This had to do with the policies of the Vienna Government. In order to avoid the unnecessary waste caused by an overly concentrated distribution of resources, administrative centers, economic centers, and industrial centers were generally not clustered together.
As thend transport hub of the Bosnia and Herzegovina Province and with decent industrial development, along with being a historic city, these advantages had be disadvantages in its bid to be the provincial capital.
Despite its low profile, Sarajevo¡¯s economic development was not at all dissatisfied, particrly after Bosnia and Herzegovina became another heavy industry center of Austria, then the local economy soared.
With geographical advantages, Sarajevo could also rank within the top twenty among the many cities in Austria.
Inside an office building on Uerle Boulevard in Sarajevo, the headquarters of Fick Group, a giant in the field of hardware essories, was located here. At this moment, Executive President Arno was reporting on work to the boss.
"Mr. Slov, our proposal for establishing aprehensive food processing nt didn¡¯t pass the review. The government¡¯s reason is the market has already been saturated, and that Sarajevo isn¡¯t suitable for developing the food processing industry. They also suggested that we change our investment direction,"
Fick-Slov furrowed his brow. Next to munitions, food was the best-selling material during wartime, especially food that could be eaten just by tearing open the packaging.
Compared to the high-end munitions trade, food was much easier to handle. While the profits from food might not match those from munitions, the sales volume was huge!
Austria was a neutral country and could export materials to both Prussia and Russia at the same time. The total strength of thebatants had long exceeded two million, with the drafted Civilian Husbands being twice that number.
It was impossible for so many people to cook meals every day, and often, in the interest of time, they could only resort to self-made rations.
Eating rations every day was unbearable for anyone. What was needed was arge number of "better tasting" and "more nutritious" convenience foods, such as biscuits, canned goods, fries, alcohol...
Slov had calcted that the Prusso-Russian forces consumed over 2,000 tons of fast food each day, with a total value exceeding 280,000 Divine Shields.
Assuming the warsted one year, that was a market worth over one hundred million Divine Shields. That was the most conservative estimate; Slov believed that the war would take at least another two to three years to resolve, equating to a market worth two to three hundred million.
The profits of wartime business were high; it didn¡¯t take much, just a mere one percent of the market share was enough for him to recoup the investment and make a fortune.
After contemting for a while, Slov said slowly, "Send someone to check who is targeting us. Also, arrange a time soon; I want to invite Director Danilo to dinner."
Overcapacity was something Slov had not observed; what he saw was Prussia and Russia both waving their checks to buy, buy, buy. Where was there any overcapacity? It was clearly a case of demand outstripping supply!
Arno exined, somewhat uneasily, "Mr. Slov, this time it doesn¡¯t seem to be a targeted action against us.
After our proposal was rejected, I sent people to investigate, and not just us, but all recent investment projects in the food processing sector haven¡¯t been approved.
It may be rted to the risk warning issued by the Vienna Government not too long ago. The capital invested in the food processing sector has surged recently, and the existing processing enterprises are also desperately expanding their capacity.
The market response is not obvious in the short term; from investment to production takes some time. We¡¯re alreadyte entering the scene."
Arno was against entering the food processing industry; even in those days without the concept of food safety, investing in the food processing industry in a heavy industrial center was not a reliable business.
A small enterprise scale was manageable, but once scaled up, the source of raw materials became a troublesome issue.
Being able to survive and thrive in an age of survival of the fittest, Slov was naturally no fool. He had already considered these risks.
Huge profits alwayse with risks; there are surefire business ventures, but those have already been divided up by the Nobility and are well beyond his reach.
An overcapacity crisis would only erupt post-war; during wartime, both Prussian and Russian sides would be desperately sweeping up supplies.
This was determined by reality; they couldn¡¯t afford not to buy. If anyone did not purchase, the supplies would fall into enemy hands. Without stockpiling enough supplies, what would happen to the troops at the front?
They¡¯d rather have excess supplies sitting in warehouses than face a shortfall leading to defeat in war.
The post-war crisis would depend on who could run fastest. Anyway, as a passerby cashing in, Slov wasn¡¯t focused on whether the industry was good or bad; it was not his main business.
Slov didn¡¯t care, but the Austrian Government did. Without passing the approval, one could still invest and build a factory as long as it conformed to legal regtions, but government support would no longer be avable.
Slov asked, "If we¡¯re unable to obtain government support, how much will the cost of investing in a factory increase?"
After pondering for a while, Arno replied slowly, "ording to the relevant government regtions, the food processing industry is a key industry for support, which includes government provision ofnd for factory construction free of charge and a 50 percent tax reduction for the first three years.
ording to our n, to build the nt and warehouse, we would need approximately 158 acres ofnd; with the currentnd prices in Sarajevo, that would cost about 126,000 Divine Shields."
"The scope of tax relief is quite broad, making it difficult to determine specific figures, but the tax rate for the food processing industry is rtively low, approximately 3.5% of the business turnover."
After hesitating for a moment, Slov sighed helplessly, "Forget it, cancel the n. Allocate the funds to expand our hardware essories production capacity, and quickly."
There was no way around it; without ess to freend use rights,nd costs alone ounted for one third of the total investment. Without tax advantages, profits severely declined, making the risk and return disproportionate.
And this was industrialnd, which was rtively cheaper. If it wasmercial or residentialnd, thend prices would be substantially higher.
While the Vienna Government did not vigorously develop real estate,nd prices still soared as urbanization progressed.
This was beyond the government¡¯s control. Besides state-ownednd, the majority in Austria was privately owned. These followed the principle of free trade and their prices simply couldn¡¯t be controlled.
Thend prices in Sarajevo were still moderate, but in the Vienna City Center, there werends costing tens of thousands of shied per acre, affordable only for developing luxury residential andmercial properties¡ªother industries simply couldn¡¯t bear the cost.
This was the result of multi-pr development and a rtively small poption in Vienna; otherwise,nd prices would be even more insane.
¡
Unable to participate in the most profitable industries, Slov had no choice but to fall back and expand his current businesses. In the face of a frenzied market, all industries were making a killing.
After a brief hesitation, Arno suggested, "Mr. Slov, perhaps we should add some auxiliary services. For instance, the manufacture of canned food boxes.
"With the rapid expansion of the canning industry, the demand for boxes is also increasing swiftly. With our technology, there is no problem producing canned food boxes."
Back in those days, cans were mostly made of tin, while ss containers were considered luxury items.
This wasn¡¯t because the technology for producing ss was inadequate, but rather because ss jars were rtively more expensive to produce, and they were difficult to transport and prone to damage.
As costs increased, so did prices, and they lost theirpetitive edge in the market.
Especially in times of war, there was definitely a preference for cost-effective tin canisters! Food safety has never been an issue since the important people never consumed them anyway.
Producing canned food boxes was a minor business, but even a mosquito is still meat, and as a qualified capitalist, Slov never felt he had too much money.
"Excellent, Arno. Your proposal is great, getting the right mindset is what matters.
With such fierce marketpetition, we must expand our new businesses as much as possible and enhance corporate profits to survive in the uing market challenges.
Not just canned food boxes, but also wine bottles, water kettles¡ªthese small items we can also produce. Go ahead and arrange it!"
Ever since Austria joined the free trade system, market shocks urred daily, and ¡¯crisis awareness¡¯ gradually prated people¡¯s minds.
If it hadn¡¯t been for the timely Prusso-Russian War, a crisis that could have spread across the European Continent¡¯s industrial market might have already erupted.
Wise individuals knew that the war only dyed the process, that which is inevitable will still arrive; no one could stop it.
One had to either seize this opportunity to soar or fall in thepetition.
The Prusso-Russian War, while dying the outbreak of the crisis, also exacerbated it. The Austrian newspapers propagated it daily, and the capitalists naturally had their reactions.
Some chose diversified business expansion to enter new ventures and spread the risk; others chose intensive cultivation to enhance their business¡¯spetitiveness within the industry.
Slov himself was an advocate of diversification and nned to use the opportunity provided by the Prusso-Russian War to expand his business into the food processing industry.
Do not be fooled by the intensepetition in the food sector; it is Austria¡¯s trump industry, and in this field, allpetitors in Europe are second to it.
Under the free trade system, Austrian food processing, with its advantageous position, had stronger risk resistance than other industries.
But reality pulled Slov back; after all, Sarajevo was andlocked city, somewhat insted from the outside world, making Slov¡¯s response less prompt.
Unable to expand into the food processing industry, he had to choose to intensively cultivate hardware essories and expand rted businesses around this core.
As for the power and internalbustion engine sectors, where Austria was even morepetitive, Slov had ideas but couldn¡¯t reach that high.
Those fields that relied on technology were not something an ordinary person could just stumble into.
The era of knock-offs had passed. Austria had already entered the era of patents, and without one¡¯s own core technology, there was simply no way to stand firm.
Chapter 668 - 241: The Importance of Information
Government guidance, still, couldn¡¯t withstand the enthusiasm of capital; interests are always alluring, blinding people to risks.
Without government support, they had to find ways to reduce costs, such as: locating factories in suburban areas, or convenient small towns, wherend costs could be greatly reduced.
Without tax incentives, it was no problem, as Prusso-Russia was buying aggressively, and factory profits were now ample; they could afford to overlook those few percentage points.
"Good advice is wasted on the damned, and great mercy won¡¯t save those who refuse to save themselves."
Watching capital fling itself into the fire like moths, Franz had no choice but to turn a blind eye.
The madness of the market, besides greed, was also a more serious social problem. The capitalist world¡¯s economy was facing industrial overcapacity once again, especially in the Anglo-Austrian two countries.
The crisis had not erupted, rted to international rtionships. From 1873 to 1878, the second Near East War broke out, along with colonial wars started by Ennd, France, and Austria to divide the African Continent.
Wars consumed a tremendous amount of wealth and materials, and the market¡¯s prosperity masked the crisis of overcapacity. If the Prusso-Russian war did not break out, a new economic crisis would have erupted by next year at thetest.
After years of umtion, surplus was not just in production capacity, but capital was also in excess.
As the saying goes, the only real money is the money spent; money lying in the bank is just a pile of numbers. With the majority of industries already saturated and in surplus, capital needed new investment avenues.
Following the usual pattern of courting disaster, whenever it came to this point, the stock market would start to stir. A massive influx of funds into the stock market would create an unprecedented boom, then the bubble would burst, and the surplus capital would evaporate along with it.
"Better him than me," they say, and the animosity between Prusso-Russia was then capitalized upon. Austria supported the Tsarist Government, while Ennd and France supported the Berlin Government, not just for political needs but also driven by capital.
With the money lent out, the problem of capital surplus naturally disappeared. Wars via massive orders promoted economic development.
Most importantly, the industrial crisis, which was mainly between the Anglo-Austrian industrial powers, had spread across the entire European Continent due to the stimulus of war; no one could hope to escape unscathed.
Dragging everyone into the fray was not a zero-sum game. To be exact, it was called targeting potentialpetitors.
Economic warfare differed from military warfare. The most significant losses were not necessarily suffered by thebatant nations; it was more likely that the top powers¡¯ gambits resulted in the annihtion of the third, fourth, fifth... countries.
Under the free trade system, the global market remained limited, unable to satisfy everyone¡¯s desires, thus necessitating a survival-of-the-fittest battle for resources.
Industrial power in Ennd and Austria ounted for 29.8% and 36.5% of the world¡¯s total industrial output, respectively, with their export volumes representing 49.6 and 24.7% of the world¡¯s total exports.
Due to interests involved, conflicts had be inevitable. Capital consumes; in this world of survival of the fittest, the first to fall were definitely the weak.
Now that spectors were swarming to profit from war, it wasn¡¯t that they werepletely unaware of the risks, but rather, involved parties often became blinded and many believed they could outpace others.
As long as they could find a sucker before the crisis erupted, they could reap immense profits.
Vienna Pce
Prime Minister Mirabelon: "Your Majesty, up to now, we have sessively sold 76 factories, and negotiations are underway for the remaining ones, which are expected to be all sold within the next two months.
The shares and bonds we hold are also being sold off slowly, to avoid causing market turbulence, so right now we¡¯ve only disposed of about one-tenth.
Impacted by the market¡¯s heat, the divestment proceeds are slightly more substantial than expected. We¡¯ve already garnered 130 million divine shields and expect about 440 million divine shields after everything is sold."
Yet our actions have attracted the attention of certain observant parties. Our following moves might encounter some difficulties."
Franz nodded, being noticed was inevitable. Selling off assets when the market was hottest, such a contrarian practice, would indeed be surprising if it went unnoticed.
But it was unavoidable; over the years, the Royal assets had snowballed, and if they didn¡¯t retreat early, it soon wouldn¡¯t be possible.
The idea of finding a high-paying sucker the day before the crisis, Franz could only say that was living in a dream.
Where in the world are there so many fools? Not to mention that, once the Prusso-Russian War ended, the value of these factories would be deeply discounted.
Perhaps the ample profits earned during wartime mightpensate for the losses brought about by the devaluation of the enterprises, but buyers would be hard toe by afterward.
If there was no sucker, they would have to bear the brunt, relying on robust capital to survive the most cutthroat of years.
It might look trivial, but in the end, the remaining yers in these low-tech industries would definitely be those with strong finances; but considering the Royal family¡¯s sprawling operations, Franz felt uneasy without stocking up on ammunition in advance.
After deciding to start a dumping war with the British, Franz decided topletely abandon the food processing industry, textile industry, and primary processing manufacturing.
Once the crisis erupted, these low-tech industries would be hit the hardest, and Franz was not prepared to persevere in this area to the bitter end.
Selling off 274 factories in one fell swoop, covering more than 14 countries, such a grand gesture could even qualify for a Guinness World Record.
Factories were not needed anymore, and as for invested stocks and bonds, selling them early meant rxing sooner. Cash in hand is safer¡ªnominal market value is the least reliable.
After some thought, Franz said, "Well done. The market is too crazy now, and there¡¯s no need for us to join them in their doom."
Besides these asset sell-offs, starting from next May, we need to gradually reduce our holdings in several long-term invested listedpanies.
That includes our holdingpanies; if the share price exceeds the normal market value, sell off a portion, then repurchase after the stock market crash has passed.
Especially with overseas investments, we need to dispose of them as quickly as possible. For example, the investment in the Panama Canal, it¡¯s time to find someone to take over the te!
This crisis may far surpass previous ones, and it will likelyst for a long time. For the next two years, our investments will be short-term and conservative."
Man-made disasters are far scarier than market norms; economic warfare, once erupted, cannot be resolved in just a day or two.
Without phasing out arge amount of outdated production capacity to free up the market, capital will not cease its efforts.
In such a critical moment, the bigger one stretches out, the greater the loss in the end.
Subsequent conglomerates mostly turned towards the financial industry; very few stuck with manufacturing, and that¡¯s an important factor.
Reality once again proved the importance of confidence; Franz was self-aware that he was never any business genius.
Had it not been for having firsthand information, seizing investment opportunities, and avoiding the crisis in time, the royal industry would have suffered tremendous losses long ago.
Of course, if it wasn¡¯t for all this information, the royal industry would not have extended its reach so far. Investing in whatever makes money is inherently unscientific.
Even huge conglomerates cannot cover all industries. "Samsung" inter years is an example¡ªspreading itself too thin, which, without the nation¡¯s rescue efforts, would¡¯ve spelled its doom.
For better development, it is inevitable to drop some baggage. This is just the beginning; in the years toe, the Royal Consortium will shed even more business sectors.
Not shedding now is mainly because of the hefty profits. Traditional and emerging fields are rtive; what is high-tech with a bright prospect today may be traditional tomorrow.
Surprised, Prime Minister Mirabelon asked, "Your Majesty, are you giving up the shares of the Panama Canal now without waiting for the final harvest?"
Franz shook his head, "There is no need. From the current situation, it seems we can¡¯t wait for the final harvest.
Once an economic crisis breaks out, the Panama Canal project will cease to progress. We¡¯re not suited to remind the French unless they decide to reel in theirs ahead of schedule.
Our shareholding is limited, and even if we harvest early, the profit is very limited. Withdrawing now is perfect to avoid the uing turmoil.
If stock investors knew that the canal they¡¯re looking forward to could disappear overnight, who knows what might happen."
The royal family needs a good reputation¡ªwe can¡¯t earn every kind of money. Exiting early is also a good thing; it saves us the resources needed for damage controlter.
Others may not know, but Franz was clear that for the next thirty years, the Panama Canal had no chance of bing operational.
It¡¯s not a technical issue; it principally stems from political unwillingness. The Vienna Government has always been opposed, and theck of action is because the canal was just started and not yet a pressing concern.
The French capitalists enticed the Austrian Royal Family to invest mainly to reassure shareholders and give the illusion that the Vienna Government would not interfere.
Had it not been for knowing that these people only wanted to harvest profits on the stock market, Franz would not have gotten involved, even with lucrative profits.
The aim of providing credibility has been achieved; leaving with a fee is no issue. As for the fate of the Panama Canal Company, it has nothing to do with an investor who exits beforehand.
After all, the Panama Canal is listed in Paris; it¡¯s the French investors that are duped.
If the Canal Company were to go bankrupt, no matter how they try to shift the me, Franz wouldn¡¯t be the one to shoulder the pot.
...
Chapter 669 - 242: Panic over Labor Shortage
The prosperity of the market equally fueled the boom in the stock market, and in the face of favorable news, everyone¡¯s confidence also reached its peak.
Compared to liquidating physical industries, it¡¯s much easier to pull out of the stock market. With buying and selling happening daily, a few percentage points of change are just normal market fluctuations.
It¡¯s not a period of economic crisis, so these small fluctuations arepletely within the market¡¯s capacity to endure, most typically seen in the continued rise of stock prices.
Candidly speaking, specting in the stock market yields far greater profits than manufacturing. However, with advantagese disadvantages; high returns are also apanied by high risks.
Without leverage, you can¡¯t make much money, but ying with leverage brings immense risks, and oftentimes, a single random fluctuation in the market sweeps away arge number of spectors.
By contrast, the physical industries are much more stable, especially so in the 19th century.
No matter how the market changes, as long as there are no issues within thepany itself, the losses stay within controble limits. If business is poor, just cut back on production capacity.
"Bankruptcy" usually urs when apany has internal problems, such as excessive debt requiring significant profit to repay loans; or there are management issues, failing to rece equipment in time, resulting in products losingpetitive market edge; or perhaps inventories are too high, tying up substantial capital...
If there are no issues within thepany, being squeezed into bankruptcy is quite rare. inly put, everyone is in business to make a profit.
Artificially deting prices to make a noise at a loss, capitalists aren¡¯t that foolish. Except for those wishing to monopolize the market. Incurring losses to gain market exclusivity can only be counted as an initial investment.
For most industries, the conditions for monopolizing are just not there. The barriers to entry are too low; suppress one group ofpetitors, and new ones will emerge, making monopoly unachievable.
Business isn¡¯t a matter of personal pride, and capitalists usually won¡¯t engage in Pyrrhic victories that harm themselves as much as the enemy.
Marketpetition is harsh, meaning only that profits are thinner. If an entire industry enters a state of loss, it means it¡¯s on the verge of being eliminated.
Under normal circumstances, even if an economic crisis sparks a Great Depression, only some enterprises will incur losses, while most will see a decline in performance and profit reduction.
As long as operations are normal, and there are no substantial debts, enterprises with strong marketpetitiveness can still survive.
After all, it¡¯s just thete 19th century, and there are fewer than 10 industrialized nations worldwide, with only two and a half true industrial powerhouses; the market remains in a state of untamed growth, andpetition is far less fierce than inter times.
Under thew of the jungle, after eliminating a portion of the weaker entities, the market will normalize. A new round of conflict won¡¯t erupt until the victors have digested their spoils.
One could say this is the golden age of capitalist economy; as long as opportunities are grasped, there are abundant chances to be wealthy.
...
With the market flourishing, factories sprung up from the ground, with job advertisements stered all over, yet there were few applicants.
As thergest city on the Austria-France border, Mn is also the preferred destination for Italian workers entering Austria. The advantages of being close to home and having higher wages attract arge number of Italians each year.
In the face of the British textile industry¡¯s dominance, Mn¡¯s rise as one of the world¡¯s three major textile centers was significantly aided by the cheapbor from the Italian Area.
While Austria has restrictions on foreignbor, it doesn¡¯tpletely prohibit it. Passing anguage test and being epted by apany allows entry.
This is exceedingly inconvenient; it¡¯s very troublesome for enterprises to recruit cross-border, not to mention teaching them German, which requires too much time.
"For every policy, there is a countermeasure." Many foreign workers are brought over by friends and rtives, seeking work in Austria after they enter.
Compared to other regions in Austria, the Mn Kingdom is less strict in managing foreign workers due to its uniqueness.
Many people are employed first and then learn thenguage. After all, many factories operate semi-closed, so as long as they don¡¯t get caught by the police, no one will probe too deeply.
Under such circumstances, the underground job market emerged. Newfounnd Street, just outside Mn City, is one of the venues where factories recruit cheapbor.
Normally at this time, Newfounnd Street would already be bustling, with many job seekers forming long lines for an opportunity to work.
Suddenly, it quieted down without any apparent reason. Not just Newfounnd Street, but manybor recruitment markets in Austria got quieter, with some areas even experiencing odd situations where there were more recruiters than applicants.
Mirko was one such recruiter, employed at the Daniel Group Machinery Factory. Typically, he would not be in Newfounnd Street, which was considered the lowest end of Mn City¡¯s job market, primarily attracting foreignborers.
Not only was their educational level inadequate, but it also required a significant amount of time to train them in skills. After expending much effort, at best they were turned into basic industrial workers.
Byparison, Mirko preferred the recruitment centers outside the city. Even though higher wages were demanded, the applicants were of higher quality; after a few years of training in the factory, the outstanding ones could be junior technical workers.
For a machinery factory, such workers with some technical skills are far more valuable than pureborers.
Only industries that requirergebor forces and involve repetitive, unskilled work would recruitrge numbers of theseborers.
Mirko might look down on this, but manypanies were expanding production capacity and there was a big gap in thebor market, making thepetition for workers fierce.
After attending several job fairs in the city withoutpleting his recruitment task, with the equipment all ready and waiting for workers to start working, Mirko had no choice but to lower the recruitment standards.
Looking at the scene before him, Mirko could hardly believe his eyes. Was this still Mn¡¯s hottest job recruitment market? Why were there so few people?
Having been engaged in recruitment work for a long time, Mirko had a broadwork of contacts and quickly ran into acquaintances in the same line of work.
"Ferren, what¡¯s going on? Did you guys hire everyone already?"
The middle-aged man rolled his eyes and retorted, "Do I look like I¡¯ve had any sess?"
Mirko nodded, "Indeed, with the sries offered by your textile factories, it must be somewhat difficult to coerce people. However, you could certainly cheat the naive foreigners."
Ferren furrowed his brow, discontentedly responding, "Enough, Mirko, we¡¯re all in the same boat, saving costs for the boss, that¡¯s our inherent duty."
```
"Every time I recruit, I make the terms clear and sign contracts ording to legal requirements. How could that be considered cheating?"
Mirko gave a faint smile but didn¡¯t continue the topic. If he didn¡¯t know this middle-aged, chubby man better, he would really think he was a good person.
Back in the day, Mirko was nearly bamboozled into signing a servitude contract right after he started his career. Fortunately, he was a local and a high school graduate, which counted as a highly educated individual. Once Ferren understood his background, he didn¡¯t want any trouble and gave up.
Although Mn was a subordinate sub-state, with the push for legal unification, the Labor Protection Law still had to beplied with.
These egregiously unfair servitude contracts would go unnoticed unless someone took them to court. If that happened, the business would be in for real trouble.
Byparison, it was much safer to trick foreign workers. As long as the contract was signed abroad, it would be considered an international case, subject to thews on the other side as well. The Mn government wasn¡¯t so idle, and at most, the contract would be dered void.
Without having been swindled, the two men didn¡¯t have a good rtionship. It was only because of business that they had to interact frequently, and they slowly became acquainted, but there was still ayer separating them from friendship.
Mirko changed the subject: "Ferren, I heard your boss has opened two new branches, and there¡¯s a big shortage ofbor. What¡¯s your n to deal with it? Are you interested in organizing a group to recruit from the ind areas?"
These days, recruitment activities had limited funding, so to save costs, it was mostmon for severalpanies to act together and share expenses.
Ferren didn¡¯t even think about it, he just shook his head: "Mirko, you¡¯re too optimistic. Right now, the entire country is short ofbor, even the whole of Europe iscking people."
"You seldome to Newfounnd Street, so you wouldn¡¯t know, but in thest two months, the number of workersing into Mn from the Italian Area has declined by nearly seventy percent."
"I asked them, and it turns out that many factories have recently opened in the Italian Area. People are finding work close to home, so they¡¯re noting here anymore."
"If it¡¯s like this even in the Italian Area, you can imagine what it¡¯s like in the rest of the country. Thebor shortage reported in the newspapers is no joke. I¡¯ve already suggested to the boss that we should dy the n for the new branches."
"In the past few years, the big emigration strategy moved a lot of our surplusbor to Africa. To solve thebor shortage, we¡¯d have to encourage farmers to move to the cities."
Mirko was at a loss for words. Encouraging farmers to move to the cities wasn¡¯t as simple as it sounded. The farmers were doing well, and it wouldn¡¯t be easy to get them to leave theirnd and the rural life to work in the cities.
The best approach would be for the government to intervene, creating more favorable policies to speed up urbanization.
Unfortunately, the Vienna Government believed there was excess capacity within the country. The government was struggling to contain the rapid growth of production, so how could it introduce policies that would exacerbate the crisis?
