<h4>Chapter 43: Forced Reforms</h4>


    Prime Minister Felix was a representative of the hawks in Austria, and he agreed with Franz''s views.


    The issue between themselves and the Hungarians must be resolved sooner orter, andpromises only could not solve the problem. It hurt less sooner than it wouldter: simply let Hungary rebel, then use force to solve the problem.


    Austria did the same thing in history, but the Vienna government did not finish itpletely, and, in the end, showed mercy to the nobles.


    In that way, although they won the support of the nobles, they also lost their opportunity topletely solve the Hungarian problem. Franz surely had to learn a lesson from that.


    During that period, the Hungarian nation had not yet formed. There were only five hundred thousand people with vested interests, and the remaining more than thirteen million people had no nationality.


    It was not until the establishment of the dualistic empire that the Hungarian nation really took shape. During that period, the Hungarian nobles and capitalists did not think that the lower sses shared anything inmon with them.


    Not to mention the lower sses, a group of illiterates, worked hard every day to survive, so they had no energy or time to care about what a nation was.


    Even when Hungary rebelled in 1848 and they held high the banner of nationalism, they themselves did not really know what nationalism was. Most of the so-called Hungarian people did not speak Hungarian at all, let alone know Hungarian culture.


    Nationalism was actually exported to them by the French. Their main purpose was to stir up Austria so that France could realize its strategy of dominating Italy.


    This approach could be seen in many ces. The southern European region had notpleted the National Integration, for which the Vienna government had to take direct responsibility. If it was not for their inaction, there would not have been so many messes inter generations.


    "Your Highness, the situation in Austria is unstable. If the Hungarians fight against us at this time, the pressure on our military will be too great!" Foreign Secretary Metternich countered.


    Franz smiled slightly. He knew that Metternich had always liked to use political means to solve problems, which was a good thing as well as a bad one.


    By using political means, Metternich had initiated a period of Austrian glorysting 30 years, preserved their status as a major power in the European continent, and also umted many conflicts that could be solved all at once.


    For example: During the Galicia regional revolution in 1846, the Vienna government could have solved the problem all at once. However, the government chose topromise with the nobles and passed the conflict on.


    "I know, but once this opportunity is missed, it will result in a stalemate that willst forever. Now the Vienna government has be Hungary''s scapegoat, bearing the anger of the people from the lower sses.


    Austria is already old, and we have too many internal conflicts. If they are notpletely resolved, the empire will be dragged down sooner orter.


    As for the great pressure on the military, we already have a way to solve it. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs shouldmunicate with the Russians as soon as possible because we will need the support of the Tsar''s government.


    If the situation continues to deteriorate, I would ratherpromise with the French and the Prussians thanpromise with domestic rebels!"


    Franz showed his dissatisfaction with Metternich''s previous administration as well as his determination to suppress the rebellion.


    The answer was simr to the political proposition of Prime Minister Felix. In history, when the domestic situation was more critical because of the loss of Vienna, the Vienna government had decided to give up northern Italy.


    However, Marshal Radsky refused to execute the order of the Vienna government and did not withdraw troops from the Italian region, insisting on suppressing the revolution.


    The situation now had not yet reached that level, and Austria would pay much less. It was not a big concession to admit that the Kingdom of Sardinia was subject to the French.


    At that time, the domestic situation in France was chaotic enough. As the cradle of revolution, the banners of revolution fluttered in many cities in France, and it had no ability tounch a war.


    In the Prussian kingdom, the domestic situation was not better than in Austria: the great Revolution of 1848 had not spared them.


    If it was not for the bad luck of the twopetitors, 1848 would have been the end of the Austrian Empire. At that moment, Austria would copse at the slightest touch.


    ...


    "Your Highness, to address the current situation in Austria, we must carry out an internal reform, and the issue of serfdom is one that cannot be avoided." The Chancellor of the Exchequer broke the silence and crossed the line.


    All the people present were nobles, members of vested interest groups whose benefits would be affected by this reform, so many of them did not look very happy.


    However, everyone knew that it was no longer possible to dy reform in Austria, so no one opposed it.


    Franz knew he himself was the only one who should put forward the reform n; it would be an iplete reform if these leaders were required to preside.


    "The abolition of serfdom is the tide of history. The biggest problem now is whates after the abolition of serfdom. What do we do about the living of serfs?


    In this situation, the solution is clear to everyone, that is, to allow the serfs to obtainnd and protect their basic needs.


    But all thend is owned by someone, and there is no surplusnd in Austria that can be distributed to them. In fact, the British and the French have experienced this before us.


    Either the nobles must redeem theirnd, or we must forcibly deprive them of theirnd through revolution, I don''t think anyone wants thetter, so we really have only one choice."


    Without a doubt, Franz still knew which side he should take, so he simply brought up the problem and waited for the Cab members to respond.


    The Schwarzenberg family, of which Prime Minister Felix was a member, owned four hundred and seventy thousand hectares ofnd. Now, not only was serfdom abolished, but also hisnd was going to be taken. No one could be happy about that.


    "Your Highness, it is easy to abolish serfdom, but to deprive the nobles of theirnd, this is ..."


    Franz interrupted Archduke Louis before he finished his words. "I have no intention to forcibly deprive all yournds; the reaction to that would be too strong.


    In view of the current situation, I think it can be carried out in two different ways: all the nobles who participated in the rebellion or provided help to the rebels will be deprived of theirnd, which will be nationalized.


    This part of thend will be leased to farmers, and it can also be traded. The ownership of thesends can be purchased in payments.


    The nobles who are still loyal to the Emperor cannot be treated so rudely. I suggest that you all redeem yournd, but you will not be forced to sell.


    However, in return, after the abolition of serfdom, the nobles who refused to give up theirnd must provide jobs for the serfs, turning them into farmers or workers to avoid social instability.


    In order to ensure the stability of the empire, the nationalnd lease ie should not exceed five percent of its profit. After thepletion of the reform, the nobles must also pay taxes!"