Urbanization carries risks¡ªfaster isn¡¯t always better. If a crisis erupted and businesses copsed, leading to widespread unemployment, the entire pressure would fall on the government¡¯s shoulders.
In conditions that weren¡¯t mature enough, Franz preferred a slower pace of urbanization. Whenpared to workers, farmers were easier to rule over.
As long as they hadnd and enough produce to feed themselves, people wouldn¡¯t rebel. With the government lowering some taxes, they could also win some public favor.
Workers were different. Once the tide of unemployment hit, a crisis would follow. Without a way to feed them, a revolution could erupt in minutes.
With current productivity, they couldn¡¯t support a high level of urbanization. To enter an era of urban economic transformation, it would take at least another fifty years.
Even in the United Kingdom, which had the highest level of urbanization, one-third of the poption was still employed in agriculture. Austria, arge agricultural country, was even more reliant on farming.
After a pause, Mirko finally said slowly, "Tell me, Ferren. I know you¡¯ve got a n. As long as it¡¯s workable, there will be a reward for you."
Mirko was aware that Ferren was the type who wouldn¡¯t cast his hawk until he saw the rabbit. If there wasn¡¯t enough benefit, he definitely wouldn¡¯t share his n.
ncing at Mirko, Ferren shook his head: "It¡¯s not a matter of reward; it¡¯s that our twopanies can¡¯t do this together."
"To recruit people from the countryside, we¡¯d have to deal with the Nobility. You should be aware of the changes in the country in recent years. With their intervention, it¡¯s very difficult for us to get cheapbor."
Mirko nodded in understanding. This was one of the characteristics of Austria. The Nobility had given up serfdom and some of theirnds, but they still had significant influence locally.
If it were just minor affairs, it wouldn¡¯t matter, butrge-scale recruitment always involved dealing with the big local yers.
Even now, many traditional Nobility resented the capitalists.
Whether it was to vent their anger or to increase their local prestige, they found ways to get involved.
For example, they would act as representatives for the workers during wage negotiations and signbor contracts collectively.
Deceiving ordinary workers was easy, but fooling the Nobility was not so simple.
If trouble arose, it would be the Nobility who would lose out.
Going by the book,bor costs would rise by at least fifteen percent. It wouldn¡¯t matter for one or two people, but once the numbers increased, the expense was no small matter.
The increased costs were only one problem. New workers getting higher wages than the existing staff would create unrest sooner orter.
After thinking for a while, Mirko shook his head: "Dealing with the Nobility involves too much, and I can¡¯t decide on something like this on my own. It needs to be reported and decided at thepany¡¯s headquarters. I¡¯m not sure if it would be approved."
Mirko knew his ce. This wasn¡¯t something he could get involved in, and even if many worked together, they might not achieve their goal.
Although Austria was a capitalist state, political power capital wielded was very limited. Topete with the Nobility for influence, the risks were just too great.
Noticing Mirko¡¯s difort, Ferren quickly tried to reassure him: "No, Mirko. You¡¯re thinking too much. I haven¡¯t lived enough yet; I¡¯m not nning to court death. What I meant was that we could pool our money and try to find a solution abroad."
As he spoke, Ferren was sweating bullets. It was just an attempt to show off, but it had been misconstrued as a challenge to the strife between capital and Nobility.
That was something deadly to touch; it was not something that small fry like Ferren, or even their bosses, could get involved in and survive.
It was simply too difficult.
```
Chapter 670 - 243: Patching Things Up
The general trend cannot be shaken by a few minor yers, and bringing in cheap foreignbor is not that simple. Besides the support of capitalists, everyone else is opposed.
There¡¯s no reason other than profit.
The influx of arge number of cheap foreign workers would not only impact the domestic pay scale but also affect social security. Everyone¡¯s personal interests would be harmed, so opposition was natural.
On this issue, the Vienna Government¡¯s stance has always been very firm. They made a clear distinction between primary and secondary concerns.
It was impossible for the interest of capitalists to overshadow the foundation of the nation. Apart from highly skilled talents, Austria did not wee ordinaryborers.
From a national perspective, when the local popce earned ie, the money still circted within the country; however, after foreignborers received their pay, aside from basic living expenses, the majority of their earnings flowed out of the country.
Capital outflow is certainly detrimental to national development unless there really is abor shortage that must be filled by foreign workers; otherwise, no government would wee it.
Austria¡¯s shortage ofbor was just a temporary shortfall in manpower due to the effects of the war. As long as capitalists halted their blind expansion, this problem would no longer exist.
Publicly introducedborers were different from those who sneak in to work illegally. Thetter constituted illegal employment and could be deported at any time; the former had signed contracts and were legally employed workers, who certainly could not be treated so harshly.
If arge number of foreign workers were to be brought in, should an economic crisis break out after the war, the domestic employment and wage system would be shattered, and the crisis would further intensify due to a vicious cycle.
The government had tried in vain to stop the capitalists¡¯ blind expansion but, ironically, it was the shortage ofbor that curbed this expansion trend, a conclusion with a slightlyedic twist.
When faced with profit, all difficulties can be ovee. If there¡¯s abor shortage, just poach talent. After Christmas, Austria erupted into a talent war.
To attract more workers, many businesses offered unusually favorable conditions, such as free lunch or free amodation...
Under these circumstances, in 1880, the number of employment disputes handled by thebor inspection department hit a historic low, and ss conflicts tended to ease.
The increase inbor costs also drove up business operating costs, but this minor issue was not worth mentioning in the face of war.
In a positive context, the "Golden Age" kept appearing in newspapers, and many people optimistically believed it was another boom in the capitalist economy.
The general public was unaware of the severity of the consequences, but Franz could not be careless. Prosperity brought by war would not sustain once the war ended.
While people¡¯s ies increased, prices were also gradually climbing. Once the war ended, this abnormal prosperity would surely notst.
When the post-war economic bubble burst and overcapacity crisis erupted, marketpetition became more brutal, and business profits plummeted.
Given the integrity of capitalists, loweringbor costs was an inevitable oue when profits fell. Layoffs and sry reductions were the mostmon tactics.
Ie decreased, but prices had already peaked; the lives of the lower ss would be even more difficult, and a crisis was looming.
Had it not been for the colonies as an outlet, Franz would have lost sleep. Just thinking of the terrifying tide of unemployment sent shivers down his spine.
After much hesitation, Franz still decided to intervene in the market proactively. When the government intervenes in the market, tact must be considered, as direct involvement was not an option.
Putting down the newspaper in his hand, Franz instructed the maid, "Notify the heads of the Finance Department, the Banking Supervisory Department, and the National Bank toe for a meeting tomorrow afternoon."
"Yes, Your Majesty."
After speaking, the sound of "ring ring" rang out as the maid picked up the telephone not far away to dial.
It must be admitted that the telephone was one of the greatest inventions of the 19th century. Before this, to notify a meeting, one had to send a messenger in person, which couldn¡¯t be done without half a day¡¯s work.
Now, with telephone transmission, it only takes an instant. Of course, this was the Emperor¡¯s privilege; the telephonepany had provided a dedicated line, with personnel on standby 24 hours a day to ensure immediate connection.
In this age of manual switchboarding, if ordinary people wanted to make a call, they had to queue up obediently; a half-hour wait was not consideredte, and it was normal to drag it out for two to three hours during peak times.
Since it was purely manual operation, minor idents were inevitable, such as the mostmon error by switchboard operators causing crossed lines.
The now-popr monthly subscription calls, telephonepanies are not responsible for dys in call time due to personnel errors.
No way around it, this was a tyrannical service. In those days, the telephone was a high-tech product, and the telephonepany had a monopoly; take it or leave it.
No matter how problematic, the telephone was much better than the telegraph. Being able to call directly from home was far more convenient than going to a telegraph office to send a telegram.
If you want better service, upgrade to VIP. This was Franz¡¯s idea, copied from the great Penguin Empire; if you want to improve call quality, then ante up!
As long as you pay, you can even customize a 24-hour dedicated line. Unless there¡¯s a special case, a connection is guaranteed within five minutes.
As forints from ordinary users about poor service quality, that could only be met with an apology. In the age of manual switchboarding, there was simply no way to talk about service quality.
```
We can¡¯t me the telephonepany for treating customers differently, as they are simply driven by necessity. Telephones, being a luxury, are beyond the reach of ordinary people, with even the majority of the middle ss finding them unaffordable.
As the newspapers say, "If you want to know if someone is wealthy, just see if they have a telephone in their home."
The wealthiest families are invariably VIP users of the telephonepany, with anyone who can afford a telephone ssed as middle ss or above.
The entry fee of five hundred Divine Shield and the minimum monthly fee of thirty Divine Shield immediately eliminate the average person from the market.
Don¡¯tin about the price; considering the cost of setting up nationwide coverage, the telephonepany is actually taking a loss to gain market share.
If it weren¡¯t for the aim of capturing the market, it¡¯s likely that, like many European nations, telephones would be exclusive to major cities.
The high fees are essentially funding the research and development of new technologies; the monopoly is both a reward for innovators and a sad reality.
Lacking core technology leads to patent licensing fees, steep infrastructure costs, and bleak profit margins; these challenges are too great for most businesses to handle.
In a context of continual losses and distant profit prospects, speaking of antitrust is essentially nonsensical.
Morally grandstanding is easy, but what about solving the problem? It¡¯s simple to break a monopoly, but what then?
Ifpanies see no profit in sight, they lose motivation, stop investing in new tech, and the consequences are far worse than monopoly.
Each era has its own characteristics and what¡¯s most suitable is best. Alleged monopolies stifle technological progress, but that¡¯s rtive; monopolies have also driven technological advancements.
Of course, this is limited to technology. The premise is harnessing innovative science to dominate the market and achieve a monopolistic position.
Even inter ages, monopolistic groups still abound, relying on their technological edge. There¡¯s no helping it;petitors who don¡¯t measure up fail in the marketce.
We cannot halt technological progress in the name of antitrust, waiting around forpetitors to catch up.
The issue of side effects is not currently within Franz¡¯s considerations. One can¡¯t stop eating for fear of choking to death.
Let future generations handle these problems; for now, one must strive to climb the technological tree and stand out in this cutthroat era.
¡
Finance Minister Karl, "Your Majesty, we¡¯re in a period of rapid economic growth; tightening the money supply suddenly could easily disrupt the market."
It¡¯s no wonder Karl is worried, for in an era of free economy the government rarely intervenes in the market, let alone knows how to do so.
Attempting something unprecedented and momentous, it¡¯s normal for anyone to harbor doubts.
Franz shook his head, "We aren¡¯t directly tightening the money supply, we just need to standardize loan approval and issuance to ensure the security of depositors¡¯ funds."
The same action, framed differently, can lead to a different oue.
Direct and forceful government intervention, or ordering banks to restrict lending, would certainly face severe bacsh. Yet, if intervention is framed as loan approval regtion, the story changes.
Thetter is one of the government¡¯s functions. Protecting depositors¡¯ funds is a noble cause; no one can oppose it.
While regting loans, some with iplete procedures or forged information will naturally fail approval.
These loans often carry high risk. Stopping their issuance not only effectively tightens the money supply but also protects depositors¡¯ funds.
It might not be apparent now, but once a crisis hits, every extra Divine Shield in cash could be a lifeline for the banks.
Franz certainly doesn¡¯t want to see domestic banks fail en masse, forcing the government to clean up the mess and plunge the finances into deep debt.
Banking Regtory Commissioner Alex, "Your Majesty, we stillck the legal basis in this area; the government hasn¡¯t explicitly defined the scope of supervision overmercial lending.
If we intervene blindly, without clear standards, it could lead to abuse of power and have severe consequences."
Since the suppression of the March Revolution, the Austrian Government has embarked on a path of legal reform. The legitivemittee has been busy for thirty years and still isn¡¯tpletely detailed.
Many issues are only addressed after they arise, and Franz is used to patching things up. Building a legal system is an ongoing process of refinement; achieving perfection in one step is unrealistic.
"I will speak with the legitivemittee about this problem. You all coordinate and collect more cases to develop detailed implementation rules as soon as possible.
Imperfections can be gradually rectifiedter. We¡¯ll fix the loopholes one by one; this is a long-term task."
¡
```
Chapter 671 - 244: Worry
1879 was an especially lively Christmas, as all Europeans, except those in warring Prussia and Russia, enjoyed a year of abundance.
Following tradition, the Vienna Government arranged annual tasks for various departments after the New Year.
The only exception was the Immigration Bureau, everyone knew that achieving a grand immigration strategy was a pipe dream given the heated domestic economy.
Thus, the task for the Immigration Bureau in 1880 was still to continue the previous year¡¯s assignment, and it remained a task without penalties.
In this regard, the Austrian Government was quite pragmatic, as the tasks for each department were established after research and ording to the actual situation, and no blind actions were taken just to "boost political achievements."
Entering the new year, what Franz felt most deeply was that he had "aged another year", reaching an age where resisting old age was not an option.
Given the average lifespan of that era, his age could certainly be considered long-lived. In the eyes of themon folk, this age would be fitting for retirement.
In the countryside, it was somewhat better, but in the cities, by this age, one would be essentially unemployed, as no factory would hire someone of such an advanced age.
Physical decline andck of agility were not something personal will could change. Those engaged in intellectual work fared better, but pure physicalborers, with few exceptions, were practically cut off from most jobs.
Old age was no cause for worry, as thebination of heavy physicalbor and an expensive medical system helped people through the "crisis of old age."
"Franz, when do you think Frederick¡¯s marriage should take ce?"
The voice of Queen Helen pulled the deep-in-thought Franz back to reality.
"Isn¡¯t that a bit too hasty if it¡¯s so early?" Franz replied without much thought.
"What¡¯s early?" Seemingly detecting Franz¡¯sck of enthusiasm about his son¡¯s wedding, Helen said discontentedly, "Frederick is already 24, and Victoria is 18. The Baden royal family has even sent telegrams hurrying us; can¡¯t you be a little more concerned?"
Franz was taken aback; he had merely made an offhand remark! He had never seen Helen so fiery in all their years of marriage, and to think the first time would be for this reason.
Whether it was a woman¡¯s menopause or a mother¡¯s strength, Franz no longer had the time to delve into it.
"What are you thinking about? I mean, it¡¯s too sudden to rush into marriage discussions right after Christmas.
Moreover, with Prussia and Russia at war and rivers of blood on the European Continent, it is truly too ominous for Frederick to marry at this juncture."
Having been Emperor for so many years, it was only today that Franz discovered his incredible ability to find excuses, as if he had returned to the days of coaxing his girlfriend in a previous life.
Women¡¯s inexplicable angeres fast and goes fast.
After hearing Franz¡¯s defense, Queen Helen¡¯s anger subsided, but she stillined, "This damnable war, it¡¯s so infuriating."
She then redirected her frustration at Franz, "Why do you men always like to fight and kill? Why can¡¯t you just sit down and talk nicely?"
Feeling a bit guilty, Franz rolled his eyes and replied, without changing his demeanor, "Because we have to provide for you!"
"The world is only so big, and nature¡¯s gifts cannot satisfy the needs of all humankind; to survive, people can onlypete and seize.
The Prusso-Russian war is the result of escted conflicts; no one can afford topromise, as doing so would mean disaster."
This was not nonsense, but supported by sufficient theory. ording to the information collected by the Austrian Government, sociologists generally believe that 70% of the world¡¯s poption are in a state of hunger, meaning over a billion people are not getting enough to eat.
Whether urate or not, this point need not be contested. The majority living in poverty, struggling even to sustain life, is the social reality.
Not to speak of areas where industry has not developed, even in the European Continent, which prides itself as a civilized world, more than 200 million of the total poption of 320 million live in poverty.
Of course,pared to other regions, influenced by colonial dividends, the lives of Europeans are much better, with the majority able to barely feed themselves through hard work.
The causes of hunger are multifaceted, including: exploitation by the ruling ss, insufficient regional food production capacity, colonial rule...
The hunger problem for all of humanity has not been solved even in the 21st century, let alone in this era.
The most one could do was to clean one¡¯s own doorstep and, while developing domestically, venture out to plunder, which was essentially enough to fill the citizens¡¯ stomachs.
If the first Prusso-Russian war still involved factors of pride and vigor, the second Prusso-Russian war was entirely a conflict for living space.
The main factor causing the outbreak of war was interests, with hatred relegated to a secondary position.
The Tsarist Government, wishing to restore its great power status, break out of the Baltic Sea, and recapture lost territories, had to defeat the Prusso Federation.
Conversely, for the Prusso Federation to advance further, it would have to expand eastward.
It could be said that the moment the Berlin Government decided to relinquish maritime dominance, war was inevitable. Geography dictated that without bing a Colonial Empire, expansion could only be directed toward the east.
The power of the German Federation Empire to the west might not be impressive, but its strategic location meant that moving westward would amount to dering war on Anglo-Austria, or one might as well say it was a deration of war against Ennd, France, Russia, and Austria.
To the southy the mightier Austria, and to the north, the Nordic Federation. Geographically speaking, it seemed inevitable for the Berlin Government to encounter the Russians on a northward course.
Queen Helen was disinterested in politics and would not intervene unless absolutely necessary. To her, these issues were far less critical than the prospect of hugging her grandson at the earliest opportunity.
"You decide, if Frederickins, I¡¯ll tell him it was your decision."
After all, her heart ached for her son, and Queen Helen did not wish to see Frederick wronged. It was one thing formoners to marry amidst the bloodshed in Europe, but for the Austria Crown Prince, a wedding during such times would inevitably be affected.
Simply the thought that the guests attending the wedding might note to bless the union, but rather busy themselves discussing the Prusso-Russian War, filled Queen Helen with unease.
Franz smiled faintly, exuding confidence as he made his judgment, "Don¡¯t worry, the Prusso-Russian war won¡¯tst long. If all goes well, it could end by the end of this year, or at the verytest by 1882."
If the oue of the Prusso-Russian conflict could be decided, the war might end by the year¡¯s close; if not, dragging out for two more years should see its conclusion.
It was not yet the 20th century, where a world war could persist for four or five years¡ªnational power simply couldn¡¯t sustain such a prolonged conflict!
There isn¡¯t a parent who isn¡¯t eager to embrace a grandchild, and Franz too waspelled to dy his son¡¯s marriage. In the royal family, matrimony must serve political ends.
If that¡¯s the case, then it was natural to maximize the benefits. With such sacrifice, failing to garner a substantial political advantage would mean a great loss for Frederick.
The end of the Prusso-Russian War would mean dramatic changes to Europe¡¯s state of affairs and provide the optimal moment for Austria to permeate the German Federation. Frederick¡¯s nuptials presented an ideal, openly epted opportunity for all parties to interact.
Matters already settled could thus be brought out into the open, leveraging political gains, and none without Frederick¡¯s share in the final oue.
Having contributed to the unification movement in the Germany Region and umted political prestige, this was of vital importance for Frederick¡¯s future session to the throne.
Being a second-generation Emperor was challenging, especially with an especially illustrious father. The outside world wouldpare them, yet how could political achievements be so easily secured?
Franz came into power during a period of great change, a unique time whose achievements could not be replicated by his sessors.
¡
While Franz was concerned for his son, the Prussian-Russian battlefield was undergoing changes, and after enduring immense hardships, the Prussian Army finally gained the upper hand on the Ukrainian front.
Maoqi, adept at exterior-line operations, fully leveraged the speed of the Prussian Army. He employed tactics like encircling points to strike at reinforcements and feinting maneuvers, continuously repositioning the Russian Army and concentrating superior forces for decisive battles.
After a series of audacious maneuvers that could be listed in military textbooks, the Prussian Army annihted more than two hundred thousand Russian troops during the closing months of 1879 into the early months of 1880, an achievement the European media dubbed "The Great Victory at Volyn".
Tactically, the Prussian Army was sessful, but strategically, they could only im a marginal advantage. The Russians lost most of the Volyn region yet held onto the strategic city of Brest, and Maoqi¡¯s offensive towards Kiev was not entirely sessful.
This minor regret was inconsequential; regardless, the south was victorious, but the situation on other fronts was much worse. Particr damage came from the Russian navy, which struck the northern coasts, turning numerous port cities into rubble under heavy bombardment and inflicting severe losses.
The situation in the Middle region was not much better; although there were no defeats in direct engagements, the Russian Army kept sending Cossack cavalry deep into the territory to cause destruction, much to the Berlin Government¡¯s vexation.
Whether it was natural talent or not, on the open field of battle, the Cossack cavalry¡¯s prowess was not much stronger than that of the Prussian cavalry, yet when transformed into marauders, theirbat effectiveness soared as if they were enhanced by cheats.
There was an asion where a Cossack cavalry regiment, after a sessful raid, inadvertently found itself surrounded by a Prussian cavalry regiment and two infantry regiments. Nevertheless, they managed to defeat the Prussian cavalry and broke through the encirclement carrying some of the spoils.
Despite the hasty Prussian response and a not fully prepared encirclement ying a role, the raw fighting ability of the Cossack cavalry left a deep impression on all ranks of the Prussian Army.
And this was not an isted incident; a closer analytical study would reveal that the Cossack cavalry always performed above standard when it came to protecting their looted goods.
But with sess came failures; in an effort to curb the Russians¡¯ arrogance, the Prussian Army set many traps, sessfully ambushing these marauding "brigands" on numerous asions.
The lust for profit could stir the hearts of many, and even the greatest of risks could not deter Cossack dreams of wealth.
Besides, the Tsarist Government was generous this time, not only letting them keep all the spoils but also providing substantial rewards. Merely participating in a raid meant a reward of 3 Rubles.
Considering the cumtive losses of both Prussia and Russia, Franz concluded that the oue was "a draw."
The Russians suffered greater military casualties, while the Prusso Federation experienced more civilian losses. The photographs published in newspapers, disying corpses strewn everywhere and houses aze, testified to the barbaric crimes.
Chapter 672 - 245
The winter wind brushed faces, scattering the clouds, bringing with it the scent of earth that was intoxicating.
In the peaceful vige, wisps of cooking smoke rose, tossed about by the wind, as if depicting the hardships of life.
As dusk slowly fell, the militia member, Joseph Han, let out a sigh of relief; they were safe for another day. Lacking education, Joseph Han didn¡¯t know how to articte his feelings and could only sigh helplessly.
Ever since the outbreak of the Prusso-Russian War, the atmosphere in the border areas had be tense, especially after the raiding by the Cossack cavalry, which heightened the tension to a climax.
Budaschi Vige, located in Lubusen, was less than a hundred kilometers from the front lines, naturally making it a key area for vignce.
To curtail the enemy¡¯s arrogance, the Berlin Government formed militias from the locals and distributed weapons to them.
The Prussia and Russia border was indeed too long, and with the Prussian Army¡¯s main forces tied down elsewhere, the rear areas, despite being on high alert, were unable to fully prevent enemy invasions.
Therge cities were rtively safe with military garrisons; the Cossack cavalry would not dare to chew on such tough bones. In contrast, small towns and viges scattered across thend were left in a dire situation, bing prey to the "robbers."
Joseph Han had visited a vige that had been "blessed" by these "robbers," and it was nothing short of hell on earth.
Burning houses, heads hanging at the vige entrance, debris littering the ground, and survivors missing limbs... all bore witness to the "robbers¡¯" brutality.
Faced with reality, the honest Joseph Han took up arms and joined the militia to defend the tranquility of his vige.
Speaking of defense, in reality, they didn¡¯t possess the strength to fight. The main task of the militia was to signal the presence of the enemy in time, cover the civilians¡¯ retreat into the castle, defend the castle, and wait for the regr army to arrive.
Not every ce had a castle, nor did every castle have the capacity to defend itself; only the castles owned by some of therger nobility were capable of withstanding the "robbers¡¯" looting.
In thest hundred years, the Polish Region had suffered repeatedly from war, causing many local nobles to fall from grace. The new nobilitycked deep pockets, and many, influenced by new ideas, had already abandoned castle construction.
On the ins, without a castle fortress, it was nearly impossible to resist the onught of cavalry raids.
For safety¡¯s sake, the local people had already mobilized to repair or rebuild castles under government organization, to withstand the invasion of the "robbers."
In this respect, Europeans had a natural talent. Every war was apanied by looting, and after thousands of years, the people had developed unique survival skills.
This time was merely a case of the enemy being more vicious, but life had to go on as usual.
In the face of the constant danger of being raided by "robbers," the night became everyone¡¯s favorite time, as the enemy would not act then.
With their anxiety relieved for the moment, the militia men headed home in small groups, and Joseph Han was among them. Perhaps due to exhaustion, there was an unspoken agreement to remain silent.
Back at home, his wife had prepared dinner. The food was very in, consisting of baked potatoes and vegetables, all grown in their own garden.
For a family of five, there were only six fist-sized baked potatoes¡ªclearly not enough, not even for Joseph Han alone.
There was no helping it, as life was difficult. In ordinary times, they only had two meals a day, in the morning and afternoon, with no need for dinner since no work was done in the evening.
Since joining the militia, Joseph Han had daily training and needed adequate nutrition; his wife and children, who worked on the fortifications, also needed more nutrients, which was why they had resolutely added a dinner meal.
The night was exceptionally dark, without a sliver of moonlight, forcing his always frugal wife to reluctantly light a candle.
Perhaps out of extreme hunger, or maybe because of reluctance to waste, Joseph Han didn¡¯t even bother peeling the potato skin before stuffing it into his mouth.
"Han, I heard that Fick Town, twenty miles away, was looted by the Russians, and all the militia were killed. You must be careful when you go out!"
The anxious voice of his wife made Joseph Han¡¯s heart quiver. He, too, had heard about the situation in Fick Town; it wasn¡¯t just the militia who were killed¡ªall the elderly, women, and children suffered heavy casualties as well.
The enemy ughtered all who resisted, and the survivors were either injured or disabled. Clearly, the Russians were deliberately creating casualties to increase the burden on the Berlin Government.
Whether because there were too many wounded for the government to manage, or to provoke the will to resist among the popce, a few injured individuals had also been ced in their small vige.
Joseph Han: "Don¡¯t worry, I will be careful. You all need to be careful too. If you spot the enemying, hide in the cer. The Russians won¡¯t stay long."
Clearly, Joseph Han had little confidence in the castle currently under construction. This was the Age of Hot Weapons, but the castles being built were stuck in the designs of the previous century.
It wasn¡¯t that people did not want to build them stronger; castles were being constructed everywhere, but there was a shortage of steel, cement, and stone, forcing them to resort to earthen walls.
The Berlin Government had already increased imports, but the costs were prohibitively high, so they could only be used in strategic locations. There were not enough resources for city defenses, let alone for ordinary viges.
Some people had suggested evacuating the viges and concentrating the people in the cities to reduce civilian casualties.
Unfortunately, that was only wishful thinking.
Because of the war, the food production of the Prusso Federation had already decreased significantly, and being able to maintain 80% of the capacity in 1880 was a great victory.
If the border areas were abandoned, those major grain-producing regions, the Federation¡¯s food production capacity would further decline. The annual shortfall of millions of tons of food was not easilypensated for.
"Understood."
Their tired minds and bodies left them with no interest in continuing the conversation. After quickly finishing their dinner, his wife hastily extinguished the candles.
...
In the sunlight, the signboard of "Austria¡¯s Foreign Ministry" was exceptionally bright.
A diplomatic carriage designed for official use stopped at the entrance of the building, and a middle-aged man in a suit stepped down from the carriage, carrying a stack of thick documents, and strode into the building.
The secretary whispered, "Your Excellency, the Minister, Count Kowatchevich, the Prusso Federation Envoy to Vienna, hase to visit."
Setting down his coffee, Weisenberg asked, "Did he have an appointment?"
As Foreign Minister Weisenberg¡¯s schedule was always packed with work, almost every day was fully booked, and except for special circumstances, diplomatic activities generally required prior appointments.
The secretary replied, "No. But Count Kowatchevich looks very upset, emphasizing again and again that he has an urgent matter and must see you right away."
"An urgent matter"¡ªWeisenberg, who had been prepared to refuse, was startled and immediately thought of the Prusso-Russian War. He said slowly, "Let him in, please. Remember to tell him I only have half an hour to spare."
...
After exchanging some pleasantries, Envoy Kowatchevich handed the thick file to Weisenberg and said, "Your Excellency, the Minister, these photos and documents were provided by concerned citizens; they show the atrocities of the Russians."
Taking the file and flipping through it casually, Weisenberg saw the photographs filled with corpses, burning houses, and hanging heads¡ªall very telltales of barbaric crimes.
Even the worldly Weisenberg was shocked. Without continuing to look, he closed the file promptly and turned his gaze to Kowatchevich.
"Your Excellency, the Minister, your country has always been a major force in maintaining world peace and international order. For the love of God, we hope your country can intervene to stop the atrocities of the Russians."
The despicable tactics of the Russians left the Berlin Government exhausted from the ordeal, and with no other choice but to seek the help of the internationalmunity.
No matter how cruel the essence of the world, on the European Continent, nations still knew they had to keep a semnce of restraint; the Russians¡¯ way of doing things was simply outdated.
Disregarding Kowatchevich¡¯s ttery, Weisenberg slowly replied, "This matter is veryplex, and we must conduct an investigation to confirm the details before we can respond to your country.
However, Envoy, rest assured that as long as the content here is proven to be true, all the righteous people in the world will not ignore such atrocities."
Without a doubt, this was a stalling tactic. The atrocities of the Russians were anything but a secret; Austria had sent a Military Observation Group, and they were well aware of the frontline situation.
While knowing is one thing, without sufficient interests at stake, the Vienna Government would not intervene.
Simr instances weren¡¯t unique to the Russians. The Prussian Army also had its share of massacring viges and towns, and the great Colonial Empires carried out even more ruthless acts overseas.
It¡¯s just that the lid had not been lifted, and everyone tacitly chose to ignore it. The Tsarist Government had gone too far this time; casualties among the Federation¡¯s civilians had already reached several hundred thousand.
In an Age of Hot Weapons, small-scale killings were unavoidable;rge-scale massacres, however, broke all norms.
The Russian Army had not resorted to massacre, but it might as well have; apart from those killed, the rest were all wounded, and many of them were permanently disabled.
Envoy Kowatchevich had a bitter look on his face: "Your Excellency, the Minister, these photos were all taken at great risk by concerned citizens; I guarantee that they are all genuine.
Now every day, thousands of civilians are dying under the des of the Russians..."
Weisenberg gestured with his hand: "Don¡¯t worry, Envoy. The truth cannot be faked, and a lie cannot be the truth.
As long as one belongs to the civilized camp, such events will not be tolerated. I will arrange for an investigation right now, go back and wait for the news!"
After seeing off Kowatchevich, Weisenberg was left with a headache. To intervene or not to intervene, that was a troubling question.
Chapter 673: Two hundred and forty-six, stirring up trouble
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Seeking international support, the Berlin Government was naturally not only approaching Austria¡ªvirtually at the same time, governments across Europe received invitations from Berlin.
No one truly knew what was in their hearts, but publicly, everyone was righteously denouncing "robbers."
If spittle could kill, the Cossack cavalry of Russia would probably have already been wiped out.
While diplomacy was in motion, efforts to rally the public were not idle either. The Berlin Government bought pages in numerous newspapers, publishing photos of the Russian Army¡¯s atrocities, along with the heart-rending testimonies of survivors.
None of these performances were in vain, as the Berlin Government gained the sympathy of the European people. Public opinion overwhelmingly med the Russians, even pro-Russian media fell silent.
Many media outlets epted the Berlin Government¡¯s invitation, dispatching war reporters to collect firsthand information on-site.
Furthermore, the Berlin Government had devised a stage y, "Rampant Robbery," which toured across the European Continent with the troupe.
The plot was roughly as follows: Into a happy vige, suddenly came a group of Russian robbers; they burned, killed, and looted,mitting unspeakable evils. The brave vigers rose to resist, but they were outnumbered, and to cover the children¡¯s evacuation, everyone...
In an era short of entertainment, the Vienna Opera House had been showing the y for an entire week and still drewrge audiences.
Tragedy always moves people easily, and the performance on stage had more impact than words. After every show, thedies in the audience would sob uncontrobly.
If it was possible to organize a fundraiser, the Berlin Government would definitely reap significant benefits. Public opinion had been mobilized, and calls for intervention grew louder, increasing the pressure on the Austrian Government.
Vienna Pce
Franz casually tossed aside a civil petition letter and asked gloomily, "Have the Russians not responded? With such a significant event unfolding, can¡¯t the Tsarist Government step forward to exin?"
Within the short span of a month, Franz had received a total of 286 signed petitions, all demanding that the Austrian Government stop the killings.
Dozens of organizations, including the German Civil Cultural Exchange Meeting, the German Unification Committee, the Germanic National Cultural Exchange Meeting, and the Holy Roman Empire Cultural Economic Promotion Meeting, were hoping the Austrian Government would intervene.
The reason was simple, victims were not only Polish but also many Germanic people; to nationalists, these were their kin, not to be wantonly devastated by the Russians.
"Your Majesty, the Tsarist Government has also taken action. The Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs has repeatedly spoken to quash the rumors, iming that the Russian Army did not participate in the killings, and that it was the work of domestic bandits within the Prusso-Polish Federation.
The Russians acted toote, and the tide of public opinion had already formed. Coupled with the substantial evidence from the Berlin Government, reversing it is too difficult," replied Prime Minister Felix.
Being a step slow meant being slow in every step. In those times,munication didn¡¯t change much; news spread slowly, and for most, newspapers were the main source of information.
Once preconceived opinions set in, changing them was difficult. Moreover, the Berlin Government wasn¡¯t ndering the Russians¡ªthey had indeedmitted those acts.
"The Tsarist Government is full of idiots!" Franz blurted out without hesitation.
It was clear that this was heartfelt. The reality was right before his eyes; it was certain that no amount of whitewashing could clear the name, but guiding public opinion doesn¡¯t necessarily require whitewashing. All that was needed was to drag the rival down to the same level.
"Denial" indeed was a solution, but it was out of date!
If it were a country with a good reputation, they might still cheat some people. Given the credibility of the Tsarist Government, who would believe what they say?
```
Franz had a change of heart, directly emting the Berlin Government. He collected the atrocities of the Prussian Army, applied artistic embellishment, and exaggerated the events a hundredfold before paying newspapers to publish them.
No matter how many believed it, the first step was to build up the momentum. After all, the tradition of European Army plundering was a well-known secret.
If you can¡¯t clear your own name, drag the other party down with you. If everyone¡¯s tainted, the problem is solved.
"Your Majesty, it¡¯s not just domestic opinion that¡¯s against the Russians, the international opinion, especially in France, is extremely adverse."
Just three days ago, 50,000 Parisians gathered in Versailles Square to demonstrate, demanding their government intervene in the war.
This isn¡¯t the first time; ording to messages from the embassy, there have been 48rge and small protests and demonstrations within France this month, half of which were calling for intervention by the Paris Government.
Five days ago, London also experienced a protest, although with fewer participants than in France.
"From the current situation, if the Tsarist Government can¡¯t turn things around, it¡¯s likely that before long, various governments will step in," Wessenberg analyzed.
The French public is still so enthusiastic; Napoleon IV must feel like crying now. There¡¯s apletely different concept between taking the initiative to intervene and being coerced by public opinion.
An emperor who can¡¯t control the government¡¯s foreign policy and is instead swayed by public opinion¡ªnobody can stand such a scenario.
If there¡¯s a first time, there will be a second. Once it¡¯s discovered that public opinion can influence government decisions, simr incidents are likely to follow.
The governments of the countries have not interfered immediately, probably not wanting to give the impression that they are influenced by public opinion.
To some extent, the machinations of the Berlin Government have seeded and failed at the same time.
While garnering support from various countries, they¡¯ve also managed to offend the upper echelons of these governments. Intervention is certain, but the extent of it is hard to say.
"If possible, I suggest dying the intervention of various countries as much as we can. In recent times, the Immigration Bureau has already obtained nearly fifty thousand immigrants from Russian hands.
Although most of these are women, children, and the elderly, for thebor-starved colonies, they are still a substantial addition," said Colonial Minister Stephen.
Fifty thousand immigrants might seem insignificant, but if they were fifty thousand main ethnic group immigrants, that would be a different story.
Austro-Africa is the lifeline of the Vienna Government, which has always been intentional about controlling the ethnic proportion. Fifty thousand immigrants may not sound like a lot, but they¡¯ve already increased the main poption ratio by two per thousand.
This is just a calction in terms of numbers; the real impact is even greater. To elerate the integration of ethnicities, Austria has always practiced dispersed settlement of immigrants, with countless inter-ethnic marriages.
The tangible benefits are obviously something the Colonial Department is unwilling to give up.
After a moment¡¯s hesitation, Franz pushed aside his conscience: "Tell the Tsarist Government that international intervention is imminent.
If they don¡¯t want to be sanctioned, they should quickly expose the atrocities of the Prussian Army and muddy the waters first."
When national interests are at stake, Franz can¡¯t help but be pragmatic. Since the Tsarist Government doesn¡¯t know what to do, it¡¯s better to teach them.
Chapter 674 - 247, The Law of the Jungle
Franz¡¯s worries were superfluous. Without needing any reminder from the Vienna Government, the Tsarist Government had already begun taking action.
However, their means were somewhat immature, probably because they were unprepared in advance, and the evidence produced by the Russians was not persuasive enough.
There were no movies at that time, makeup had not yet be one of the four great wicked arts, and there were no special effects to speak of, so it was somewhat difficult to fake photographs.
No, to be precise, the Tsarist Government had no concept of faking it at all.
The Berlin Government hadunched a media offensive, and the Prussian Army at the front had been ordered to maintain military discipline long ago, so catching the Prussians red-handed at this time was naturally not easy.
The photographic evidence provided by the Tsarist Government had even been kindly sponsored by the Austrian Government.
These were unintentionally captured by the Austrian military while collecting battlefield intelligence, with very few taken actually on the ground, and most from aboard airships.
One could hardly expect rity; it was good enough to be able to see a human figure amidst the blur. This was partly because the airships flew too high, and partly because the cameras were not advanced enough.
If it weren¡¯t for the newspapers intent on boosting sales and stirring up controversy, the evidence provided by the Tsarist Government would not have caused even a ripple before being suppressed.
In any case, having some controversy was better than none at all. As per usual, these kinds of public opinion debates usually ended up veering off-topic.
In the words of the mentor, "The Russian Army are bandits, the Prussian Army are robbers." In short, neither were good stuff.
With each side taking its turn, this winter, the performance of Prussia and Russia provided the European popce a grand drama to watch.
As temperatures fell, the Prusso-Russian War also began to ease. After winter set in, nonbat attrition in the Prussian Army increased day by day. To minimize losses, Maoqi had no choice but to halt the offensive.
The Russians indeed had better tolerance for cold, but they also needed to hoard strategic supplies over this winter. Unless they could ensure victory this winter, the Russian Army would have to halt their advance.
This was a necessity, with spring¡¯s arrival and the melting snow turning the roads into muddy quagmires, making transport of supplies extremely difficult.
Having suffered from shortage of provisions, the bureaucrats of the Tsarist Government had evolved. It was better to crush the enemy tly and squarely; why take unnecessary risks?
Of course, the "Winter Offense" had to take ce. The Russian Army continued to besiege Smolensk, a fortress city conveniently located by the Dnieper River, which allowed for easy water transportation.
It was better to forego the rest of the areas, which were already on the defensive. Why not use the winter to strengthen defensive fortifications instead of going out to engage the enemy in open field battles?
¡
As the Prussian-Russian battlefield stabilized, the war in South America underwent dramatic changes. The previously dominant Peru-Bolivia Alliance began to fall into a disadvantage after the British intervened.
Two months ago, 7,000 Chilean soldiers, escorted by 6 warships,nded near the Iquique Fortress, sessfully defeating the Peru-Bolivia Allied Forces and reversing the bnce of power.
Looking at the intelligence gathered by the Foreign Affairs Department, Franz didn¡¯t even know how toment. Bolivia was like ¡¯trying to make bricks without straw¡¯.
Who could have imagined the Bolivian military was still using bows and crossbows?
If that was all they had, it might be excusable. The issue was that Bolivia had received support from Austria and had purchased arge amount of second-hand equipment prior to the war.
Franz admitted that time was short and that the Bolivian military, filled with arge number of Indians, faced difficulties with an immediate equipment upgrade without training.
But regardless of the difficulties, they had to adapt! Even if the forces couldn¡¯t be trained to be proficient, it should still be possible to teach them how to shoot.
There were nearly six months from preparations to the fall of Iquique. The army wasn¡¯t the navy; there should have been ample time to urgently cobble together a force capable of putting up a fight.
Regarding the internal issues of Bolivia involved in this, Franz no longer cared. Now he was just d he had let go in time and stopped supporting this "useless lot."
It wasn¡¯t just the Bolivian military that was rubbish, the victorious Chilean military wasn¡¯t much better either. For them to take so much effort to defeat such riffraff.
A war of inferiority, utterlycking in interest, even incapable of providing lessons to be learned. Franz seriously doubted that even the Montenegro Duchy, were it ced in South America, would be a hegemon.
Initially worried about the rise of Chile and the dangers to Austria in South America, Franz now felt relieved. Should ite to war, he estimated that the Chilean military probably couldn¡¯t even beat the local militia.
The South American War was no longer referred to as the "Pacific War." Compared to the brutal Prussian-Russian War, the battles between Chile, Bolivia, and Peru were nothing but child¡¯s y.
European media, with undisguised mockery, began using the terms "Bird Poop War" or the "Nitre War" instead of the former "Pacific War."
Now, Franz somewhat understood why the European popce was so proud. It wasn¡¯t a matter of their arrogance or short-sightedness; it was all highlighted by their weak challengers.
Indeed, the center of the world in the 19th century was in Europe, where all the major powers of the time were concentrated on the European Continent, without a single challenger in sight worldwide.
If there had been no World War in the original timeline, this advantage would have continued for many years. History is devoid of "ifs," and World War was both a coincidence and an inevitability.
Even now, on the European Continent, Franz couldn¡¯t guarantee that a great war would never break out. inly put, war is the continuation of politics, and politics are driven by interests.
...
Foreign Minister Weisenberg, "Your Majesty, this morning the Chilean envoy extended an invitation to us, hoping that we could mediate the Pacific War, Ennd and France have received the same invitation."
There¡¯s nothing surprising about that, ever since Ennd, France, and Austria announced their alliance, conflicts around the world have been their responsibility to mediate.
Even without an invitation, the three countries would offer their services, under the noble pretense of "world peace," but the real purpose was naturally...
After looking at the map of South America for a while, Franz finally said, "The current Chilean Government is not bad, knowing when to stop, but would Peru and Bolivia agree to it?"
The Chileans had already upied regions like Antofagasta, Tarapaca, Arica, and Ta, which happened to be the main sources of saltpeter and guano.
Having obtained the benefits they desired, the war could not yield any greater benefits if continued, so the Chilean Government¡¯s choice to secure the gains was undoubtedly the wisest move.
If the war went on, it was uncertain whether they could gain more, and if it dragged on until the Prussian-Russian war ended and France and Austria turned their attention back to South America, it would then be difficult to digest the spoils of war.
Weisenberg answered, "That might be difficult. Militarily speaking, Peru and Bolivia still have the capacity to fight.
Especially Peru, with a muchrger poption than Chile, can still withstand the current losses, so continuing the fight might give them a chance to turn the tables.
Politically, the situation is even clearer. Due to defeats at the front, both Peru and Bolivia have changed governments, with a strong pro-war atmosphere among the public, leaving them with no option but to continue fighting.
Chile¡¯s invitation for us to intervene is mainly to use our and Ennd and France¡¯s influence to force the two governments topromise."
"Maintaining world peace" is the banner and political program of the Ennd, France, and Austria alliance, having dered this stance, the Vienna Government cannot reject the Chilean Government¡¯s mediation invitation, even if just for appearances.
Not just this "mediation" invitation, the three countries would send delegates to any global mediation invitations.
The three nations¡¯ eagerness to engage in international affairs was naturally not without purpose. What seemed like simple mediation was also a division of regional interests.
As the three most powerful countries in the world today, involvement ensured that they could each take a share, which is the very essence of the Imperialist era.
"Go through the motions, we don¡¯t have much at stake in South America. If Peru and Bolivia want to continue the war, let them be.
As a responsible great power, we must fully respect the opinions of small countries and not impose our will on them without consideration."
While speaking, Franz waved his hand indifferently, as though the matter was of no concern to him, yet a frown between his brows betrayed his inner dissatisfaction.
Stopping the war at this point would undoubtedly see the British taking the lion¡¯s share, with Chile right behind them grabbing the meat, and France and Austria relegated to a supporting role.
Situations like this had happened more than once or twice. Being short-changed multiple times would inevitably cause dissatisfaction.
In this dog-eat-dog era, your strength dictated the benefits you could im¡ªit was not inherently unjust. The problemy in the shifting bnce of power among Ennd, France, and Austria, where the division of interests had not changed in line with their power.
Encouraging Peru and Bolivia to continue the war was Franz¡¯s retaliation. Since the British wanted to take the biggest share, let them keep investing!
If by chance the Peru-Bolivia Alliance got lucky and turned the tables on the battlefield, the situation would change drastically. Even if the odds were low, Franz was willing to take a gamble.
If he lost the bet, it would be a nuisance for the British; if he won, he might even destabilize their dominance in South America.
From Austria¡¯s perspective, no matter how you looked at it, it was worth it.
As for Peru and Bolivia, they had made their choice and must see it through, even if in tears.
Not forcing them to cede territory and pay indemnities to end the war was the greatest form of respect in itself.
Austria wasn¡¯t just sweet-talking with empty promises; there was support in the form of armaments and ammunition. Though payment was required, securing loans and military supplies during wartime was a form of support in itself.
Whatever caused the "Guano War" doesn¡¯t matter anymore, nor who¡¯s right or wrong.
For Peru and Bolivia, the enemy is already at the door. The war is no longer about guano or saltpeter, but a battle to defend their territory.
If it¡¯s about defending the homnd, they must step up themselves. Can they really expect others to help?
...
Chapter 675 - 248: The Perilous South American War
Interest sways the heart, and Austria was unwilling to concede to the British over the South American issue, just as France was equally averse to seeing its own interests harmed.
After Peru and Bolivia decided to continue the war, the Paris Government agreed very briskly.
As time passed, the French Empire kept growing stronger, and nationalism within the country flourished.
Emerging nationalists naturally disliked being inferior to the British, and with the power of centuries-old animosity and conflicts of interest, the French popce held great antipathy towards the pro-British faction within the government.
In the era of Napoleon III, his achievements in annexing the Italian Area could suppress these contradictions.
By the time of Napoleon IV, however, the situation had changed. He had just ascended to power when he faced a tumultuous struggle within the government, with the pro-British faction, which held a dominant position, being attacked from all sides.
Politicians are the most pragmatic, aligning with Britain was only a matter of interest, but that need had vanished, even bing a burden and trouble, so changing political stance was a natural development.
In recent years, Paris¡¯s foreign policy had be much tougherpared to the days of Napoleon III, not just towards the British.
In an era where only the strong survive, diplomatic toughness naturally rests on the foundation of substantial power.
It must be acknowledged that in recent decades France¡¯s power had grown rapidly, apanied by surges in nationalism. Especially after the annexation of the Italian Area, expansionist sentiments within France were also intensifying.
During the reign of Napoleon III, capital was restrained, and interest groups knew to hold back. After Napoleon IV came to power, the government fell into infighting, and restraints on capital rxed.
As the saying goes, "If you don¡¯t discipline for three days, you have to repair your roof." After a few years of freedom, capitalists, blinded by their interests, started to believe wilfully that the strength of the French Army was unmatched in the world.
With such formidable power, they naturally wanted benefits to match. Perhaps the shadow of anti-French wars made them fear arousing public ire and being besieged, so for the time being, they were still in a stage of diplomatic probing.
The three great nations each harbored their own thoughts, making mediation seem like "flowers in the mirror and the moon reflected in theke."
From the "Guano Wars" to the beginning of the struggle between Ennd, France, and Austria, the war became more than just a dispute over territory and interests among the three South American countries.
...
London
Foreign Minister Edward set down his coffee slowly and said, "Our two allies are restless again, it seems the Prusso-Russian war hasn¡¯t put enough pressure on them; they still have the energy for mischief in South America."
"That is an inevitable result. In the past twenty years, France and Austria have grown rapidly in strength, and naturally, ambitions have also sprouted.
As long as France and Austria don¡¯t sh directly, the situation in Europe won¡¯t spiral out of control. With the lessons of the Prusso-Russian war before them, decision-makers in France and Austria, no matter how grand their ambitions, will think thrice before proceeding." Chancellor Garfield said with a smile.
Clearly, the unforeseen events in South America were not enough to trouble the London Government.
As rivals, it¡¯s a normal tactic to engage in sabotaging each other. If there¡¯s quiet for several years in a row, that would be truly concerning.
The British do not worry about France and Austria causing trouble overseas; with the strength of the Royal Navy, they can quell any disturbance. As long as the bnce in Europe is not broken, Britannia faces no danger.
The brutality of the Prusso-Russian war will inevitably affect the strategic decisions of all European countries. No one wants to engage in a war that damages both sides, to the delight of a third party enjoying the spectacle.
In the current European Continent, the main conflict lies in the Prusso-Russian discord. Though many contradictions exist between Ennd, France, and Austria, they are not yet severe enough to spark a war.
Without a re-shuffling of war, Europe¡¯s bnce will not be broken, and the London Government can remain leisurely aloof.
Britain¡¯s global hegemony is based on the bnce established by Metternich through the Vienna System in Europe for thirty years after the anti-French wars, which gave the British the resources to build a world empire.
Prime Minister Benjamin said, "Since France and Austria want to y, we¡¯ll apany them to the end. This opportunity can be used to sober them up, lest they continue to act foolishly."
Though strategic security is not threatened, it does not mean the London Government will allow such situations to ur unchecked. France and Austria¡¯s moves still damage Britannia¡¯s interests.
International struggles have always involved reciprocal backstabbing, and in this aspect, the British have the most experience.
Although the South American countries have gained independence, due to their own weak strength, they have not fully escaped the influence of Europe.
In a world already divided, the weaker South American nations have also be objects of contention among Ennd, France, and Austria.
```
Establishing economic colonialism in South America as an alternative to colonization wasn¡¯t a poor choice either.
The South American War, aside from the contest for interests among Chile, Bolivia, and Peru, was also a gambit by Ennd, France, and Austria to extend their influence deep into South America.
In this respect, both France and Austria weregging behind. The Austrian Colonial Empire started toote, while France had missed the prime opportunity for expansion due to the impact of the anti-French wars.
Had it not been for the South American War, and without British support for Chile, it¡¯s likely that neither Peru nor Bolivia would have gravitated towards France and Austria.
...
In the Vienna Pce, the news of the British intervention had already reached Franz¡¯s hands.
Franz wasn¡¯t surprised by such developments; what astonished him was the severity of the British reaction, indicating a strong intent to push France and Austria out of South America.
On February 11, 1880, Argentina, Paraguay, Brazil, and Ecuador cited the maintenance of world peace as their pretext to announce an embargo on supplies to the warring nations of Chile, Bolivia, and Peru.
Despite appearing to be an "embargo" on all threebatants, in reality, only Peru and Bolivia were cut off. For Chile, maritime transport was much more convenient than ovend.
Following the embargo by these four nations, the Peru-Bolivia Alliance was left with only one "lifeline"¡ªthe Republic of Colombia.
However, this "lifeline" was also in peril, liable to break at any moment.
Lately, Colombia had been in frequent contact with the British. If it were not for the significant influence of France and Austria in Colombia and their apprehension of their reaction, the Colombian Government would probably have already joined the embargo alliance.
The reasons behind the embargo by these four nations were varied, including British influence but more so due to interests.
To trace the origins, one must go back to the independence wars, where alliances were formed to jointly act against Spanish colonial rule.
"It is easy to endure hardships together, but difficult to share wealth." After expelling the Spaniards and dividing the spoils, everyone felt they contributed the most and thus deserved thergest share.
Where interests lie, yesterday¡¯s allies be today¡¯s enemies. These conflicts sowed the seeds for the subsequent turmoil in South America.
The "Guano War" was just one example, including the Paraguayan War that came earlier; they were all part of this history.
As for the whys and wherefores, Franz had no interest in figuring them out anymore. In this age of survival of the fittest, victors were beyond reproach.
Franz asked, "Considering the current situation, how likely is it that Colombia will lean towards Chile?"
After a moment of contemtion, Foreign Minister Weisenberg replied, "If neither we nor the French intervene, the likelihood of Colombia joining the embargo is almost certain."
This answer made Franz furrow his brow; clearly, he had underestimated the British influence in South America and had assumed that the nations there would remain on the sidelines as long as France and Austria joined forces.
After hesitating for a moment, Franz slowly said, "Test the French¡¯s attitude, for we simply can¡¯t contend with the British in South America on our own strength."
Reluctant to admit it, but the reality was cruel. The British had been active for many years in South America, and their underlying influence was not something Austria could match.
If it weren¡¯t for the Austrian Central American Colony, even the Colombian Government could not be swayed by the Vienna Government. In in terms, in the age of sea power, naval forces determined a nation¡¯s international influence.
The Austrian Navy might not be insignificant, but with numerous colonies to defend, casting a wide across the globe was utterly impractical.
"Yes, Your Majesty!" Weisenberg responded.
...
Both France and Austria held vast empires, and even if they withdrew from South America now, it wouldn¡¯t deal a fatal blow to their vital strength¡ªthey could always make aeback.
But for Peru and Bolivia, it was a different story; both agricultural nations, losing ess to foreign supplies made it difficult for them to continue the war.
Small countries differ from great powers in that they do not get second chances. Losing just one war could mean losing everything.
As the Vienna Government reacted, the newly established governments of Peru and Bolivia, already strained from dealing with their failures, hurriedly took diplomatic actions.
And thus, a major diplomatic battle that would decide the fate of South America began to unfold.
```
Chapter 676 - 249: Pessimism
The snowkes drifted down, pure white like jade, as if messengers sent by God spreading blessings to the faithful.
The Parisians, confined to their homes, came out one by one and joined the children in the snow to y, enjoying this wonderful time to the fullest.
"Snow" was a rarity for the Parisians. Medici recalled that thest time it snowed in Paris was many years ago.
How many years exactly, Medici could no longer remember. To those who were starving and cold, "snow" wasn¡¯t anything good, and there was no need to specificallymemorate it.
This year was an exception, as the benefits from the Prusso-Russian War were not only enjoyed by Austria; France also reaped substantial benefits.
Against the backdrop of a booming economy, social tensions in France eased, and the most apparent indicator was the improved daily life of Parisians.
In this regard, Medici felt it the most. As the owner of a small newsstand, he had his unique way of judging. Discover hidden tales at empire
The French public was keen on politics and, as long as their financial conditions allowed, would subscribe to several newspapers. The sale of newspapers, to some extent, also reflected the economy of France.
This was something the Parisians could be proud of. France¡¯s newspaper cirction consistently topped the global charts, with Parisians contributing half of that figure.
Should there be a ranking of global newspaper cirction, an interesting conclusion would emerge: France > Austria > Britannia > Paris.
This was not a joke; it really happened.
The political sensitivity of Parisians could be said to be the highest in the world. The difference between a Parisian and a countryman could be discerned by whether theymented on political news.
"Medici, I¡¯m here for my newspapers."
A familiar voice sounded, drawing Medici, who was engrossed in reading, back to the present.
Business hade to the door, and naturally, had to be attended to. Medici put down the newspaper in his hands and smiled slightly, "Ruers, the usual?"
As he spoke, Medici had already taken out a stack of newspapers he had prepared earlier and ced them on top.
The middle-aged man frowned and said irritably, "Of course. Medici, don¡¯t you know me by now?"
Medici was not annoyed and continued to speak with a smile, "Ruers, be patient. With your temper, even at your age, can¡¯t you change a little?"
Ruers shook his head, "Forget it, I¡¯m already old, what¡¯s there to change?"
In terms of the average life expectancy in France, the over forty-year-old Ruers indeed qualified as an elderly man. However, averages often skewed the most towards certain individuals.
The real shortening of life expectancy was mostly among theborers at the bottom. The lifespan of the nobility and the wealthy was not short at all.
Medici shook his head, no longer trying to persuade. He pointed casually at the newspapers and said, "All right, Ruers. Here are your newspapers, take them."
As if he remembered something, Medici added, "By the way, today¡¯s international edition of the Paris News is pretty good; you should find it interesting."
ncing at the headline, it starkly read, "The Ennd, France, and Austria Alliance is about to disintegrate."
Ruers¡¯plexion changed drastically. As a qualified Parisian, he was well aware of the significance of the Triple Alliance. He asked anxiously, "What happened?"
Medici replied calmly, "Don¡¯t make a fuss, it¡¯s not that serious. It¡¯s just a little friction in South America; I believe the government can handle it."
Brief but definitive, he deliberately avoided discussing the specifics. This was an experience Medici had summarized over his years of selling newspapers: if he exined everything, why would people still buy newspapers?
Ruers rolled his eyes, "Give me one, and we¡¯ll settle up on the weekend."
There was no choice, ever since Napoleon III introduced the pension system, the avant-garde Ruers had be a paycheck-to-paycheck man.
Aside from necessary family expenses, the rest of his money was spent early on, and with it being Saturday already, naturally, he had no money left.
Regardless of the merits of this consumption pattern, it did stimte economic development for a fact.
Even with slightly lower ie, French citizens were able to maintain consumption levels not inferior to Austrians, which also yed a significant role in stimting the economy.
Of course, in this era, there were no credit cards, and overspending was not yet popr. Even in the most avant-garde Paris, people only spent within their means.
"As you wish!" Having said that, and ncing at the snow outside, Medici added, "However, I think you might need another coffee now, perhaps with a slice of bread, to wrap up dinner as well."
"That¡¯s a fantastic suggestion. But really, Medici, you¡¯re squandering your talents with a newsstand. If you did something else, with your business acumen, you¡¯d have made a fortune by now," Ruers remarked.
Thebination of "newsstand + caf¨¦ + bakery" was hard to overlook, and many believed that Medici was indeed wasting his talents in running the small shop.
Clearly, Medici was a smart man and knew his own capabilities.
"Newsstand + Caf¨¦ + Bakery" seemed like a creative idea, but actually, such abination with no technical depth relied solely on being "cheap."
Medici never considered himself a genius; he was just better at observing than others and chose the right location to set up shop.
Otherwise, why wouldn¡¯t this simple business model, which anyone could replicate, flood every street and alley?
If he had ventured into other industries, amon man like him would have probably been devoured to the bone long ago.
With a smile, Medici answered, "Thank you for thepliment, but I think running a newsstand is quite enough for me; I really couldn¡¯t manage anything else."
Ruers did not pursue the topic further. Their rtionship hadn¡¯t reached that point yet; joking was fine, but actually persuading Medici to switch trades was not something Ruers wanted to do himself.
Even in Paris, such convenient, inexpensive ces were scarce. If Medici switched trades, Ruers would have to travel much farther every day.
Taking the newspaper from Medici, Ruers went straight into the backyard, found an empty seat, and quietly began reading.
The situation in South America was vtile and couldn¡¯t be fully understood by just one newspaper agency. The content was naturally an analysis based on limited information, with a lot of spection to reach conclusions.
What was originally a diplomatic battle among Chile, Bolivia, and Peru had escted to a diplomatic war between Britannia and France and Austria, as if the three countries were about to be enemies with the British.
No, that¡¯s not right; Ennd and France were already arch-enemies; they didn¡¯t need to be estranged.
In these times, newspapers still had some integrity; if they dared to publish something, they had some basis for it and wouldn¡¯t joke about their own credibility.
Having read the newspaper in one go, Ruers gasped in astonishment.
The paper listed in detail the conflicting interests of Ennd, France, and Austria in South America, explicitly pointing out that in the "Guano War," the British supported Chile, while France and Austria supported Peru and Bolivia.
With so much evidence at hand, it was easy to conclude that the rtionship among Ennd, France, and Austria was troubled. Against such a backdrop, the dissolution of the alliance among the three nations seemed not entirely impossible.
"Damn those greedy Brits, daring to disregard our interests!"
Someone started the insults, and it immediately incited others to join in; hurling abuse at the British was one of the Parisians¡¯ daily entertainments.
"What¡¯s so surprising about that? The Brits have always been shamelessly unscrupulous. Being their ally is like dancing with the devil..."
"Exactly, all those damned John Bulls should go straight to hell..."
...
Seeing everyone chatting avidly, Ruers also joined in toment, "Peru is such a wreck, an embarrassment to us, losing even to the Chileans."
A young man responded, "It¡¯s not just Peru that¡¯s rubbish, but Bolivia, supported by Austria, is a pig-headed ally; they even had soldiers going to battle with bows and arrows. My God! Do they think they¡¯re in the Middle Ages?
It¡¯s unimaginable. Could the Vienna Government be a bunch of idiots not willing to equip them with even rifles? Having such fools as allies is a real disaster."
"There¡¯s worse. Supposedly, after the battle, the Chileans captured two regiments¡¯ worth of army equipment from the Bolivian army, which has been here for over a month without the officers distributing it to the soldiers..."
...
Rumors were flying everywhere, and it was inevitable that topics would veer off course. In an era devoid of entertainment, gathering in groups to shoot the breeze had be a unique scene.
...
In the Pce of Versailles, Napoleon IV casually tossed aside the newspaper. "The copse of the Ennd, France, Austria alliance," when did such a thing happen? Howe he, a party concerned, was unaware¡ªwas this a joke?
The alliance hadn¡¯t copsed yet, but the situation in South America still gave Napoleon IV a headache. The British had too great an advantage; even with France and Austria on the same front, they could barelypete.
Recing the British and gaining dominance in South America was almost an impossibility.
Unless in this South American war, Peru and Bolivia could miraculously outfight Chile and knock down the British g controlling South America.
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dumbledore: "Your Majesty, the Austrians have made their position very clear; they hope we can work together to keep Colombia neutral, preserving thest lifeline of the Peru-Bolivia Alliance."
There was no question about it; to win the war for the Peru-Bolivia Alliance, they had to preserve this lifeline.
Without hesitation, Napoleon IV nodded immediately, "That¡¯s not a problem. Securing Colombia¡¯s stability is one of our tasks anyway. However, this alone probably won¡¯t be enough.
The Chileans have already taken the upper hand on the South American battlefield, and both Peru and Bolivia are idiots; I shouldn¡¯t hold any confidence in them at all."
Napoleon IV¡¯s pessimism was not unwarranted, as there were just too many jokes on the battlefield. Many times, the Peru-Bolivia Alliance had the upper hand and a very real chance of winning the war, only to end in failure.
Besides the poorbat strength of the Peruvian and Bolivian militaries, the intelligence of the government officials also caused urgency. Neighboring countries were being wooed by the enemy, and yet they werepletely unaware beforehand.
Chapter 677 - 250: Unlucky Egg
Thepetition among Ennd, France, and Austria, the rush of Chile, Peru, and Bolivia to win over allies, and a fierce political struggle breaking out within the Colombian Government.
The presidential election of 1880 turned into a focal point of contention for all parties. President Julian Trujillo Largacha, realizing the trouble, resolutely chose to withdraw from the election.
Julian¡¯s withdrawal did not quell the strife, but rather intensified it.
After a series of struggles, pro-British leader Rafael N¨²?ez was elected as President of Colombia, and the situation began to shift in a direction favorable to Chile. (Note: Term of office two years)
When the news reached Europe, Vienna and Paris were shaken. The game between Ennd, France, and Austria was not only about thepetition for interests in South America but also a contest for prestige.
Losing to the British in other ces could be epted, after all, France and Austria wereters and could notpete with John Bull in terms of influence.
Colombia was different, for the influence of France and Austria had both extended deep into the past. Thoughter than the British, thebined strength of the two countries was anything but weak inparison to the British.
It was not surprising that the election failed. Due to interests, both France and Austria had their own proxies in Colombia.
Even if France and Austria chose to cooperate, contradictions still existed between these proxies, and true coboration was impossible.
Divided strength cannot be focused, and it is normal to lose in an election. The upper echelons of the government could understand, but that did not mean everyone else could.
In the eyes of outsiders, France and Austria had once again lost to the British in thepetition in South America. This perception would undoubtedly affect the choices of other national and regional governments.
If this notion were not dispelled, France and Austria would be at a disadvantage in future internationalpetitions.
¡
In this era where thew of the jungle prevails, nothing is unsolvable by force; if there is, it just means the force is not strong enough.
France and Austria were not to be trifled with; since the pro-British faction hade to power in Colombia, the British should make concessions elsewhere, such as in the South American wars.
On April 1, 1880, France and Austria each sent two cruisers for an "April Fool¡¯s Day" military exercise in the Pacific Ocean, conveniently visiting Barranqui.
That very day happened to be Rafael N¨²?ez¡¯s first day in office as President; he had barely had time to celebrate his victory when he was delivered a heavy blow.
Rafael N¨²?ez furiously tore up the telegram and roared, "Damn it, this is provocation on purpose, they are deliberately making trouble with me!"
"Send word down, order the troops nearby to strengthen their guard, and be on high alert for any enemyndings..."
Before President Rafael N¨²?ez could finish, Foreign Minister Francisco interrupted, "Your Excellency the President, France and Austria are just here on a diplomatic visit.
Although itcks courtesy, it is still a normal diplomatic act. Taking abrupt action to provoke conflict is a consequence we cannot afford."
It was certainly a normal diplomatic activity. Though there was no prior notice and they came with warships, a weak nation has no diplomacy, and ceremonial issues could be endured and would pass.
Rafael N¨²?ez naturally understood this principle too. Otherwise, he would have ordered the navy to expel these uninvited guests instead of the army to be on alert.
Suppressing his anger, Rafael N¨²?ezined discontentedly, "A normal diplomatic visit, is it so hard to notify us in advance? A diplomatic visit by barging into our port, this really is a miracle of diplomatic history!"
After pondering for a moment, Foreign Minister Francisco advised, "There are many such ¡¯miracles,¡¯ Your Excellency should get used to it.
We are now the ruling party and need to take responsibility for this country. We cannot be as radical when facing problems; otherwise, it¡¯s very easy for them to backfire."
As a qualified politician, Rafael N¨²?ez naturally knew when to "back down." As for "face," since it could not be regained, it was better put aside for now.
"You have persuaded me. Then deploy someone to monitor them, and should there be any sign ofnding, take immediate action."
The France-Austrian Joint Fleet was here for a visit and would naturally not proceed with the army;nding was out of the question. Considering Rafael N¨²?ez¡¯s pride, Francisco naturally did not disabuse him.
"These are minor issues, the key now is how to send off these unwee guests. The purpose of France and Austria¡¯s actions is very clear, they want us to ensure that trade with Peru remains open.
But before this, in order to gain British support, we made them a promise: if we win the election, we will close the trade routes with Peru."
This issue had been considered by Rafael N¨²?ez before the election, but he underestimated the determination of France and Austria.
After hesitating for a moment, Rafael N¨²?ez reluctantly made a decision, "Contact the British. This matter started because of them, they can¡¯t just ignore it now!"
Francisco held his tongue, knowing full well it was a "remedy worse than the disease," but there was no alternative.
Without the intervention of British strength to offset the political pressure from France and Austria, relying solely on their own capabilities, they simply could not withstand the onught.
¡
South American issues involved the rtions between Ennd, France, and Austria, and caution could never be overstated.
Upon receiving the distress telegram from the Colombian Government, Prime Minister Benjamin immediately called a Cab meeting.
Benjamin: "Everyone is here, so let¡¯s get started! Sir Edward, please begin by outlining the situation."
"Certainly, Prime Minister."
Foreign Minister Edward: "In an effort to swiftly conclude the war in South America, through the efforts of the Foreign Office, we sessively coaxed Brazil, Argentina, Paraguay, and Ecuador to blockade the Peru-Bolivia Alliance supported by France and Austria.
"This left only Colombia as an open trade route. To sever this trade link, we recently supported the victory of the Pro-British Faction in the Colombian elections.
Everything was progressing favourably when France and Austria, unwilling to concede defeat, suddenly upset the game board.
Three days ago, a joint fleetprising France and Austria forces made a sudden incursion into the port of Barranqui in the Republic of Colombia, attempting to use force as a threat to coerce the Colombian Government into submission."
Though his tone seemed calm, Edward was already seething with anger.
It was their moment to shine in diplomatic manoeuvres, yet at the final juncture of harvesting victory, the enemy had abruptly withdrawn from the game.
This was embarrassing as the efforts of the Foreign Office were squandered instantly. Achievements within grasp had suddenly slipped away, a frustration anyone would share.
Prime Minister Benjamin, sensing this, soothed the atmosphere: "The efforts of the Foreign Office are clearly evident; to force France and Austria to break the rules is a victory in itself."
After concluding, he led a round of apuse, which everyone else followed. Although it was just a formality, Edward¡¯s mood was considerably eased.
Though they hadn¡¯t aplished everything, obtaining recognition from their peers was no small feat.
"Thank you, it¡¯s our duty at the Foreign Office!"
...
Prime Minister Benjamin: "The situation is now clear, and it¡¯s time for us to make a decision. The Colombian Government has requested our aid, hoping that we will dispatch a fleet to visit and alleviate their political pressure."
Sending a fleet was not an issue; the London Government would naturally not abandon the effort after finally having a Pro-British Government in ce. The question was how to manage the rtionship with France and Austria?
As the matter involved international rtions, all eyes turned to Edward.
"France and Austria are our primarypetitors; it is improbable to maintain a good rtionship with them long-term. In recent years, our conflicts with France and Austria have constantly increased, and the breakdown of the Alliance is inevitable.
However, that¡¯s in the future. We still need the Alliance now, so the conflict must be kept within certain bounds.
Their taking drastic actions is understandable; with most South American countries leaning toward us, they would have no chance left if they didn¡¯t strike back.
Expelling France and Austria from South America in one fell swoop is impossible; the stakes are too high, and they will not cease their efforts.
Now that France and Austria are beginning to converge, I suggest we quit while we¡¯re ahead to avoid undue provocation, leading to inevitable consequences."
...
At the invitation of the Colombian Government, on April 6, 1880, the British Royal Navy, blockading Peru, sent a detachment for a visit to Minka.
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The Colombian Government was dumbfounded; the script had gone awry! Indeed, the British had shown support through their actions, but it wasn¡¯t what the Colombian Government wanted.
The visiting locations chosen by Ennd, France, and Austria were very clever, positioned neatly between the East and West Pacific, so even if the conflict escted, neither side could actually confront the other.
Doubtless, all three powers retained their rationality, intentionally controlling the conflict. By deliberately avoiding direct confrontation, they shifted the pressure onto the Colombian Government.
Rafael N¨²?ez was distressed; even with a slow reaction, he realized he had been outyed by the British.
Upon closer consideration, it was evident that small governments without international backing were incredibly unstable in those times.
Directly before Rafael N¨²?ezy two choices: either offend the British andpromise with France and Austria to ensure the trade routes with Peru remained open or closely follow the British lead andpletely break with France and Austria.
In reality, Rafael N¨²?ez had no choice. France and Austria each had their own lobbyists in Colombia, so even if support was extended, it wouldn¡¯t be to him.
Following the British was no easy path either; deeply offending France and Austria would inevitably lead to retaliation from both countries.
Great powers have their pride; if France and Austria couldn¡¯t trouble the British, could they not cause mischief?
As for whether the British could be relied upon, Rafael N¨²?ez had already experienced this firsthand.
...
Chapter 678 - 251: Panama Independence Organization
On April 9, 1880, the Colombian Government, using the previous border conflict with Peru as an excuse, severed trade rtions with Peru.
Upon receiving the news in Vienna, the Austrian Government was in an uproar, with calls to show the Colombian Government a lesson.
Anyone with a modicum of political sense understood what Colombia¡¯s choice meant.
Before this, the Austrian Government had promised both Peru and Bolivia to ensure the continuation of their international trade during the war.
Conceding to the British blockade of the coastline was due to the sheer power of the Royal Navy, which the Austrian Navy could not match¡ªit was an unavoidable situation.
Now that thend trade routes were also lost, did the Vienna Government still care about its face?
The French were also troubled by the same issue; the Paris Government had made simr promises to Peru and Bolivia.
Now pped in the face by the Colombian Government, if there was no retaliation, how could they have the face to mingle in international affairs?
It must be said that the Colombian Government made the wrong decision at the wrong time. Had they not been thest to announce the cessation of trade, perhaps they wouldn¡¯t have attracted such hostility.
The simr decisions made by Brazil, Paraguay, Argentina, and Ecuador previously had also aroused the dissatisfaction of France and Austria.
However, since France and Austria had weaker influence in those countries and they emerged simultaneously, retaliation was difficult, so that ount was temporarily shelved.
This was not President Rafael N¨²?ez¡¯s fault; it was entirely the responsibility of the previous administration that he did not act with the four nations and ended up dying until the end.
Everyone knew that choosing between Ennd, France, and Austria in the triple alliance wasn¡¯t just an offensive matter. With his term about to end, President Julian, being smart, naturally wouldn¡¯t fall into the pit.
Thanks to dexterously dealing with Ennd, France, and Austria, President Julian still secured considerable benefits for Colombia, though these benefits were not easy to attain.
No matter, as President Julian retired full of political achievements, leaving the trouble for the next administration.
When Rafael N¨²?ez took office, this tightrope game could no longer continue. The patience of Ennd, France, and Austria had reached its limit, and the Colombian Government had to make a choice.
The tragedy was that whatever choice Rafael N¨²?ez made, the oue would ultimately be the worst one.
...
In the Vienna Pce, upon receiving this "good news," Franz immediately convened a government meeting.
Foreign Minister Wessenberg said, "It¡¯s not surprising that the Colombian Government has leaned towards the British. The Pro-Austrian and Pro-French factions were full of conflicts, and it was only due to the joint influence of us and the French that they began to cooperate.
But this cooperation is merely nominal. We can influence their decision-making but can¡¯t make decisions for them.
In the face of interests, they won¡¯t back down. Take the presidential election, for instance.
To some extent, we have also helped the British. If it weren¡¯t for our forced matchmaking between the Pro-Austrian and Pro-French factions, which consumed a lot of energy in their internal strife, Rafael N¨²?ez wouldn¡¯t have won so easily.
Since the Pro-British Faction has taken power and made decisions favorable to the British, that¡¯s not surprising.
The only noteworthy aspect is the Colombian Government¡¯s excuse of ¡¯border conflict.¡¯ This excuse is very interesting; if extended further, the Colombian Government can even make territorial demands on Peru.
A preliminary analysis suggests that to win over the Colombian Government, the British must have promised them territorial concessions.
The Colombian Government probably refrained from making direct territorial demands on Peru because they feared our and France¡¯s reaction."
Matchmaking the Pro-Austrian and Pro-French factions for a joint effort was a political necessity; the oue of Colombia¡¯s elections was not important to Austria.
Supporting Peru and Bolivia to continue the war was merely to trouble the British. Franz did not have the confidence that with Austria¡¯s support, they could turn the tables.
In this war of attrition, Peru and Bolivia were clearly more decrepit than Chile.
A useless ally is the hardest to support. Just thinking about the Bolivian army going to battle with bows and arrows, Franz couldn¡¯t muster any confidence in them.
In this sense, the decision of the Colombian Government merely elerated the end of the war without truly changing the oue.
Prime Minister Felix said, "What the Colombian Government thinks is no longer important. Since they have made the wrong decision, they must pay the price for it.
However, we have an understanding with the British, and it¡¯s obviously not worth it to rashly deploy troops and break this understanding over Colombia."
That¡¯s the crux of the issue. Since the alliance of Ennd, France, and Austria, in overseas struggles, everyone tacitly supported proxy fighters and had not directly joined the fray.
"The problem is not difficult to solve. I believe the Central American colonial government can handle it. They have always wanted to annex the Panama area but never had the right opportunity.
Now that both the French and we are in an awkward position, even for the sake of our own face, the Paris Government can only support our actions," Colonial Minister Stephen calmly replied.
The Colonial Department had long wanted to take action. In recent years, as Africa progressed towards indigenization, the scope under the control of the Colonial Department had been shrinking.
The jurisdictional scope is diminishing, and the sway of the Colonial Department within the government is also being eroded. If this situation does not change, it is feared that the Colonial Minister may soon be a rare sight at Cab meetings.
Africa¡¯s localization is Austria¡¯s national policy, and naturally, Stephen did not entertain the idea of changing it. There were officials who resisted the localization of the colonies, but those people have all been sent home to farm.
Against this backdrop, if the Colonial Department wishes to expand its influence, it can only do so by further external expansion, making its interest in the Panama area unsurprising.
Strategic vision is not something everyone possesses, and Austria too has many shortsighted individuals.
In the Austrian Central American Colony, many harbor delusions of upying the Panama area, ousting the French, developing the Panama Canal themselves, and controlling a Golden Waterwayparable to the Suez Canal.
Interest is the best motive, and in the name of the Divine Shield, seizing the Panama area has be a target for many local Colonial Companies.
Almost every year, many people lobby the Austrian Colonial Department to take over the Panama area. To grab the initiative, some have even prepared detailed maps of the area.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg opposed, "If it¡¯s just about giving the Colombian Government a beating, perhaps under political pressure, the Paris Government might support us.
If we want to upy the Panama area, then there will be no such good fortune. The French would surely take the opportunity to demand a share of the spoils; whether we agree or not?"
There¡¯s nothing wrong with that; it¡¯s the essence of international diplomacy. Even resentment is for the sake of interest, and any hard feelings can quickly dissipate with the right incentives.
The French would not help Austria for nothing, watching us reap the benefits. Likewise, Austria could not share the Panama area with the French. Although thend doesn¡¯t seem valuable, its potential strategic significance is extremely important.
Nowes the problem, recklessly attacking an independent nation and seizing its territory is bound to generate animosity.
Without the French sharing the pressure, the Vienna Government would have to think thrice before taking unteral diplomatic action.
After brief consideration, Franz spoke, "Now is not the opportune moment; we must consider the international response. To act on the Panama area, it is best to first incite the locals to dere independence."
Austria is certainly powerful, but itcks the domineering strength the United States would have inter times, necessitating consideration of the world¡¯s reactions.
Compared to directly deploying troops to seize the Panama area, instigating the locals to revolt and dere independence, with the new government then joining the colonial system, poses far fewer problems.
This kind of operation has been done too many times by too many people. As long as one minds their manners and adds a little embellishment, a nominal legal basis can be established.
Colonial Minister Stephen exined, "Your Majesty, the Colombian Government has stationed a division of heavy troops in the Panama area; with just the local forces, any disturbance would be suppressed before it could even start."
Compared to the meager poption of little over a hundred thousand in the Panama area, a division indeed constitutes an overwhelming military presence.
Franz asked in surprise, "A division of troops? How many troops does Colombia have in total?"
Colombia is a ssic example of vastnd with sparse poption, and including the Indians and the ck poption, the entire country only amounts to two to three million people.
Such a small Panama hosts a division of forces; anyone hearing this for the first time would be astonished.
Stephen responded directly, "The regr army has just over 30,000, with militias and reservists roughly around 50,000; no one knows the limits of full mobilization.
Due to the presence of the Austrian Central American Colony, the Panama area is a key defensive zone for Colombia, where they have ced one-third of their forces."
The political situation within Colombia is also quite unstable. If the forces deployed in the Panama area were to be defeated, Colombia¡¯s internal conflicts would intensify."
It¡¯s clear that the Colonial Department is well-prepared and very familiar with the internal situation of Colombia, having thoroughly assessed their military capabilities.
Since entering the Age of Hot Weapons, ¡¯total mobilization¡¯ has be the prerogative of industrialized nations; agricultural countries may be able to organize forces, but can¡¯t conjure up weaponry and equipment.
For an ordinary country, facing a foreign invasion might unite all parties to face the enemy, but Colombia is an exception.
This issue traces back to the time of the American Civil War when Austria organized an immigration movement, and German descendants actually became the secondrgest ethnic group in Colombia, with the Indian poption in first ce.
The German descendants who immigrated to Colombia were mostlymoners. Even with Austria as a backer, as neers, they were at the bottom of the social hierarchy, with the positions at the top already upied by those of Spanish descent.
Fearing subversion by Austria from within, sessive Colombian governments have deliberately suppressed the German descendants, even the Pro-Austrian Faction maintaining enough vignce against Austria.
There has been no overt discrimination on the surface, only discreet actions behind the scenes; even if discovered, these would be individual behaviors, leaving the Austrian Government with little recourse to intervene.
Just like Colombia, immigration to any country could face these problems. If everyone were Gold, how could everyone be liked?
Beyond this, racial tensions have also been a long-standing dilemma for South American nations. The blood of the Indians is yet to dry, and while the government could maintain control through force in times of strength, once decline sets in, conflicts are bound to erupt.
Franz never doubted whether internal conflicts in Colombia would erupt. Even without existing conflicts, they could be manufactured; not to mention, Colombia already has plenty of its own.
After hesitating for a moment, Franz nodded and said, "Since Colombia is well-prepared, we need not be polite. We¡¯ll find an excuse to wipe out this division.
However, for the sake of our international reputation, we mustn¡¯t upy the Panama area directly. After the fight, we¡¯ll hand over the territory immediately to the Panama Independence Organization and withdraw from the area swiftly."
The "Panama Independence Organization" did not exist before, at least the upper echelons of the Vienna Government hadn¡¯t heard of it, but now it muste into existence.
Chapter 679 - 252: The Biggest Misunderstanding of this Century
On April 19, 1880, the Austro-Central American colonial army pursued "ruthless bandits" and chased them into the Panama area.
Because of the fog, a misunderstanding urred with the Colombian garrison, leading to an armed conflict that caused thousands of casualties.
Local residents could testify that a heavy fog indeed descended over the Panama area on April 19. Before the troops entered the Panama area, the colonial government hadmunicated with the local government, deciding to join forces in eradicating the nefarious "ruthless bandits."
Unfortunately, someone within the Colombian Government colluded with the "ruthless bandits," leaking the information. The bandits severed local telegraphmunications and ambushed messengers en route.
The garrison failed to receive the message in time, and with no effectivemunication between the parties and visibility hampered by the fog, what was supposed to be a joint effort to eliminate bandits turned into idental engagement with each other as enemies.
This is the "truth" released by the Austro-Central American colonial government. Whether the Colombian Government could ept it or not, their troops stationed in the Panama area were decimated.
Following the outbreak of the "April 19 Incident," the Austro-Central American colonial government promptly dered responsibility for the mishap, apologized for the casualties caused by the ident, and stated their willingness to paypensation to the victims.
Such a proactive and responsible stance would be beyond reproach if it weren¡¯t for the fact that the Austrian army continued to linger in the area, refusing to leave.
Of course, there was a reason the Austrian army remained; although the main force of the "ruthless bandits" had been encircled and annihted, numerous stragglers were still on the run.
For the safety of the people in Panama, the Austrian army had to eradicate these bandits or wait for the Colombian armed forces to arrive before they could withdraw from the area.
...
The news of the idental armed conflict on "April 19" caused an uproar in Bogota, the capital of Colombia, as people took to the streets in protest, demanding the government send troops to reim the Panama area.
One has to admit that President Rafael N¨²?ez¡¯s luck was indeed poor, facing such troubles early in his tenure.
The people demanded the deployment of troops, and President Rafael N¨²?ez also wanted to send them to recover the Panama area and deal with the aftermath sooner rather thanter. Unfortunately, no military unit was up to the task.
"Misunderstandings" can happen once, and they can happen again. Whether more "misunderstandings" would ur depended entirely on Austria¡¯s integrity.
The Colombian military took it to heart; since the Austrians had dered it a misunderstanding, they surely had no intention of upying the Panama area indefinitely. It would eventually be reimed, so why take the risk?
Those in the know realized that this was Austria¡¯s retaliation against the Colombian Government for blockading Peru, with the troops in the Panama area being unfortunate coteral.
Whoever caused the disaster should bear the consequences. As for retaliating against Austria and seeking justice for the innocent garrison soldiers, that was beyond Colombia¡¯s capability.
As a small country, the first consideration was survival; as long as no loss of territory urred and core sovereignty could be reimed, minor grievances did not amount to much!
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President Rafael N¨²?ez had no time to deal with the aftermath for now, as he was currently facing questions from congressmen.
An opposition congressman mocked, "Mr. President, due to the government¡¯s erroneous foreign policy, the Panama area has fallen. Do you have anything to say?"
Without pressure, there is no motivation. Had Austria intended to forcefully upy the Panama area, external pressures might have united all Colombian factions.
Regrettably, such a situation did not arise; the Austro-Central American colonial government had already deemed the incident a "misunderstanding."
If it was just a misunderstanding, then the Austrian army had no reason to maintain a prolonged upation. The Austrian diplomat had already sent a diplomatic note, requesting them to send troops for defense as soon as possible.
Sovereignty could be maintained; the only problem was receiving a beating for nothing. It was neither life-threatening nor umon to take the opportunity to strike atpetitors.
The greatest advantage of a politician is a thick skin, and Rafael N¨²?ez nonchntly responded, "The Panama area has not fallen; it was merely a misunderstanding.
The Austrian Government has already dered responsibility for the incident. We are discussingpensation with them, and it won¡¯t be long before the Austrian army withdraws from the area.
The primary cause of this misunderstanding was collusion with bandits within the government, and it has nothing to do with the government¡¯s foreign policy.
Colombia is an independent nation; we have the right to conduct our diplomacy freely and do not need to be influenced by third parties."
Since Austria has dered this to be a "misunderstanding," let¡¯s just let this "misunderstanding" continue for now!
Without the strength to retaliate, such incidents can only bebeled as "misunderstandings."
Deep down, Rafael N¨²?ez simply hoped for a swift end to affairs, wishing for no furtherplications.
A congressman questioned, "Just like that, it¡¯s over with a misunderstanding? Did our people die in vain?"
Rafael N¨²?ez gestured dismissively, "Of course not in vain. We will investigate thoroughly to identify those responsible for the conflict and subject them to legal sanctions.
The deceased have passed away, and what we can do now is allow the departed to rest in peace and offer sce to their families.
The government will ensure that all the victims of this incident will receivepensation; please give us some time¡"
With that, Rafael N¨²?ez bowed to the audience, seemingly in apology.
```
Those who enter Parliament are all old hands in politics, taking the opportunity to give Rafael N¨²?ez a hard time is one thing, but they indeed wish to bring him down for real.
However, nobody was prepared for war with Austria. So, some things just had to be selectively ignored.
While pacifying domestic concerns, Rafael N¨²?ez did not forget to seek help from the British "big brother".
After such a significant incident, it would be uneptable if John Bull did not step in. After all, the Colombian Government was facing this disaster because they were carrying out tasks on their behalf.
In Downing Street, within the Prime Minister¡¯s Residence, Prime Minister Benjamin scrutinized the Colombian Government¡¯s plea for assistance with a wisp of smoke curling from his lips.
Sitting across from him was a middle-aged man dressed in finery, holding coffee in one hand and stirring it with a spoon in the other, his gaze fixed ahead as if lost in a trance ¨C British Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward.
After the time it took to sip half a cup of tea, Prime Minister Benjamin set down the telegram and extinguished his cigarette in the ashtray, exhaling thest stream of smoke.
"Sir Edward, what do you think the Austrians are up to? It can¡¯t possibly be just about giving Colombia a thrashing to vent their anger, right?"
Like Britain, Austria is a country centered on interests; every move is made with national interests in mind.
The actions of the Colombian Government certainly caused a great loss of face for the Vienna Government, and retaliation was inevitable, but it had not reached the point where they had to send troops to fight.
Don¡¯t look at the military operations in the Panama area as being very smooth; that¡¯s because the Austrian Government timely disclosed the "truth" to the public, letting everyone know they were just making a temporary stay and would leave soon.
Otherwise, if the Colombian Government called the locals to resist the invasion, the situation would not be so optimistic.
South American countries can exist independently, not because European powers can¡¯t upy them, but because the costs of ruling are too high, and the return on investment does not justify the expenditure.
Edward set down his coffee and slowly replied, "Of course not. Based on the intelligence we¡¯ve collected, we preliminarily conclude that Austria is eyeing the Panama area.
It¡¯s just that the Vienna Government, considering the impact on their own reputation, feels that directly invading an independent country is too damaging and costly, so they deliberately manufactured this ¡¯misunderstanding.¡¯"
"By wiping out the Panamanian garrison, the Independence Organization they support can seed. I estimate that soon after the Austrians withdraw, the Panama area will be stirring for independence."
It would be impossible to keep such arge movement entirely secret. Austria¡¯s actions might fool themon people but couldn¡¯t fool the British, who are equally cunning.
Simr incidents were something John Bull had done before, and they were very experienced in such matters. Just by the superficial signs, they could guess most of the story.
Prime Minister Benjamin nodded, "It seems we¡¯ll have to offer our condolences to the Colombians, who still don¡¯t know what kind of enemy they¡¯ve encountered, at least not ording to this plea for assistance."
"Allies", for Britain, this is a false proposition.
On the surface, Anglo-Austria are the allies bound by treaties, Colombia does not even qualify to form an alliance with Britain.
In reality, Anglo-Austria, who are supposed to be allies, are in fact the greatest rivals, while the weak Colombian Government is new under the British wing, far closer than the supposed allies.
Foreign Minister Edward shook his head: "Sometimes ignorance is bliss. If the truth were known, Rafael N¨²?ez¡¯s days would be unbearable.
Of course, he might be feigning confusion knowingly. Dealing with the Panamanian rebel army is certainly easier than facing the Austrians.
The Austrians have already broken the rules this time, and with Emperor Franz¡¯s reputation for valuing his feathers, the same ¡¯misunderstanding¡¯ won¡¯t happen twice.
As long as the Colombian Government can suppress the Panamanian rebel army, this incident will also pass."
If the Republic of Colombia doesn¡¯t lift the lid on this matter, there¡¯s still a chance of victory; if they turn on Austria now, they will immediately lose the Panama area.
Prime Minister Benjamin smiled slightly and lit another cigarette, taking a deep drag and exhaling a plume of smoke.
"You¡¯re right, sometimes it is indeed necessary to feign confusion. Since the Colombian Government did not mention it, we will also pretend we don¡¯t know.
Let the Foreign Office act quickly. Let¡¯s get the Austrians back home as soon as possible to show the Colombian Government our sincerity."
The partial exercise must serve the whole, and with thend blockadework against Peru and Bolivia already established, Chile¡¯s victory in the war was practically guaranteed.
Britain has gained the upper hand in thepetition in South America,pressing the influence of France and Austria to a corner, there¡¯s no need to keep pressuring them.
The Panama incident became Austria¡¯sst counterattack. Pushing hard would only pressure France and Austria to unite, and Britain would not gain any additional benefits.
After a brief thought, Edward smiled, "Of course, we never mistreat friends. However, before that, we need to give the Austrians a bit of trouble.
Happening upon such arge ¡¯misunderstanding,¡¯ we must let more people know. I am sure the media would be more than happy to have more news to boost newspaper sales."
Not confronting directly is because of Britain¡¯s limited influence in the Panama area and even if they wanted to meddle in Austria¡¯s subsequent actions, they simplyck the ability to do so.
The inability to intervene directly does not mean they would take no action. A media offensive, tarnishing Austria¡¯s reputation, is also a form of attack.
```
Chapter 680 - 253: Meat in the Pot
The "misunderstanding" that urred in the Panama area was simply too great, with an idental armed conflict wiping out an entire division, a matter so unbelievable that no one would dare to trust such a im.
To exin is to disguise, it would serve no function. Not long after the incident, the Austro-Central American colonial government dered their responsibility for the affair, which was in fact a result of Franz¡¯s intervention.
By proactively taking responsibility, they could minimize and possibly recover international reputation to the greatest extent, reducing the negative impact to the lowest.
There was naturally no question of investigating responsibilities. The practices of the Austro-Central American colonial government were not mistaken; the colonial empires of those days all behaved like that.
Such incidents had urred before, just not with impacts as significant. Moreover, Colombia was not only an independent country, but more crucially, it was a white country.
For these incidents, the European public had always been highly sensitive, especially the many small countries, which felt this even more profoundly.
In the eyes of many, if they didn¡¯t speak up for Colombia today, simr events could befall them tomorrow, leaving them with no one to advocate on their behalf.
This was quite like the Anglo-Ebura War of the original timeline, where Austria too was drenched in a torrent of negative public opinion, with demonstrators crowding the entrances of their embassies abroad.
Of course, the approach of actively taking responsibility was somewhat effective, as it made the Vienna Government¡¯s international image appear not so dire.
Let them spout off, which great power hasn¡¯t been criticized! Anyway, it¡¯s all just talk, none would likely take real action.
Compared to the calmness of the Vienna Government, Franz¡¯s reaction was much more intense. If Austria were isted overseas, Franz could disregard international reputation, but clearly, that was impossible.
A precarious strategic position meant that Austria had to maintain a good international image to secure more options in foreign diplomacy.
...
"How is the Panama Government¡¯s preparation, and when can we withdraw our troops?" Franz asked with concern.
Colonial Minister Stephen, "Your Majesty, the Panama Government has already been established and can dere independence at any time.
The current problem is theirck of armed forces for self-preservation; once we withdraw our troops, they will likely struggle to fend off the Colombian Government¡¯s counterattack."
Independence for the Panama area was never going to be easy; in the original timeline, it was the Americans themselves who intervened with troops,pelling the Colombian Government to grudgingly concede.
This didn¡¯te without a price; the Americans spared no expense because the Panama Canal was of utmost importance to them.
For Austria, however, the situation differed. Their main purpose in seizing the Panama area was to cause disruption, preventing the easy navigation of the Panama Canal.
With different valuese different sacrifices. If handling the Panama area led to mourning among South American countries and a collective boycott against Austria, it would be a loss not worth the cost.
Against this backdrop, while promoting the Panama Independence Movement, Austria must minimize its presence as much as possible.
To put it colloquially, it¡¯s like trying to act the part of a harlot while wanting to erect a shrine of chastity.
Franz asked in astonishment, "Aren¡¯t there ntation owners? Surely, their forces are capable of repelling a Colombian invasion."
Before the Panama area could even dere independence, Franz had already redefined the Colombian Government¡¯s military response to the rebellion as an "invasion," an act heavy with political significance.
Stephen frowned slightly and exined, "Your Majesty, the situation in South America is quite unique. The majority of the immigrantse from the Civil War period, and there is ack of nobility as the core strength.
The Austro-Central American region has been under our long-term management, and this shoring has been gradually addressed, with eptable military strength."
"The Panama area is different. There are no significant ntation owners, norge colonialpanies, and previously, it wasn¡¯t within our control, so we had no opportunity to organize military training there..."
Franz understood. Many immigrants during the Civil War period had fled to avoid the conflict, indicating that the local popce was not eager for battle.
"Lacking nobility as the core strength" meantcking officers.
No "significant ntation owners,rge colonialpanies" signified that there was no powerful local armed force.
No "organized military training" indicated that the soldiers being conscripted were just farmers who had recentlyid down their hoes or workers straight out of the factories, needing extensive training time.
All these reasonsbined meant that the soon-to-be independent Panama area was very weak militarily, powerless to withstand the Colombian Government¡¯s military in the short term.
The actual situation might even be worse. The so-called brutal rule of the Colombian Government and the oppression of the local people were politcally manufactured needs, and their authenticity was dubious.
The Panama Independence Organization was solely orchestrated by Austria, and whether it would receive local support remained an uncertainty.
The information provided by the Austro-Central American colonial government was also tinged with personal emotions. They were not bold enough topletely fabricate facts, but some artistic embellishment was inevitable.
Such practices were part of the bureaucracy¡¯s instincts, impossible to eradicate. Not to mention in this era of unchangedmunications, the same issues persisted even in the age of the inte.
"Given the current international situation, it is not suitable for us to directly upy the Panama area. Withdrawing the troops is a matter of time, and the sooner, the better.
In light of this reality, does the Colonial Department have any ns?"
Colonial Minister Stephen, "We are organizing immigration and, through the efforts of the colonial government, we have already persuaded more than a dozen colonial teams to settle in the Panama area.
These civilian armed forces will be the main force in the initial opposition to the Colombian Government troops, helping the Panama Government through the toughest of times."
Franz nodded, which might not be the best choice but was currently the most suitable one for Austria.
Having "immigrants" as a fig leaf is always better than directly hiring mercenaries.
No matter what, as soon as these "armed immigrants" acquire residency in the Panama area, the conflict bes one between the people of the Panama area and the Colombian Government.
Of course, everything has its advantages and disadvantages; civilian colonial teams also require a return on investment. Now relying on them to risk their lives, in the future, arge portion of the benefits from the Panama area will have to be shared with them.
Simr situations have already urred many times in the colonial process of Austria, and the Colonial Department has already gained rich experience.
It is by relying on numerous civilian armed groups that Austria has been able to establish a vast colonial empire in just over twenty years.
In this regard, Franz is quite generous. It is better to let careerists run overseas to grabnd than to stay in the country andpete for territory. The fief aristocrats in the colonies are among the best of them.
The actual situation now is even better than Franz had anticipated. Although there are many fief aristocrats, none have imed kingship, let alone independence.
That is enough. You must understand that he was even prepared for the possibility that, once the princes grew powerful, he would allow them to establish sub-states.
As it turned out, he was overthinking it. The concept of bloodline is fashionable in Europe, and without the belief that "even a lowly peasant can rise to be a noble," even those who wish to be kings or emperors must first consider whether they have the people¡¯s support.
The expansionism of the nobility isn¡¯t as fierce as he had imagined. Once granted fiefdoms, they embarked on the path of farming, rather than continuously expanding territories and establishing their own kingdoms.
Of course,ck of money and people are also critical factors restraining ambition.
Expanding territory is very costly, and the initial operation of colonies requires significant capital investment. Even the wealthiest families cannot withstand the drain of warfare. Once the money runs out, stopping to farm bes the only option.
Without people, it goes without saying. Even the greatest nobles can mobilize a limited number of immigrants, at most a few hundred thousand. With such a small poption, they better focus on farming than dreaming of kingship or dominance, which would just be absurd.
Fools may exist, but the nobles who have established a base are certainly not fools. Without sufficient strength, how can they negotiate terms with the Central Government?
"The Panama issue should proceed ording to your ns. The Colonial Department will arrange everything ording to the situation, as long as we adhere to the bottom line that no active military personnel can appear on the battlefield.
The Foreign Ministry will quickly negotiate with the Colombian Government to reach apensation agreement as soon as possible, then transfer the prisoners to the Panama local government. As for the rest, let them and the Independence Organization deal with it slowly!"
The bottom line must be respected; it is a rule of the game. Not only considering international influence, but more importantly, protecting our own interests.
The current international political rules of the game are established by Ennd, France, and Austria, primarily to protect the interests of these three nations. Blindly flipping the board will only lead to greater losses for Austria.
Not to mention anything else, just the maintenance cost of colonies will increase significantly; some remote colonies might even change hands.
Choosing to handle things swiftly is also intended to calm the public uproar. Currently, the public opinion is decidedly against the Vienna Government, and prolonging the situation will only worsen things.
The pensation" payment is just to get the Colombian Government to recognize this incident as a "misunderstanding." Once the involved parties call it a misunderstanding, anyone else who continues to quibble is essentially framing and entrapping.
Franz is quite experienced in guiding public opinion. In this age of unchangedmunication, whoever controls the newspapers controls public opinion, and reversing ck and white is too easy.
In a way, the British picking this time to stir up public opinion is actually a divine assist. As long as we can deflect the issue onto the London Government, we¡¯re in the clear.
"The British Government is framing and entrapping Austria, deliberately exaggerating and distorting the truth of the facts," Franz himself is almost convinced by this narrative, let alone the general public, right?
Foreign Minister Weisenberg: "Your Majesty, without British intervention, it would not be difficult to persuade the Colombian Government.
However, from the current situation, the London Government wants to take advantage of the situation and strike at our international reputation.
I¡¯m worried that the Colombian Government will demand an astronomical amount ofpensation, intentionally putting us in an awkward position."
This concern is not unwarranted. People can easily lose their way in the face of interests, and with just a bit of coaxing from the British, the Colombian Government demanding an astronomical amount ofpensation is almost a certainty.
If we agree, Austria bes a scapegoat; if we don¡¯t agree, we can¡¯t get past the public opinion, and that does not align with the strategy of quietly resolving disputes and discreetly swallowing the Panama area.
After some thought, Franz sneered, "If we can¡¯t agree on a total amount, then we should take the initiative and offer a sky-high price. For instance, raise thepensation for each fallen soldier to a thousand Divine Shields, but demand that the Colombian Government provide a death certificate.
As for the loss of property, we needn¡¯t be too concerned, we can make some concessions. Whether this money will be given, and who will eventually receive it, remains undetermined for now."
"Death certificates" are a joke when the Austrian army controls the Panama area; it would be easy to destroy any evidence.
If the Colombian Government cannot provide evidence, then the number ofpensations that need to be paid will be decided by the Vienna Government.
With the total number reduced, even with high standards of payment, the actual expense is just that.
Since the incident is categorized as a "misunderstanding," too many casualties wouldck credibility.
Comparatively,pensation for property loss is up for discussion. This money can be paid either to the Colombian Government or to the Panama local government, or, in other words, the government of Panama after independence.
Your journey continues on empire
The Panama area seeking independence is something the Colombian Government is sure not to agree with; war is inevitable.
After the war, with everything in ruins, a considerable amount of money will be needed for reconstruction. The Panama Government certainly won¡¯t be able to afford it; in the end, the Austrian Government will have to pay.
Since we will have to pay anyway, Franz doesn¡¯t mind pulling out the money in advance to buy a good name. When the Panama area is eventually annexed in the future, these investments will be recouped.
Of course, the Colombian Government will also need to be appeased initially; we will still have to provide some money to gain their cooperation.
¡
Chapter 681 - 254: Leading Astray
Compared to Austria, who wanted to appease public opinion, the Colombian Government could not afford to dy. If they didn¡¯t regain control of the Panama area quickly, they might never get it back.
Although the Austrian Government had made a promise, that was merely a promise; whether they would honor it in the end was ultimately up to them.
In those days, the great powers¡¯ bottom lines were very low, and breaking treaties was amon urrence. If the Vienna Governmentter reneged, the Colombian Governmentcked the power to hold them to theirmitment.
It wasn¡¯t as if there were no precedents for such scenarios. If that happened, except for voicing a few protests, there was little the Colombian Government could do.
After receiving the diplomatic note for negotiations from the Austrian envoy, President Rafael N¨²?ez could not afford to be concerned with appearances and personally took charge.
Now was not the time for avoidance; if he couldn¡¯t recover the Panama area, his presidency would be over, and no amount of shirking responsibility would be of use.
Both parties wanted to quickly resolve the dispute and end this unpleasant "misunderstanding," naturally leading to active participation in the negotiations.
Even the British cheering from the sidelines had no effect; the disparity in power was too great, and the Colombian Government didn¡¯t have the capital to be tough.
President Rafael N¨²?ez wanted to secure greater benefits at the negotiation table, but he was more worried that as time dragged on, the Vienna Government might change its stance.
After all, international reputation is only valuable when it exists. If it were already sullied and couldn¡¯t be restored in the short term, it would be akin to being temporarily useless.
If it was useless, then one might as well throw caution to the wind. Simr precedents were numerous, and a nce through history books would reveal that the British had the rich experience and were still fine today.
The Vienna Government was eager to quell the media storm mainly to minimize and dissolve the situation as quickly as possible, to cleanse this stain before it affected future diplomacy.
If dragged out too long, once public opinion fermented, no cleansing could be effective, and negotiations with the Colombian Government would be meaningless.
Perhaps for the British, damaging Austria¡¯s international reputation might be more valuable than the minor Panama area; however, from the Colombian Government¡¯s standpoint, it was the exact opposite.
With such a powerful neighbor emerging, the Colombian Government hoped it to be a good neighbor with integrity and boundaries.
If the Vienna Government discarded its principles, then they would truly be in danger. It wasn¡¯t just about the Panama area; the entire Republic of Colombia could potentially be at stake.
Facing the harsh reality, Rafael N¨²?ez dared not gamble. No matter how much the British fanned the mes and promised benefits, nothing was more effective than the threat of a gun to the neck.
To prevent the "misunderstanding" from deepening, President Rafael N¨²?ez came to the negotiation table full of sincerity.
Since both parties were sincere and their demands not excessive, the negotiations went very smoothly. In less than a month, the two countries reached a preliminary agreement.
On May 24, 1880, the Austrian Ambassador to Bogota, Lore, signed the "Panama idental Exchange of Fire Remedy Agreement" with President Rafael N¨²?ez.
Both countries agreed that the exchange of fire was entirely idental, primarily due to foggy weather and the deliberate instigation of roving bandits; secondarily, the mimunication arising fromnguage barriers, which had given the enemy an opportunity.
The main culprits, the roving bandits, had already been eliminated by the Allied Forces, making it impossible to pursue responsibility.
Since the n to eliminate the bandits was organized by the Austrians, and the Colombian Government joined at the invitation of the Austro-Central American colonial government and suffered heavy losses in the idental exchange of fire, the Austrian Government was willing to make humanitarianpensation.
ording to the treaty, the Austrian Government was to pay the Colombian Government a totalpensation of 3.426 million Divine Shields, including: 584,000 Divine Shields for casualties and 2.842 million Divine Shields for economic and property damage.
(Note: After the treaty was signed, the two countries handed over the Panama area within a month, with the Austrian army withdrawing by July 1, 1880. Thepensation was to be paid in five installments, with valuable physical goods epted as offsets.)
Setting aside the issue of the amount ofpensation, and without scrutinizing the method of payment excessively, receiving indemnity from the great powers was a groundbreaking first in Colombian history.
As a small country, it could not afford to expect too much. The truth of the matter is something only naive youths would wish to unravel.
President Rafael N¨²?ez was a wise man who knew that even if the ins and outs were rified, it would hold no practical significance.
With Colombia¡¯s strength, it simply didn¡¯t have the capacity to seek justice. The current opportunity to sit and talk was only because the Vienna Government wished to resolve the issue diplomatically, thus the negotiations took ce.
If they lifted the lid and the Austrians became enraged and decided to simply stay put in the Panama area, that would be a true tragedy.
Being able to reim lost territory and receive some economicpensation would be the greatest diplomatic victory.
After the treaty was signed, President Rafael N¨²?ez immediately shared this great news with the public, and the people of Colombia were ecstatic.
President Rafael N¨²?ez¡¯s once shaky position solidified overnight. From being mocked as the "idiot president," he was suddenly hailed as a "national hero."
The few newspapers within Colombia ced Rafael N¨²?ez on a pedestal, proiming him the greatest diplomat in South America.
However, the "great diplomat" did not have a hint of a smile of joy on his face.
"Victory" was still premature; there are no pies that fall from the sky. The great powers are not vegetarians, and Austrian money is not easy to take.
Even if the Vienna Government, to quiet the media storm, temporarily made concessions, it did not mean they had abandoned their ambitions for the Panama area.
Studying the map carefully and looking at the green markings, Rafael N¨²?ez sighed at the still unopened Panama Canal.
In his heart, he had already cursed the families of the former government officials who had approved the construction of the Panama Canal.
Besides a few ins, the Panama area wasrgely mountainous and forested, and few mineral resources had been found, which was hardly worth the Austrians¡¯ covetous gazes.
The only problem could only lie in the Panama Canal; a grand canal that connected two oceans, its economic and strategic value was indeed very high.
With the example of the Suez Canal before them, everyone knew that once the Panama Canal opened to traffic, wealth would flow in endlessly.
Unfortunately, the Colombian Government¡¯s power was limited; holding onto this Golden Waterway was like a "child clutching a gold brick in a bustling market."
President Rafael N¨²?ez was well aware that the blockade of Peru was just a pretext, Austria¡¯s main reason for taking action was to covet this Golden Waterway.
It seemed as though Austria, under international pressure, had withdrawn from the Panama area, but in reality, this was just the beginning, or rather, a probe.
If the troops defending the Panama area couldn¡¯t resist the enemy¡¯s des, then no one else could hold back Austria¡¯s ambitions, and Colombia¡¯s future was destined to be difficult.
Opening the window and inhaling a breath of fresh air, Rafael N¨²?ez slowly asked, "How much intelligence have we collected on the Panama Independence Organization?"
The middle-aged man replied helplessly, "I regret to inform you, Mr. President. There simply hasn¡¯t been enough time; our people couldn¡¯t infiltrate in such short notice.
The information we¡¯ve gathered so far is only what they themselves have exposed in the open.
Before this, we had not even heard of this organization. It is suspected to be rted to the previous Republic of Panama and is deeply entangled with Austria.
With the Austrian army¡¯s willful indulgence, this organization has already reced the original local government of Panama and has established its own forces.
These troops exist in the form of militias, predominantlyposed of German descendants, with the majority of the officers being retired personnel from the Austrian army.
The total military forces are approximately 15,000 men, and it¡¯s noteworthy that several units have directly transformed from civilian armed groups; these people are recent immigrant colonial teams."
Knowing full well that the Austrian Government was supporting the independence movement in the Panama area from behind the scenes, Rafael N¨²?ez could only pretend to be oblivious.
As long as this fa?ade isn¡¯t pierced, the Vienna Government would have to consider the international impact and could only ndestinely support the rebel army to a limited extent.
If this charade were exposed, aside from losing face, the Vienna Government would probably just brazenly acknowledge the legitimacy of the Panama regime.
In those times, the recognition by the major powers was also a crucial factor for a country to obtain independence.
Rafael N¨²?ez was very clear that the recent policy of blockading Peru not only offended Austria but also grievously angered France, Peru, and Bolivia.
If someone took the lead, these countries would all recognize Panama¡¯s independence. And if the countries heavily influenced by France and Austria followed suit in recognizing the independence of the Panama area, it was possible that more than half of the world¡¯s nations might do the same.
There had already been a Republic of Panama in the area before it waster incorporated into Colombia; with this historical precedent, if half the world¡¯s countries recognized Panama¡¯s independence, then it would indeed be independent.
In this case, suppressing the rebellion would evolve into a war between two countries, a fact which would change the nature of the conflict entirely.
Rafael N¨²?ez: "Continue the investigation; we must determine who the leaders of the Panama Independence Organization are and just how deep their rtions with Austria go.
It would be best to find evidence of Austria¡¯s maniption of the Panama Independence Organization; otherwise, the British won¡¯t intervene."
There was no way around it, the Anglo-Austrian two countries were still allies, and one must abide by the rules of the game.
In the South American wars, John Bull showed bias towards Chile, and the Vienna Government only acted behind the scenes; apart from a few protests over the detention of ships, they mostly acquiesced.
Just like with the previous "Panama idental Exchange of Fire Misunderstanding," the British also only agitated behind the scenes, with the London Government officially believing it to be a "misunderstanding."
Through alliance pacts, they restricted the scope of each other¡¯s conflicts and, when necessary, covered for one another; this was the main reason why the British-French-Austrian tripartite alliance had endured.
Colombia¡¯s wish for the British to stand up for them was in fact wishful thinking. Even if they obtained evidence, the London Government would at most issue some nonmittal condemnations.
This was determined by interests and by power. The Panama Canal had not yet opened for navigation, its strategic value had not yet been realized, and it was not worth confronting Austria over.
Furthermore, in the Panama area, the British did not have the strength to counter Austria¡¯s influence, even if they teamed up with the Republic of Colombia, it would still be a stretch.
Don¡¯t be fooled by the seemingly insignificant Austro-Central American Colony; its worth depends on theparison. Compared to European nations, it certainly ranks as a junior, not reaching even the top ten. Readtest chapters at empire
But in the American Continent, the military strength of the Austro-Central American Colony could definitely rank in the top five, and if the sea routes are clear, it might even reach the top three.
After all, everything is rtive; South America isrgely agricultural with a sparse and racially divided poption, thus naturally weak inbat.
¡
While the Colombian public celebrated this great victory, a media earthquake rocked Europe, sending newspaper sales surging.
The media¡¯s opinions were mixed, but the mainstream media split into two camps: those in support believed that the Austrian Government¡¯s proactive payment ofpensation signaled a willingness to take responsibility and respect other nations¡¯ sovereignty.
The opposition, however, saw it as pure political "showmanship," a concession made under international pressure, and a victory for international public opinion.
But this victory was not absolute. The aggression was downyed as "idental conflict," and the aggressor did not suffer the consequences they deserved, highlighting that such "misunderstandings" in international struggles would continue to emerge.
Beyond the mainstream views were myriad other chaotic opinions.
For example, some criticized the Vienna Government for showing weakness by ceding to little Colombia, losing the face of the European powers.
¡
Standing on their respective grounds, experts and academics voiced their opinions and engaged in verbal battles in the newspapers. As for how many among them were online trolls, no one knew.
Eventually, as the arguments diverged, the topic shifted. It started with the "Panama idental Exchange of Fire Misunderstanding" to the ongoing "Guano Wars," then to the British-French-Austrian struggle in South America, and finally back to the Prusso-Russian War.
As topics multiplied, the situation changed. Compared with ongoing wars, the "misunderstanding" that had already settled became old news and gradually faded from public attention.
Chapter 682 - 255: Scalding
```
Time swiftly passed, and the Austrian army soon evacuated the Panama area, transferring control not to the Colombian Government but to the Panama local government.
To be precise, it was the Panama Independence Organization, as the original local government of Panama had long been reced, and the Independence Organization was now in power.
The Colombian Government¡¯s army was stopped halfway by the local militia, who refused to let them enter.
Both sides were at a standoff, and the Panama Independence Organization had not yet dered independence, citing poor military discipline as the reason for refusing the government troops¡¯ entry.
Although Colombia was not a United States-style federation, the local governments still held considerable power, and there was precedent for refusing entry to government troops.
Fully aware that the Panama area was on the brink of independence, President Rafael N¨²?ez could only resort to political measures before independencemenced.
Suppression was out of the question! Whoever fired the first shot now would have to bear the responsibility for initiating a civil war.
This was precisely what the Vienna Government wanted to see. If a civil war broke out just as the Austrian troops had left, it would seem quite awkward to anyone.
Moreover, the longer the dy, the better prepared the Independence Organization would be. Controlling the territory also required time; the Independence Organization had only been established for a few short months, and it was already an achievement to have set up the framework, let alone attending to internal affairs thoroughly.
...
Foreign Minister Weisenberg: "Your Majesty, the Colombian Government is once again pressing us to pay thepensation. ording to the messages from the embassy, they have been surrounded by the families of the fallen soldiers for three days.
Some have even stormed the embassy district, demanding pensions. Now, even going out to purchase daily necessities has be difficult, so they have to rely on the Colombian Government to deliver them."
On hearing this news, Franz smiled slightly at the corner of his mouth. Just some protests, what great power hasn¡¯t gone through these several times? One gets used to it after a while.
"Tell the Colombian Government to provide the identity proof of the families of the fallen soldiers, and as soon as the identities are verified, we¡¯ll immediately disburse the pension.
The property damage was concentrated in the Panama area, and it¡¯s the local residents that needpensation. To avoid misappropriation, we¡¯ll directly transfer the funds to the local government."
"To the local government" for what, to wage a civil war?
If they had a choice, the Colombian Government would probably prefer not to have thispensation at all. This was not just a hot potato issue; it was lethal.
Retaliation¡ªthis was true retaliation. Compared to this, the previous conflicts and "misunderstandings" could only be seen as child¡¯s y.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg cautioned: "Your Majesty, in order to show goodwill towards us, the Colombian Government has already rxed trade control at the Peruvian border.
Now, if we proceed like this, I fear they will blockade the border line again, smuggling will not be able to continue, and Peru and Bolivia will..."
Franz waved his hand dismissively: "That¡¯s a minor issue. Peru is France¡¯s little brother, and the goods they¡¯re purchasing are mainly French, so even if blockaded, what does that have to do with us?
As for Bolivia, haven¡¯t we already opened a trade line with Argentina? The quantity of smuggled goods may not be much, but if they manage frugally, it should barely suffice."
The recent "misunderstanding" in Panama wasn¡¯t just a wake-up call for Colombia; the neighboring Argentina was also frightened, and even the Chilean Government, clinging tightly to the British, was terrified.
```
This year, the countries of South America were all weak and none stood out among the so-called "three powers" of the region.
With just one "misunderstanding," Colombia¡¯s loss of forces equaled the entire casualties of the "Bird Droppings War" over more than a year, which inevitably caused widespread panic.
Having witnessed Austria¡¯s strength, Argentina, as a neighbor, naturally had to adjust its foreign policy. They couldn¡¯t lift the trade embargo outright, as that would offend the British.
However, the sharp government bureaucrats of Argentina were not to be easily stumped. If open trade was not possible, they could still smuggle goods in secret.
This was a win-win situation, not only satisfying the Austrians but leaving the British with nothing toin about, and the bureaucrats could also make a fortune in the process.
...
While Austria took action, the French were not idle either. The contemporary French Empire was much more formidable than in the original timeline. Its intimidation had not been challenged, and with French Guiana present, deterring a few South American countries was a simple task.
If the Vienna Government could persuade the Argentine Government to rx the blockade, the French could also turn a blind eye with the Brazilian Government.
In a sense, the "blockade line" concocted by the British was full of loopholes from the very beginning.
The so-called "blockade" only really prevented ordinary merchants from trading. Its actual effect was likely to reduce the influx of goods and inte the cost for Peru and Bolivia to acquire supplies.
For powerful tradingpanies with strong backing, the blockade line meant nothing. As long as the profit was sufficient, no capitalist found the blockade insurmountable.
Even coastlines guarded by the Royal Navy were breached by merchant ships. With strong enough connections, they weren¡¯t afraid of being caught.
If the British couldn¡¯t make something happen, other countries were even less to be expected. Apart from the domestic elite, there were also numerous audacious tradingpanies with the support of major powers.
If caught, at most they would be turned away. Responsibility was pursued indeed, but how to proceed without provoking an international dispute?
The only country that truly enforced a strict blockade was probably Chile. When it pertained to their own economic interests, strict enforcement was unavoidable.
...
Perhaps it was the riches of the South American region, or maybe it was the weakness of its countries¡ªwhatever the reason, Napoleon IV took an interest in South America.
Seeing Austria eyeing the Panama area, Napoleon IV also wanted to expand the French South American Colonies.
It had been several years since the French involvement in external expansion, and for Napoleon IV, who was eager to surpass his predecessor, this was very unfortunate.
While the French government¡¯s senior officials were both excited and helpless about the Emperor¡¯s grand n, everyone wanted to achieve great deeds and leave their name in history, but the conditions simply didn¡¯t allow it!
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dumbledore, advised, "Your Majesty, the current international situation is not suitable for expansion. The Prusso-Russian War is at a critical moment, and we cannot afford to divert our strength.
Based on the current circumstances, once the Prusso-Russian War concludes, there will be another reshuffling on the European Continent, presenting us with the best opportunity to expand our influence in Europe.
If it weren¡¯t for the impending changes in Europe, the Vienna Government wouldn¡¯t have given up the Panama area so easily, as international public opinion is not yet strong enough to make them yield."
There was no question about it, the current trend was "Eurocentrism." ording to this principle, both France and Austria, the two major continental powers, had to focus their efforts on dealing with the post-war situation.
Napoleon IV shook his head, "Count, this does not contradict my ns. Colonial expansion is a long-term national policy, not something we need tounch immediately."
"What we need to do now is just the preliminary preparation. Once the dust settles on the European Continent, it won¡¯t be toote to take action."
"This world has already been carved up. The most annoying British have acquired the richest regions; even those South European barbarians have grabbed arge piece of the cake."
"What¡¯s left for France is just the remains of a feast. In name, we are the world¡¯s third Colonial Empire, but in reality, everyone is well aware that it¡¯s just a pile of sand."
"He who hesitates is lost, and now we have very few options left. Apart from East Asia, there is South America. Comparatively speaking, the South America area, with its multitude of small nations, is easier to grasp."
Expansion, expansion, and more expansion. This is not the personal desire of Napoleon IV; this is the urgent need of France¡¯s domestic industry andmerce."
"This is the price that must be paid by an industrial powerhouse. Unaffected by the blows of the Prusso-French War, and having annexed the Italian Area, France¡¯s industrial capacity has increased too muchpared to the same historical period."
"An increase in industrial capacity doesn¡¯t necessarily bring only good things. Along with it, there¡¯s an urgent need for raw materials and markets for goods."
"Affected by the massive import of raw materials, the cost of French industrial andmercial products is rtively high, making them lesspetitive internationally."
"To solve this problem, the best solution is naturally expansion. No raw materials¡ªtake by force; no markets¡ªtake by force. In short, there is nothing that ¡¯taking by force¡¯ cannot solve."
After hearing this exnation, Dumbledore wanted to speak but stopped short. He intended to say that the nations of South America were not weak, but when the words reached his lips, he could not bring himself to say them.
"Strength and weakness both requireparison. Compared to France, the nations of South America are indeed too weak. Even if all these countries united, they still could not match France."
With the Emperor¡¯s firm stance and the significant influence of the domestic pro-colonial expansion faction, sensing that matters were turning adverse, the equally antiwar Finance Minister Roy hurriedly shifted the topic:
"South America¡¯s issues are not urgent for now. The most important matter at hand is the Prusso-Russian War. Various signs indicate that Austria has ns to annex the German Federation Empire."
"The British are unreliable. If the Prusso-Polish Federation is defeated and the Russians only achieve a Pyrrhic victory, then we are the only ones strong enough to prevent Austria and Germany from uniting."
"If the Vienna Government acts unterally and we must stop them, then war will be inevitable."
"Everyone has seen the horrors of the Prusso-Russian War. If we enter a war with Austria, I fear it could be even more terrible."
"To ensure victory, we must make preparations in advance. This will require arge amount of funding, something our finances cannot sustain."
This wasn¡¯t just a bluff¡ªAustria has always had ns to annex the German Federation, and these ns have evolved over time."
"Should there be a shift in the international situation, those ns could be reality. The Prusso-Russian War happens to present such an opportunity."
"If the Prusso-Polish Federation is victorious, then there¡¯s nothing to say. Even if suffering heavy losses, the Berlin Government can only choose to sh with Austria head-on. This is a matter of principle with absolutely no room forpromise."
"If the Tsarist Government wins, but with heavy losses, the situation will be different."
"Russians certainly don¡¯t want to see Austria swallow up the German Federation, but the Tsarist Government is not going to break the bank just to stop Austria."
This was determined by interest, even if Austria unified Central Europe, the Russian Empire would still be the Russian Empire, at most losing the route to expansion into Europe, which is not fatal.
The numerous loans issued by Austria weren¡¯t given out for free, they could still influence the Tsarist Government¡¯s decisions at critical moments.
If some interests were promised, the possibility of apromise between the two countries was very high.
Against this backdrop, the Vienna Government had the capacity to persuade most European countries to remain neutral; the final oue was mostly a duel between France and Austria, possibly with an unreliable United Kingdom ally.
After the ession of Napoleon IV, he basically continued his father¡¯s economic policies, and although the pace of domestic economic development had slowed, it was overall quite good.
The Finance Minister said "no money", which really gave him a shock. Then he came to a realization,¡ªthe debt of the Paris Government had always been heavy; this was an undeniable fact.
The world¡¯s biggest debtor was not the mighty John Bull, nor the recently rejuvenated Austria, nor Prussia and Russia, who were at war, but rather France, the dominant power of Western Europe.
There was no choice; renovating Paris, building infrastructure, reviving military equipment, expanding overseas colonies, annexing the Italian Area¡ªall these required money.
What the Orleans Dynasty left behind was just a pile of heavy debts. Although Napoleon III revived the French economy, he was unable to change the situation of the government¡¯s towering debts, which on the contrary increased even more.
It¡¯s not that this economic model was bad, in fact, many future countries¡¯ governments used public investment to stimte the economy, following the same concept.
However, this resulted in a continuous climb in government debt. During the era of credit currency, they could still cover this deficit by increasing the currency issuance, but in the era of gold standard, they had to bear it.
Under this economic model, as the economy of France grew greatly, the government debt also increased day by day.
The total debt of the Paris Government had broken through 28 billion Francs, a figure exceeding thebined debts of Prussia and Russia and earning the title of the world¡¯srgest debtor nation.
Of course, having a lot of debt did not mean that the Paris Government was truly poor. Not all government investments were public welfare; many investments became assets that could generate revenue, it¡¯s just that these assets could not be liquidated in the short term.
After contemting for a moment, Napoleon IV shook his head: "The situation in Europe is not so severe, the Austrians have not started preparing for war, which means the Vienna Government is also not ready.
Your spections, in reality, are just possibilities. There are too many assumptions, and everything must proceed from the Russians narrowly winning the war for the subsequent events to ur.
In fact, up to this point in the Prusso-Russian war, no one can be sure of controlling the bnce.
The Russians certainly have a better chance of winning, but it¡¯s not necessarily a narrow victory. Even if the Prusso Federation loses, it¡¯s not certain that they¡¯ll lose everything.
The British indeed cannot be relied upon, but we¡¯ve never counted on them, have we?
Moreover, why must we go to war with Austria? Dividing the German Federation could also be a good choice.
Don¡¯t tell me the Austrians really want to engage in full-scale warfare with us? If a war really breaks out, it¡¯s the British who will benefit."
A tripartite bnce is the most stable structure, the main reason being: everyone is worried about "the sandpiper and the m fight, the fisherman profits".
Compared to the isted British, the strategic positions of both Austria and France are much worse.
Chapter 683 - 256: Maoqi’s Grand Plan
After the onset of spring, the haze of gunpowder nketed the Eastern European battlefield once again. After a winter of preparation, the situation had greatly changed.
The Berlin Government had organized the popce to construct a multitude of castle fortresses along the border regions, restricting the movements of the Cossack cavalry. To pige wealth, they would now need to siege these castle fortresses.
Thebat effectiveness of the Cossack cavalry was built on interest. As the popce became prepared, the difficulty of looting continuously increased, and often the casualties were disproportionate to the spoils, which in turn dampened the enthusiasm of the Cossack cavalry.
There is a stark difference between proactive and reactive in thebat power that¡¯s unleashed.
Although the Cossack cavalry continued to make their move, the victories they imed grew smaller and smaller. Often, they did nothing more than damage farnds and infrastructure, reluctant to chew on the hard bones.
The Middle Ages were long gone; with money in their pockets, there were plenty of ces where they could buy grain. The Berlin Government could still bear the loss inflicted only on the border area¡¯s farnd.
In some ways, Wilhelm I had to thank the Tsarist Government, for it was the Russians¡¯ ruthless tactics that forced the Polish to depend on them.
Even though the destructive power of the Cossack cavalry decreased, it didn¡¯t mean the Tsarist Government¡¯s scorched-earth strategy had failed.
In the face of war, humanity is fragile. To evade the mes of war, many from the border regions dragged their families ind, leaving numerous areas deserted.
It wasn¡¯t that the Berlin Government didn¡¯t try to stop them, but they simply couldn¡¯t. Crowds of refugees fleeing towards the rear still imposed a heavy economic burden on the Berlin Government.
The coastal regions suffered the most severe losses, with most of the Prusso-Polish Federation port cities reduced to ruins under bombardment; the few surviving cities also trembled in fear.
Yet these were only minor issues, since the Danish people had blockaded the straits, the Prusso-Polish Federation¡¯s maritime trade routes were nearly severed, significantly diminishing the strategic value of the port cities.
The worst was that the Russians had reinforced their losses on the southern front, leading to the failure of Maoqi¡¯s n to conquer Kiev; now the Tsarist Government had adopted the most conservative strategy to wear down the Prusso-Polish Federation.
Steady and firm, with a straightforward sh of forces, the Prussian Army couldn¡¯t leverage their tactical advantage. Even with a greatmander like Maoqi, they couldn¡¯t reverse the trend of the battlefield developing unfavorably for the Prusso-Polish Federation.
The dire situation on the battlefield also affected the domestic atmosphere of the Prusso-Polish Federation, with anti-war voices emerging now and then, even the most optimistic individuals were deeply concerned about the war.
Berlin Pce
Wilhelm I roared, "The war has progressed to this point, and we¡¯ve lost three hundred thousand troops, while the victories we¡¯ve achieved are negligible.
You assured me beforehand that we would win the war in three months, but now three months have passed, and then another three months, and soon the third set of three months will end with no signs of victory whatsoever.
Can anyone tell me how much more we need to pay before we can win this war?"
It was not that Wilhelm Ickedposure, but the recent pressure was immense. The Prussian Army¡¯s performance on the battlefield fell far short of expectations.
The so-called "winning the war in three months" was in fact just Maoqi¡¯s southern front n. In theory, as long as they cut off the trade routes between Prussia and Russia, they would have won the war.
Unfortunately, thebat capabilities of the Russian Army were much stronger than they had anticipated. They might not match the Prussian Army in open field battles, but their defensive capabilities were solid.
Maoqi¡¯s carefully designed strategic n was not wed in itself, it was just applied to the wrong opponent. If it were another nation, losing tens of thousands of troops at once would certainly be a crippling blow.
Regrettably, they encountered the Russians, and the rate of enemy casualties was only a bit faster than the Tsarist reinforcements. With a winter¡¯s respite, the Tsarist Government not only replenished its losses to full strength, but its total military power had even increased.
Maoqi replied with a stiff upper lip, "Your Majesty, the Russians are harming themselves to injure others; their losses are even greater than ours. If this continues, even if the Russians win the war, it will only be a Pyrrhic victory.
Currently, the Russians have the upper hand on the battlefield, and the Tsarist Government has no need to pursue a mutually destructive approach.
As long as we expose our weaknesses at the right moment, the Russian Army will definitely not let go of the opportunity. Once the Russians adjust their tactics, our chance wille.
To win this war, I suggest that we can abandon some regions when necessary, to first draw the Russian forces out of their fortifications."
Dealing with over a million men and a front line spanning hundreds of kilometers, making tactical adjustments is extremely difficult; just coordinating between various units alone is enough to be "touching."
The Tsarist Government has always had a weakness in organizational ability; even after Alexander II¡¯s reforms, Russians still fall somewhat short.
The battlefield is essentially aparison of who makes more mistakes, and whose mistakes are fatal.
Currently, the Russian Army is defending in all areas except for the middle, where they are attacking. Hiding inside the fortress withouting out might fail to grasp opportune moments for battle, but it simrly avoids making fatal blunders.
Maoqi did not want the Prussian Army to be locked in a stalemate with the main force of the Russian Army in the middle, as that would fail to utilize Prussian mobility and would simply be an attritional sh ofprehensive strength.
Wilhelm I uncertainly asked, "Are you thinking of giving up Smolensk?"
Smolensk has always been referred to as the gateway to Moscow; controlling it would give the Prussian Army the initiative to attack Moscow.
Since the outbreak of the Prusso-Russian War, the Russian Army has been stubbornly defending this ce to ensure Moscow¡¯s safety, to prevent being split in two by the Prussian Army.
Maoqi nodded, "Your Majesty, we have already tried many strategies, but the Russians just cower in their defenses and refuse toe out.
A frontal assault would result in too great a loss, apletely pyrrhic victory. Other than abandoning Smolensk and letting the Russian Army in, it is very difficult for us to break the current battlefield stalemate in the short term."
Given the great disparity in troop numbers, and with the Russian Army¡¯s central offensive tying down arge portion of Prussian forces, Maoqi¡¯s capacity for maneuver warfare is limited.
Maoqi, originally proficient at concentrating superior forces for decisive battles with the enemy, found it frustratingly impossible, especially after the Russian Army adopted a scorched-earth policy, making him even more reluctant to take risks.
Withdrawing troops from any single front could possibly disce hundreds of thousands, or even millions of people.
If it were possible to win the war, making certain sacrifices could be eptable. But such a war could never be decided by just one or two battles.
Eliminating tens of thousands of Russian troops at the expense of creating hundreds of thousands of refugees, whether this is a loss or a gain, is very difficult to gauge.
Since sacrifices are inevitable either way, why not go for a major gamble? If they could entice the enemy deep into their territory and use the home front advantage to annihte the main force of the Russian Army, then any grave loss could be epted.
"How sure are you?"
Wilhelm I hesitated, this gamble was on the fate of the nation. Victory could certainly turn the tide of war; but if defeated, the Prusso Federation woulde to its end, and even the survival of a reduced Kingdom of Prussia was in question.
Maoqi coolly replied, "By giving up most of Brus and parts of Pnd, shifting the battlefield to the Warsaw region, and calling upon the Polish people to resist the Russian invasion, our chances of winning are at least sixty percent."
War is inherently a gamble, with the Prusso Federation already at a disadvantage, having sixty percent odds of winning was already quite high.
With a p on the table, Wilhelm I decisively said,
"Let¡¯s gamble!"
"Marshal, proceed with your n, the government will coordinate with you."
It wasn¡¯t that Wilhelm I was decisive; it was more that there was no choice. The war had reached this stage where no one could back down, and Prussia and Russia had to determine a victor on the battlefield.
Even if Wilhelm I didn¡¯t want to take the gamble, the Junker aristocracy would make the decision for him. Just like in the original timeline of World War I, after the copse of the Russian Empire, when Wilhelm II wanted to end the war halfway, the Junker aristocracy bypassed the Emperor and continued the war.
The situation was much the same now; with the outbreak of the war, the military¡¯s power had grown, and the government had be the logistics department for the military. The bnce of power had been broken long ago.
As the King, Wilhelm I often had no choice but topromise with the military.
...
Chapter 684 - 257: Showing off Skills
On July 16, 1880, after a grueling ten-month fight and the loss of hundreds of thousands of lives, the Russian Army finally captured Smolensk, causing an uproar in the European world.
That night, European politicians collectively suffered from insomnia, including Franz. Had it not been for years of experience as Emperor, he almost could not resist calling an immediate meeting.
The geographic location of Smolensk determined the extraordinary nature of this battle. With the capture of this fortress, Russia had gained strategic initiative.
The bnce of the war began to tilt, and the Russians, who already had an advantage in national power, further extended their advantage.
Allowing one night¡¯s respite, the next day, Franz convened a high-level government meeting at the Vienna Pce.
To make the right decision, one must first understand the true situation on the Prusso-Russian battlefield.
After years as Emperor, Franz no longer took historical records from his previous life seriously. He preferred facts over fanciful judgements based on personal preference.
...
Chief of Staff Albrecht: "Both Prussia and Russia have, back and forth,mitted a total of 1.87 million troops in the contest for Smolensk, with Prussia deploying 720,000 and Russia 1.15 million.
Based on the analysis of data provided by the Military Observation Group, preliminary assessments suggest that just in the Smolensk Region, the total casualties for both countries exceed 700,000, with about one quarter of them killed and a casualty exchange ratio of roughly 1:1.3 between the two armies.
It can be said that both Prussia and Russia have put forth their full effort in this battle, which has been extremely fierce. The defensive fortifications of the Smolensk Region were very robust, and its sudden fall waspletely unexpected.
Our data is iplete and we are unable to determine the exact cause of Smolensk¡¯s fall. Judging by the Russian victory, the Prussian Army has suffered heavy losses, with more than 120,000 taken prisoner.
However, there is dissent within the Military Observation Group. The proportion of old and weak among the prisoners is too high, suggesting they may not have been part of Prussia¡¯s main forces, or even second-line troops.
Through verification with our Military Observation Group dispatched to the Prussian Army, we confirmed that Prussia indeed carried out a major troop rotation half a month ago. However, it was done so secretively that the observers could not get close.
If all this information is urate, then the significance of Russia¡¯s ¡¯great victory at Smolensk¡¯ is greatly diminished.
We have not observed any major movements from the Prussian Army, neither on the southern nor the northern fronts show any intention ofunching an offensive, so the real purpose of concentrating their main forces is up for study."
The hypothesis that "Prussia deliberately gave up Smolensk" is hard to believe for many, Franz included.
From the situation on the battlefield, there was no need for Prussia to give up Smolensk. Even relying on local fortress works, the Russian Army might not have been able to take it in two to three more years.
In such a context, there was no need to give up such a strategic location and sacrifice arge number of cannon fodder troops.
"Luring the enemy in deep" was not something that no one had considered, but the cost of such an action was extremely high. Even for troops with lowbat effectiveness, they are still a valuable national defense force.
Franz asked, "Has there been any recent diplomatic activity from the Berlin Government?"
Franz could not help but be suspicious; thebination of Wilhelm I and Maoqi is unquestionably formidable, and their loss of Smolensk so easily was not a mistake they would make.
If it was not an ident, then it must have been deliberate. Apart from "luring the enemy deep," showing weakness to garner more diplomatic support was another possibility.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg answered somewhat awkwardly: "Your Majesty, diplomatic activities of the Prusso Federation have been ongoing since the outbreak of the war.
ording to intelligence from embassies around the world, envoys from the Prusso Federation meet with political leaders of various nations every week, with even neutral small countries like Switzend not being an exception."
This response left Franz dumbfounded; what was meant to be diplomatic activity had turned into a routine activity.
Meeting with world leaders every day, who knew if there were any results?
Sensing the Emperor¡¯s dilemma, Weisenberg added, "Recently, the Prusso Federation¡¯s envoy to the Ottoman Empire held a secret talk with the Sultan, the specifics of which are unknown to anyone.
The Berlin Government also increased diplomatic rtions with Central Asian Countries and the Far Eastern Empire, seemingly with the intention of reforming the Anti-Russian alliance.
There is still no confirmed news, and it probably does not look very hopeful. These countries have plenty of internal problems and are not very active in opposing Russia."
Thest time an Anti-Russian alliance was formed, it was mainly thanks to the British, with the Berlin Government just tagging along.
Times have changed; the Russian Empire is no longer John Bull¡¯s primary enemy, and the London Government naturally will not continue to spend a great price targeting the Russians.
Diplomacy has its costs, and without sufficient interests, why would everyone fight?
Whether it¡¯s the Central Asian Countries or the Far Eastern Empire, none have the courage to take a chunk out of Russia; maintaining the integrity of their own territories is good enough for them.
In Franz¡¯s view, instead of trying to persuade these countries, it would be more effective to lobby the Japanese Government, at least they are adventurous.
Of course, this does not have much practical significance. The Far Eastern region is too remote; even if it were all lost, it would not affect the strength of the Russian Empire.
```
The most capable allies that could help the Berlin Government were the Nordic Federation and the Ottoman Empire. Unfortunately, the former was disrupted by Danish people with the Tsarist Government making promises, making it impossible to sway them.
Not to mention thetter, the Sultan was busy with internal reforms. Even if there were desires for revenge against the Russians, there was more willingness than ability.
Prime Minister Felix, "If that¡¯s the case, the likelihood of the Berlin Government receiving substantial foreign aid has be very slim. Ennd and France wouldn¡¯t possibly invest indefinitely, they have to consider how to recoup their costs.
Could we assume that Maoqi is resorting to his old tricks, nning to imitate thest war by giving up the East Prussia region, thereby lengthening the Russian Army¡¯s supply lines and baiting the Russians into a decisive battle with them?"
No one has ruled out using the same tactics twice; in fact, on the battlefield, any tactic that is effective can be used continuously.
Whether it¡¯s repetitive or not, whether it¡¯s possible to be discovered by the enemy, these aren¡¯t concerns; the core objective always remains the same¡ªto win the war.
Chief of Staff Albrecht, "We cannot rule out this possibility. Strategically speaking, it¡¯s a tant scheme.
Even if the Tsarist Government knew of the Prusso Federation¡¯s ns, they couldn¡¯t possibly order the Russian forces at the front to halt their advance due to the risks involved.
However, whilst their n is good, it¡¯s hard to say whether it can be realized. There are risks inherent in their n that the Russian Army is bound to have noticed.
As long as they proceed with caution, advancing steadily and tactically without giving the Prussian Army any opportunities, the situation would be quite different."
As he said this, Albrecht suddenly chose to shut his mouth. "Advancing steadily and tactically" might be simple to say, but it was anything but simple to execute.
This world has never been short of fools, nor has the militarycked those with a strong sense of self-interest. Faced with obvious bait, could everyone restrain themselves?
War must serve the overall strategy, and conversely, local skirmishes impact the bigger picture. If something goes wrong in one ce, the supposedly wless strategic n can quickly be full of holes.
Albrecht had no confidence in the Russian Army¡¯s ability to execute ns. Not just the Russians¡ªin this era, no army from any country could guarantee that all their officers possessed a sense of the bigger picture.
Franz waved his hand, "Stop there; that¡¯s enough on this matter. If the Prussian Army is luring the enemy in deep, it¡¯s the Tsarist Government that should be worried now.
Of course, Alexander II might still be celebrating the victory. However, I believe someone will remind him. After all, they have lost once before and should have learned from their lessons.
For now, let¡¯s discuss how we should respond to the uing changes in Europe."
"Long-term nning," unfortunately, didn¡¯t exist anymore. The Vienna Government¡¯s foreign policy always adjusted ording to current needs, with each policy enacted being timely.
This time was no exception, as the Prusso-Russian war was full of uncertainties, necessitating several contingency ns.
Which specific n to adopt would be decided after the dust settled, by choosing the one that best served Austria¡¯s national interests.
...
After the "Great Victory at Smolensk," the Russian Army didn¡¯t cease its advance; on the contrary, they took Minsk in hot pursuit and pointed their spears towards the Polish capital of Warsaw. The Prussian-Russian war seemed to be clearing up.
In the Russian General Headquarters, Marshal Ivanov stared nkly at the map. There was no hint of joy for victory on his face.
A middle-aged military officer approached him with a document and reported, "Marshal, the Seventh Army has sent a telegram urging for supplies."
Ivanov turned around and after a pause inquired, "Where has the Seventh Army reached?"
"The Seventh Army has advanced along the Bug River and has now passed Sarnaiki, less than 200 Russian miles from Warsaw," the middle-aged man replied.
Finding Sarnaiki on the map and examining it carefully for a while, Ivanov sneered, "It¡¯s all tnd ahead, nearly reaching Warsaw, and the enemy hasn¡¯t attempted an interception?"
Without waiting for the middle-aged man to respond, Marshal Ivanov continued, "Maoqi¡¯s appetite is really big. One army isn¡¯t enough to satisfy him; doesn¡¯t he fear choking to death?"
The enemy who knows you best is yourself. Maoqi became famous in one battle during thest Prusso-Russian war, naturally bing the focus of the Russian Army¡¯s attention.
The information gathered by Ivanov was so detailed it was said that even where Maoqi went to kindergarten was known¡ªa humorous exaggeration as kindergartens weren¡¯t popr at the time.
Nevertheless, Maoqi¡¯s biography, interests and hobbies, and style ofmand were all recorded. Simr records were not only collected by the Tsarist Government but also by many countries in Europe.
With increased understanding, naturally, some have developed tactics specifically targeting him. The tactics currently used by the Russian Army were intended to counter Maoqi.
And the facts proved that this conservative tactic was indeed effective. With their numerical advantage and cautious approach, even a military strategist like Maoqi was powerless, leaving him with the current tactics as his only option.
After pondering for a moment, Marshal Ivanov ordered, "Command the Seventh Army to halt their advance, find advantageous terrain nearby to construct defensive positions, and wait for the supply train to arrive.
Command the Sixth Army to advance into the Lithuanian Region, order the Northwest Front Army tounch a full counterattack, order the Southwestern Army to make a feint at the Volen Region..."
A series ofmands were issued, with none directed towards advancing on Warsaw. Facing a steady and cautious opponent was troubling; even though the Prussian Army had opened their doors wide, Ivanov decided to first conquer the enemy on his right nk.
```
Chapter 685 - 258, Debt Kidnapping
```
Watching the Russians dominate on the battlefield, the prepared Berlin Government could still keep itsposure, but the financial backers behind them began to grow restless.
"The borrower is king." This saying might be a bit exaggerated here, but the essence remains the same. Once the Prussian Federation was defeated, it would be very hard for creditors to reim their money.
The "coteral" previously promised by the Berlin Government would also depend on whether the Russians were willing to recognize it.
ording to the Tsarist Government¡¯s consistent behavior, there was an eighty percent chance they would pretend not to see it, and the remaining twenty percent they did see it, they would refuse to acknowledge.
To win this battle, the Berlin Government made every effort to borrow money, and the number of secret agreements signed was countless.
If the Prusso Federation were to copse, it¡¯s unknown how many financial institutions that lent money would go down with it. The consortium would want to transfer the losses, making a financial crisis inevitable.
Not only would financial institutions be out of luck, but real industries wouldn¡¯t fare much better. Manypanies might seem to have profited greatly from the war, but in reality, a lot of the profits were only on paper, with a huge backlog of final payments. Stay updated through empire
There was no helping it. Defaulting on final payments is a major chronic issue inmercial cirction, almost pervading every link in the capitalist market economy. It is a problem all manufacturingpanies have to face.
No one knows how long this war willst, and no one knows how much money it will cost. To sustain the effort for a longer time, the Berlin Government naturally had to spend as little money as possible.
Owing a lot of debt isn¡¯t a problem, nor are high interest rates; those are troubles of happiness. Only by winning this war would they need to consider these issues.
After the outbreak of Prusso-Russian war, the export prices of all strategic materials in Europe soared significantly.
Nominally, enterprises enjoyed massive profits from this surge inmodity prices; in reality, the Berlin Government only paid part of the costs, many just the initial deposits, while capitalists had to upfront the remaining production costs.
The Berlin Government did have money. There was a substantial amount lying in bank ounts, which was an open secret among those who were well-informed.
However, the deposits for purchasing materials meant that typically, only when ordering the next batch of goods would the payment for the previous batch be settled.
Given the high profits, the capitalists naturally wouldn¡¯t refuse. Many economically weaker enterprises had to borrow from banks to provide these upfront payments.
To a certain extent, the Prussian Federation had already ensnared the economies of Britain and France with its debts ¨C both were bound to lose together.
Everyone knew the "risks," but couldn¡¯t resist the lucrative benefits. Moreover, the Prussian Federation had once won a Prusso-Russian war, and newspapers constantly belittled the Russians, boosting people¡¯s confidence invisibly.
All this changed after the battle of Smolensk when everyone suddenly realized: "The Russian Empire is still the gendarme of Europe, and the Prusso Federation seems to be in trouble."
This just won¡¯t do. Everyone had already invested so much; under no circumstances could they let the Prusso Federation be destroyed! If the Berlin Government fell, everyone would face misfortune.
The capitalists didn¡¯t want the Prussian Federation to fall, and neither did the London Government. After finally supporting a chess piece, no one wanted to see it vanish.
Prime Minister Benjamin¡¯s pressure soared overnight as domestic interest groups demanded the government take action to avoid the worst-case scenario.
Putting aside the documents in his hands, Benjamin asked in disbelief, "Has the situation really be this serious, that Britannia would be held hostage by Teutonic savages?"
The thick disdain in his expression was enough to show how distressed he felt. The rtionship between Ennd and Prussia was usually quite good; under normal circumstances, he would not use an insulting term like "savages."
Chancellor Garfield replied, "The situation is even worse than that. I suspect that even if the Prusso Federation wins the war, they might not have the capacity to repay these debts.
We can leave aside the overdue payments for materials for now, they have at least paid some money, and as long aspanies aren¡¯t too greedy, it mainly covers production costs, so the losses wouldn¡¯t be substantial.
The real problem is the loans and bonds. Once the Prussian Federation is defeated, almost all coteral will have no security.
The gold they have put up isn¡¯t even enough to pay off a tenth of the debt. Even if we included all of the Prussian Federation¡¯s overseas assets, it wouldn¡¯t be enough to fill this gap.
In an iplete tally, we have even uncovered multiple cases of coteralized loans, especially the lending agreements signed in secret by the Berlin Government with financial institutions where the cases of repeated coteral are very severe.
The debts owed to us by the Prussian Federation far exceed the visible ¡ê180 million. The true figure might be ¡ê200 million or even ¡ê300 million, known only by the Berlin Government."
In an era ofx financial regtion in Britain, financial institutions give out loans in private, and the London Government has no real control over it.
The sale of bonds is even more chaotic. What is dered as a million might actually be an issue of three to five million, amon urrence.
In an age relying on manual supervision, urately ounting for these figures is too difficult. As long as problems don¡¯t arise, the British Government would not intervene.
If a problem did emerge, the British Government wouldn¡¯t be able to do much about it either. In finance, small problems don¡¯t surface, and by the time big problems do, the institution is already on the brink of bankruptcy.
"Bankruptcy" is the best way to evade responsibility, with the government at most arresting a few scapegoats, and more often than not, not even able to find those.
Prime Minister Benjamin had lost interest in digging deeper into the exact figures of Berlin¡¯s debt; there was no point.
Investment wise, this venture had be a toxic asset, and cutting losses was the best option.
Unfortunately, that was out of the question. Nobody wanted to see their money go to waste; the London Government had to take responsibility for the aftermath.
In the original timeline, Britain and France sessfully dragged the Americans into the fray with that tactic. Although it hadn¡¯te to that, it still gave Prime Minister Benjamin a headache.
```
"Damn barbarians, how did they be so cunning all of a sudden!" Prime Minister Benjaminined.
"Is this situation aimed only at us, or is it the same for all countries?"
This question was critical. If every nation was ensnared in the Prusso-Polish Federation¡¯s debts, then the issue was less problematic.
Chancellor Garfield shook his head, "I¡¯m afraid, Prime Minister, while simr issues have emerged in other countries, the numbers involved are not significant.
Perhaps the collective debt the Prusso-Polish Federation owes to all other nations doesn¡¯t even amount to a third of what they owe us.
Besides us, the secondrgest creditor nation to the Prusso-Polish Federation is likely to be France, followed by the German Federation Empire. The debts to the rest of the countries can be considered negligible.
The Berlin Government doesn¡¯t yet have the capability to borrow from the entire world."
On hearing this news, Benjamin nearly fainted from anger, swearing it was the worst news he had heard all year.
The main reasons for this predicament were, firstly, that the British had too much money, with a considerable amount of idle funds in the private sector; secondly, the diplomatic policies of the London Government. Without the government¡¯s encouragement, the private financial institutions wouldn¡¯t be so eager.
Everyone took it for granted that the government wouldn¡¯t let the Prusso-Polish Federation lose the war. With that assumption, what was there to worry about? Could the Berlin Government dare default on its debts?
Other countries, however, were different; not everyone was optimistic about the Prusso-Polish Federation, nor did everyone have the confidence to guarantee the safety of their debts.
For instance: the financial sector within Austria doesn¡¯t lend to the Prusso-Polish Federation, for a very realistic reason¡ªthe Vienna Government is supporting the Russians.
Politically influenced, no one was optimistic about the Prusso-Polish Federation¡¯s prospects, and naturally, no one was willing to lend to them.
There¡¯s even less to say about the small European countries. Not to mention theck of guarantee for the repayment of the money, they didn¡¯t have much to begin with!
Against this backdrop, it was not surprising that France became the secondrgest creditor, and the German Federation, the third. Who could me them? They had the funds and maintained a good rtionship with the Berlin Government.
Benjamin asked unequivocally, "What about the Russian Empire? Don¡¯t tell me that the Tsarist Government has also borrowed arge sum of money from us!"
Garfield nodded reluctantly, "I regret to inform you, Your Excellency, that the Tsarist Government indeed owes us a considerable sum, albeit not as much as the Prusso-Polish Federation¡ªsomewhere around fifty to sixty million British Pounds.
A significant portion of this was borrowed before the war as prepayments for Russian agricultural products, the rest being outstanding payments for war materials purchased after the outbreak of the conflict.
We¡¯ve roughly tallied the Russians¡¯ foreign debts, and unsurprisingly, theirrgest creditor is Austria, with a total debt likely no less than what we¡¯ve lent to the Prusso-Polish Federation.
Most of it was in loans, with a minor part in bonds, and very few outstanding payments for goods. Due to the Tsarist Government¡¯s history of defaulting, most Austrian businesses demand immediate payment."
Perhaps the news was too staggering, for it took Prime Minister Benjamin a few moments to recover.
"This is the worst scenario imaginable. We cannot watch the Prusso-Polish Federation lose, just like the Vienna Government cannot afford to see the Russians defeated. This war is no longer just about Prussia and Russia!"
It was either an Anglo-Austrian confrontation or the Anglo-Austrian two countries engaging in a proxy war through Prussia and Russia. Whichever it was, the oue did not bode well.
Especially now with the Prusso-Polish Federation at a disadvantage on the battlefield, the position for Britain was even more passive. The price for turning the tide in favor of the Prusso-Polish Federation would be too great.
Foreign Minister Edward said, "The situation is not as bad as it seems. In reality, it is mainly us who is entangled in debts; Austria still retains the initiative.
The Russians only involved a few major banks in their loans from Austria, and with territory as coteral, although slightly overvalued, as long as they can deliver, these businesses will not lose everything.
From what we see now, I don¡¯t believe the Tsarist Government has the capacity to default. On the other hand, our problem is bigger, with tens of thousands, even millions of people involved in the same debts."
It was headache-inducing, lending money to two parties that seemed to be thriving but were actually in a difficult predicament. Regardless of who won or lost, there would be a debt default, it was just a question of how much.
The London Government could not control the financial sector. The bankers invested based on their interests, national interests were not within their considerations.
Being able to recuperate the loans would be fine, but if there is a debt default, these consortiums would escape unscathed, relying on the all-powerful "bankruptcy" escape use.
Of course, there were also those not so bright or too slow to shift the risk, who ended up ruining themselves in the process.
Luckily, the Russians had a poor reputation, and there were few capitalists willing to lend to them, otherwise the London Government would have to experience what it truly means to be caught between a rock and a hard ce.
Chancellor Garfield shook his head, "I don¡¯t think there¡¯s any difference, even with more options at the Vienna Government¡¯s disposal, they wouldn¡¯t allow the Prusso-Polish Federation to win the war.
They might even be happy to use us to weaken the Russians, clearing a significant obstacle to their unification of the German Region.
Think about it, the Prusso-Polish Federation disintegrates after defeat, the Russian Empire suffers severe damage, and our economy is hit hard by defaults; could there be a more ideal situation?
From the viewpoint of a beneficiary, I have reason to believe that this situation is truly the Austrian Government¡¯s doing.
Of course, it might also be France, but I don¡¯t think Napoleon IV has the capacity for such a scheme," Garfield said.
...
Chapter 686 - 259: The Tsarist’s Choice
"Troublees uninvited."
Simr urrences often happen in international politics and diplomacy, where political necessity often decides "the truth."
For instance, now, under economic influence, the London Government had to support the Berlin Government, but their strength alone wasn¡¯t enough; they had to rope in the French.
Against this backdrop, the "ck hand" could only be "Austria." From the perspective of interest, it just so happened that the Vienna Government also had a motive, which made it even harder to clear their name.
But it didn¡¯t matter if they could clear their name or not; on the issue of the Prusso-Russian War, the Anglo-Austrian two countries had already taken opposite stands, and being in too much debt didn¡¯t weigh them down.
Franz was indifferent, but Alexander II had a headache. Once the British made their move, most of their diplomatic efforts went down the drain.
There was no helping it; diplomacy really wasn¡¯t their forte, as the Tsarist Government¡¯s international reputation made it obvious how amateurish their diplomacy was.
Having achieved their current results was only because their opponents were also diplomatic novices. Both sides pecked at each other like newbies, barely on equal footing.
It¡¯s not to say that Prussia and Russiacked excellent diplomats. When it came to the individual abilities of the rank-and-file diplomats, even if there were differences, on the whole, the gap wouldn¡¯t be too big. The root of the problemy in decision-making.
In international diplomacy, exceptional diplomats are certainly important, but even more crucial are the decision-makers above them; they¡¯re the ones who truly have the power to decide a nation¡¯s foreign policy.
Unfortunately, not one of those making the decisions for Prussia and Russia excelled at diplomacy; no matter how hard the officials below them worked, it was futile.
The original time-space German Second Empire serves as the best example; under Bismarck¡¯s leadership, diplomacy reached its pinnacle, but once he was reced, it all fell apart.
After the Battle of Smolensk, the world generally favored the Russians; the Tsarist Government took the opportunity to reinforce its diplomatic offensive against the Nordic Federation.
It¡¯s difficult to provide aid in desperate times, yet easy to add frosting to the cake. Many within the Nordic Federation were tempted, especially the Danish people, who were eager to avenge the Prussia-Denmark War.
Strategically, if the Nordic Federation stabbed the Prusso Federation in the back now, this war would be over. Regardless of Maoqi¡¯s shocking strategies, they would be useless.
Unfortunately, the Tsarist Government¡¯s actions were too sluggish, whether due to interests or some other reason, negotiations had yet to bear fruit.
With the British stepping in, the Nordic Federation Government, originally poised to add frosting to the cake, wavered again. Joining forces became a fantasy, and the Russians missed their best opportunity to win the war.
Yet that wasn¡¯t even what caused Alexander II the most headache. More troublesome was the rise of optimism within the country after the victory in the "Battle of Smolensk."
Many who couldn¡¯t aplish anything and wasted everything turned into military experts overnight, instructing the frontlines with their unsolicited advice.
"Driving straight into Warsaw" or "Surprise attack on Berlin"... all sorts of bizarre tactics emerged, all sounding quite good and seemingly capable of winning the war easily.
Armchair strategists weren¡¯t the issue; you could just ignore them, like listening to stories, when it came to actual work. However, if armchair strategists had social influence, it was apletely different story.
The Russian armchair strategist had just that sort of social clout, and some even held significant power within the government. As these fellows started their "bantering," even Alexander II felt the headache, not to mention the pressure on the frontlinemanders.
...
In St. Petersburg during July, there was neither the severe cold of winter nor the scorching heat of summer. With a temperature around fifteen degrees Celsius, it was the most pleasant season.
During this best of times, the thrilling "Victory of Smolensk" arrived, and the entire St. Petersburg was permeated with the joy of sess.
As the leading contributor to the victory of this battle, Marshal Ivanov returned from the frontlines silently to attend the military conference.
Facing thepliments from his colleagues, Ivanov simply smiled and let it pass. No one knew better than he how much fluff was involved in the Battle of Smolensk.
The main force of the Prussian Army was still in existence, and it was too early to talk about "victory" now. If it weren¡¯t for a political necessity, Marshal Ivanov wouldn¡¯t mind disclosing the truth, revealing the malicious intentions of the enemy.
In politics, there are no ifs, and the Tsarist Government needed a victory. The "Great Triumph at Smolensk" came just at the right time, and what was fake had to be turned into something real.
Rtively speaking, this wasn¡¯t really cheating. At most, it was just a bit of artistic embellishment. Those pair of captives were the embodiment of military achievements.
Of course, as a true soldier, Ivanov didn¡¯t think there was anything worth boasting about. He even suspected that the enemy couldn¡¯t afford so much cannon fodder and had intentionally given them to increase his logistical pressure.
...
Winter Pce
Alexander II smilingly said, "Marshal, tell me about the situation at the front!"
There wasn¡¯t just one marshal in the Russian Empire, but Ivanov was the only one who appeared here and was treated with such importance by Alexander II.
The greatest confidence of a soldier always lies in military achievements. No matter how inted they might be, a win is a win. As the victor, Ivanov had the capital to be respected.
Perhaps Ivanov¡¯s militarymand ability wasn¡¯t the best, but he possessed advantages that others did not. Namely, the battles under hismand never ended in defeat.
When looking through his resume, one would find that he was a yer of steady output. His favorite approach was to be steady and conservative, opposing any form of military risk.
Besides, he had always been lucky, consistently encountering weaker opponents.
In the first Prusso-Russian war, he firstmanded troops against the Poles, then was sent to defend Istanbul against the Ottomans.
With such weak enemies and such a conservativemander, it would have been difficult for the Russian Army to lose even if they wanted to.
With the Russian Army facing a widespread defeat, the victorious Ivanov naturally stood out.
Then he ran right into the Second Near East War, where the Tsarist Government and Austria teamed up to beat the Ottomans. There was no question¡ªit was like gifting him military achievements.
When the second Prusso-Russian war broke out, Alexander II, seeking stability, promptly employed this "good-luck" marshal with "illustrious military achievements."
Reality proved that this appointment was incredibly wise. Although the Russian Army hadn¡¯t gained much during the past ten months of war, they hadn¡¯t suffered any significant setbacks either.
In this pure war of attrition that had been waged, suddenly everyone realized that the Russian Army was gradually gaining the strategic initiative.
The only downside was the somewhat high casualty rate; however, in the face of victory, these were minor issues. Compared to the first Prusso-Russian war, the current ratio of exchange in battle that the Russian Army had established was significantly better looking.
Ivanov picked up a pointer and, while speaking, pointed on the map, "After the Battle of Smolensk, the main force of the Prussian Army withdrew all the way back, as if ready to give up the Polish Region.
However, this was just the surface situation. The Battle of Smolensk did not severely damage the main force of the Prussian Army¡ªthey still had the strength to fight and didn¡¯t need to retreat so quickly, let alone give up Warsaw, the eastern gateway.
I have studied the enemy¡¯s reassignment directions, spreading out to both nks. As long as we enter the Warsaw region, they can immediately pounce on us.
Of course, it¡¯s not that we fear a decisive battle with the enemy, but there¡¯s no need for a decisive battle in the Warsaw region. Even if we were to fight one, it should be in a location of our choosing."
Clearly, Ivanov had a political mind and resolutely refrained from mentioning things that he should not.
Everyone present was smart. Even if Ivanov didn¡¯t say it, everyone knew the Poles did not wee the little father of the Tsar, and the Warsaw region was the most active area for anti-Russian sentiment. There was absolutely no public support for a decisive battle there.
```
However, smart people can also make foolish decisions because it is not their brains that determine their thinking, but rather their position of power.
Finance Minister Kristanval questioned, "Marshal, deciding on a decisive battle with the enemy in the Warsaw region may not be the best choice, but it is the most suitable one for us.
Since the outbreak of the war, we have already spent nearly 1.87 billion Rubles, and we are spending close to two billion Rubles every month.
This means that our annual fiscal revenue is not even enough for three months¡¯ worth of war expenses.
The longer the warsts, the more we have to pay in huge military expenses, so ending this war as soon as possible is the best choice."
As the saying goes, ¡¯when cannons fire, gold is ten thousand taels,¡¯ the Tsarist Government deployed millions of troops, and the daily cost of the military is an astronomical figure.
Self-funding is impossible, Russia¡¯s finances have never been affluent. To wage this war, the Tsarist Government already incurred a huge amount of foreign debt.
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If this war continues, it won¡¯t be long before the government¡¯s finances are drained again. Then the Ministry of Finance will have to figure out a solution, and Kristanval is smart enough to understand that it is now too difficult for the Tsarist Government to raise money.
If we are not defeated on the battlefield, but rather because of financial reasons, the Ministry of Finance will definitely have to take the me. As the Finance Minister, he is the first in line and may well be dragged to the guillotine to appease public anger.
Moreover, borrowed money must be repaid. This loan was secured by mortgaging thend; if the coffers are too clean to fulfill the debt obligations,nds will have to be ceded for debt.
If that happens, the Ministry of Finance is once again the one to take the me, and as Finance Minister Kristanval cannot help but be anxious.
For him, this war is like a "sword of Damocles" hanging over his head, ready to fall at any moment and im his life.
It¡¯s not just the Ministry of Finance that¡¯s eager to end the war, many interest groups within the Tsarist Government also want to end the war soon.
The war is causing too much economic damage, with many industries unable to operate normally, which is undoubtedly cutting off everyone¡¯s financial lifeline.
Ivanov shook his head, "Your Excellency, you¡¯re oversimplifying things. The challenges of making a decisive battle in the Warsaw region are not slight.
If we pursue a rapid resolution through strategic risk-taking, then we fall into the enemy¡¯s trickery.
If something unexpected happens leading to heavy losses for our army, who will take responsibility?"
Exining is impossible; under the pretext of political correctness, many things can¡¯t be spoken aloud. Marshal Ivanov could only choose to stand firm.
Finance Minister Kristanval sneered, "The matters of the battlefield, aren¡¯t they the responsibility of the military? Or maybe they want us in the Finance Ministry to take charge? Or perhaps we should simply takemand!"
There are many who want a quick resolution, including Alexander II. Nobody speaks it openly, mainly for fear that pressuring the military to rush into a decisive battle might lead to war failure. No one wants to bear that responsibility.
Kristanval has no choice, the Tsarist Government¡¯s finances are too terrible, and the war expenses are too great.
The Ministry of Finance can sustain the war expenses for at most one more year, but can the war end within a year?
If he hadn¡¯t experienced thest Prusso-Russian war, Kristanval might say yes. After firsthand experience, he could no longer be optimistic.
As a militaryyman, Kristanval doesn¡¯t see the importance of changing the location for a decisive battle; at worst, there would just be greater casualties. After all, the expendables are not valuable; they can afford the loss.
Marshal Ivanov scoffed, "That is an excellent proposal, since Marquis Kristanval is so confident, then it¡¯s better that I yield my ce to the wise!"
At this point, Ivanov is very clear that he cannot concede. To retreat is not to gain a broad expanse of sea and sky but to fall into an abyss.
```
Direct confrontation was not the best option, as it would offend many people. However,pared with the risk of a premature battle, he felt that offending people was the safer choice.
The era was one of war, belonging to the most powerful military era; no one could touch him, the Marshal with illustrious military achievements.
Seeing the argument escting, Alexander II waved his hand, "All right, let¡¯s end this issue here. Marshal, please proceed with your operational ns!"
Without a doubt, this brief incident ended with the firm stand of Marshal Ivanov prevailing.
Faced with the risk of financial crisis and military defeat, Alexander II chose to face the financial crisis. The risk of military failure was simply too great for him to bear.
As long as the war was won, the financial crisis could always be resolved. If all else failed, they could simply default on debts again. Once habitual, it bes easier.
The only trouble was the mortgaged territories, but these were minor issues. In the worst case, they could recoup their losses from the enemy, as the Vienna Government was not opposed to territorial exchanges.
"Yes, Your Majesty!" Ivanov replied solemnly, "The enemy hasid traps in the Warsaw region, waiting for us to jump in.
"For safety¡¯s sake, we have decided to first seize the Lithuanian Region and then encircle the enemy troops in the Baltic region from behind, thus removing the military threat to St. Petersburg."
Many were satisfied with this response and nodded in agreement. The Prussian Army had reached Estonia, not far from St. Petersburg.
This kept the officials restless, fearing that the enemy would arrive at the city gates any day. If not for Alexander II¡¯s insistence, the Tsarist Government would have moved the capital to Moscow long ago.
No one opposed giving priority to removing the threat to St. Petersburg. Even Alexander II agreed; no one wouldin about being too secure.
Pausing for a moment, Marshal Ivanov continued, "After reiming the Lithuanian Region, the situation on the battlefield will change.
"Considering the logistical strain, the headquarters ns tounch a full-scale offensive on the southern front, deploying troops along the Prussia-Austria Border for convenience in obtaining supplies from Austria.
"We only need to proceed cautiously and steadily push forward, relying on our numerical superiority to crush the enemy."
The strategy was one of stability. ording to Ivanov¡¯s military deployment, it was unlikely that the Russian Army would achieve a world-shocking victory, nor would there be any earth-shattering defeats.
Of course, the aftermath was severe, and the price to be paid was harsh. In defeating the enemy, the Russian Empire would also be greatly weakened.
Alexander II asked with concern, "Is there a way to reduce our losses? If we continue to fight like this, even if we win, the losses will be severe."
After reflecting for a moment, Ivanov, pointing on the map in the direction of the Nordic Federation, said, "The simplest method is to involve the Nordic Federation in the war.
"We have already tied up the enemy¡¯s main forces. If they were tounch a surprise attack on Berlin, the war could end within a month.
"Of course, getting Austria and the German Federation involved would have the same effect. The enemy¡¯s rear is very vulnerable; a mere fifty thousand troops could take Berlin."
This was an awkward answer, as the Tsarist Government¡¯s n to win over the Nordic Federation had failed due to John Bull¡¯s sabotage.
As for Austria and the German Federation, it was unthinkable. It was an impossibility, even if they were offered great benefits, it would be to no avail.
Not to mention international rtions, nationalists would be the first to refuse.
Austria, seeking to unify the Germany Region, could not do without the support of nationalists; the Vienna Government would not act against public opinion.
The German Federation was even more unfortunate; with a plethora of Sub-States internally, if the Central Government dared to act recklessly, they could dere independence in minutes.
Chapter 687 - 260, Madman and Genius
```
The fact proved that the tactic most suited to oneself is the best tactic.
Marshal Ivanov¡¯s use of troops was utterly conventional, building strong forts and engaging in sluggish battles, with nearly no bright spots to be found. He would rather watch opportunities slip away than take a military risk.
Faced with such a conservative foe, even Maoqi, hailed as Prussia¡¯s \\"God of War,\\" was impotent.
As the front-line situation didn¡¯t unfold ording to the nned script, the Berlin Government faced mounting pressure, with incessant criticism emerging.
Some of the old guard openly criticized Maoqi¡¯smand abilities, demanding that he take responsibility for the defeat at Smolensk, as if changing themander would enable the Prussian Army to reverse the situation.
Fortunately, Wilhelm I didn¡¯t have soft ears and firmly supported Marshal Maoqi; otherwise, the Prussian Army would have had to change its leaders.
In terms of tactics alone, the Prussian Army had won more than it lost, their record was quite impressive.
Regrettably, behind the victoriesy grievous casualties. The war potentials of Prussia and Russia werepletely different, with the Tsarist Government able to bear three times the manpower loss than the Berlin Government could.
The Prusso Federation might seem to have a poption of over thirty million, but its real fighting force still consisted of the army formed by the people from the core regions of Prussia.
While residents of the Polish Region also supported the war, the region¡¯s ethnicposition was veryplex, with numerous minorities and internal strife not necessarily lesser than external conflicts.
The Dual empire was not so easily integrated. The establishment of the Prusso Federation was so recent that the Berlin Government hadn¡¯t had time to sort out internal conflicts, let alone standardizenguage and script.
Issues that the government hadn¡¯t been able to solve inevitably seeped into the military. Simr to the historical Austro-Hungarian Empire, it was a great test ofmand and coordination.
When a single troop fights, itsbat strength is 10, but the strength of two units fighting together is not 20 but bes 20*90%*90% = 16.2; and so on, the power of three units cooperating drops to 21.87. The more armies work together, the faster thebat strength declines.
That Maoqi, fighting with such pig-headed allies, could achieve the current military results was already quite impressive. Had anyone else been in his ce, they likely would have made a mess of things.
In the Berlin Pce, a meeting concerning the future of the Prusso Federation was currently underway.
\\"To expand the armed forces, or not?\\"
Since the outbreak of the war, the Prusso Federation had been expanding its forces continually, from an initial 416,000 to the current 1.668 million.
The expansion under discussion now was not the routine monthly increase of hundreds of thousands of troops but rather \\"whether or not to mobilize to the limit immediately.\\"
There was no choice; in suchrge-scale warfare, there were never enough soldiers.
Not all of the expanded forces could be deployed to the battlefield; most of the new recruits required essential military training.
After training, it didn¡¯t mean all these soldiers could then enter the battlefield. Logistics needed to be maintained, coastal areas required troop defense, and marauding Cossack cavalry also needed forces to suppress them.
Moreover, a significant proportion of the troops would be replenished into units that had suffered heavy losses to ensure the main force¡¯sbat effectiveness.
Of the Prusso Federation¡¯s 1.668 million troops, barely half could bemitted to the front lines. This ratio was already very high, sufficient to prove the organizational capacity of the Berlin Government.
Insufficient troops naturally led to disadvantages on the battlefield. Although Ivanov was conservative in the use of troops, he didn¡¯tck the ruthlessness of \\"a general seeds at the cost of thousands\\" and yed the attrition game wildly.
The attrition war was underpinned by the Russian Empire¡¯s total forces approaching the 3 million mark. Even if the Russian Army suffered unfavorable exchange rates on the battlefield, their numerical advantage gave them the strategic upper hand.
...
Maoqi: "I oppose mobilizing to the limit at this moment. War isn¡¯t just about having more people; in apetition of manpower, we can never match the Russians.
The unfavorable situation on the battlefield is only temporary. It may look like the Russians have the advantage, but behind that advantage, Ivanov faces increasing political pressure.
Victory is most likely to lead to losing one¡¯s way. ording to Ivanov¡¯s tactics, even if the Russians win the war, they will be greatly weakened.
Having paid the cost of millions of casualties, they would gain nothing but scorched earth and heavy debts. I¡¯ve heard that the Tsarist Government has mortgaged most of Ukraine and the Russian Balkans to Austria.
Given the current strength of the Russian Empire, if they don¡¯t wish to cede these regions to Austria, they must find a way to pay off their debts.
Ivanov¡¯s tactics may seem prudent, but in reality, he¡¯s working for the Austrians. If the Tsarist Government cannot repay the debts post-war, they will inevitably have to cede arge amount of territory as payment; I don¡¯t believe the Tsarist Government would ept that.
Just a few more victories, and as soon as it seems the situation is set, the Tsarist Government willpel Ivanov toe out and fight us decisively, or else rece him."
The government advocated for an expansion of the armed forces, yet the military¡¯s top brass opposed it. Such an odd urrence was rare in world history, yet now it was happening.
Maoqi was well aware that his decision would displease many military officers, as expanding the forces was everyone¡¯s best chance for promotion.
But there was no alternative; the war was fierce, and the Prussian Army suffered casualties ranging from tens of thousands to over a hundred thousand each month.
Mobilizing to the limit might seem to resolve the issue of insufficient troops, but in reality, it was far from the truth. The manpower of the Prusso Federation was limited, and mobilizing to the limit was just depleting future mobilization potential.
We are already luring the enemy deep into our territory. If we muster arge army and keep it idle at home, how could the Tsarist Government possibly let down its guard?
```
Never let our guard down. Let Ivanov keepmanding, and both sides will continue to drain each other, the Prusso Federation will be the first to crack.
Besides, newly formed troops can¡¯t buildbat effectiveness in the short term. They can¡¯t even initiate a decisive battle if they wanted to. Beyond increasing consumption, they aren¡¯t of much help to the situation.
Foreign Minister Geoffrey Friedman, "Marshal, I admit that you make a lot of sense, but let¡¯s not forget the international powers at y.
Our negotiations with the London Government have already borne some fruit. They¡¯ve made their move diplomatically, and the threat from the Nordic Federation no longer exists.
If we mobilize three million troops, the Tsarist Government will have to mobilize even more to maintain their advantage in numbers.
So how many more troops will they need to mobilize? Five million, or six million?
Armies are gold-guzzling beasts. We have the financial support of Ennd and France, and can hold out for another year without a problem. How long can the Tsarist Governmentst?
I don¡¯t think Austria will support Russia indefinitely. They¡¯ve already invested enough and will inevitably consider the issue of recouping their costs.
The Foreign Ministry has already extended an olive branch to the Vienna Government. We¡¯ve made major concessions; we no longer seek the territory pledged to them by Russia, and we support their acquisition of Istanbul.
Of course, this may not sway them, but it¡¯s enough to stabilize Austria. As soon as the Vienna Government wavers, the Tsarist Government willck the funds to maintain their troop advantage.
Without their advantage in numbers, I believe, Marshal, that you have plenty of ways to defeat them. That¡¯s far less risky than waiting for the enemy to make mistakes."
Behind the seemingly calm facade was a power struggle. If the government followed through with the expansion of the army and choked the Russians financially, then the government, not the military, would lead this war.
A closer analysis reveals the shadow of the British. The sudden intervention of the London Government presented the Berlin Government with an opportunity to seize control.
Marshal Maoqi roared, "Madman! Geoffrey, you¡¯re truly mad!
To pin our hopes on the British. Do you really think that they will support us indefinitely?
Stabilize Austria?
Ah, God!
Geoffrey, you really dare to dream!
To meddle in Anglo-Austrian gaming and expect to y them at our whim¡ªdo you not think we have enough troubles?"
It was not that Maoqi was pessimistic; it was just that Friedman¡¯s n was too idealistic. It all depended on Ennd and Austria following his script.
If the British stop providing loans or if the Vienna Government continues to lend to the Tsarist Government due to Anglo-Austrian gaming, it could spell disaster for the Prusso Federation.
Nations are not the same. The financial strength of Ennd and Austria is not something Prussia and Russia canpare with. If the stakes are high enough, spending a few billion on a proxy war is not impossible.
Geoffrey Friedman sneered, "Marshal, you worry too much, the risk is not as great as you imagine.
If you knew how much we owe the British, you¡¯d understand why the London Government supports us.
The principal alone amounts to 210 million pounds, and that¡¯s just the loans and bonds. We owe British businesses another 140 million in unpaid goods, and this number is growing by 600,000 pounds every day.
With interest, we need to pay the British nearly 600 million pounds in debt. If the creditors don¡¯t want to lose everything, they¡¯ll find a way to make the London Government support us."
This exnation left Maoqi dumbfounded. He could never have dreamed that the Berlin Government would umte such massive debt, nor that being in debt could have such benefits.
Of course, these benefits were only temporary. When it came time to repay, it would be their turn to cry.
After pausing to calm his emotions, Maoqi asked, "What about Austria? Don¡¯t tell me we also owe them a huge debt."
Geoffrey Friedman smirked slightly, "Of course not. Austrian bankers weren¡¯t optimistic about us, they lent their money to the Russians.
With no debt obligations, but we can engage in beneficial exchanges. In international politics, as long as the incentive is great enough, enemies and friends can change."
Friedman¡¯s confidence didn¡¯t shake Maoqi again, he only shook his head, "Your Excellency, it¡¯s time to wake up from your dream.
In theory, we could indeed transact with Austria after pulling out of the German Federation, supporting their annexation of the German Federation in exchange for their neutrality in this war.
But do you think we have a choice? Would the British agree? Would the French agree?"
This is the aftereffect of excessive debt. The British don¡¯t give money for nothing. There are countries that take money without doing anything, but the Prusso Federation is not one of them. Find exclusive stories on empire
The London Government now is willing to support the Prusso Federation, not just to strike at the Russians, but also to limit Austria and prevent unification in the Germany Region.
If they find out that the Berlin Government is willing topromise with Austria on this issue, John Bull would surely lose his temper.
The Prusso Federation¡¯s reserves are all in London, and the British Government can turn the Mark into waste paper at any time. The Berlin Government truly has no choice.
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