《The Seven Republics (The Quill)》


 The Firstborn of the Republic

    It was the year 4770, five years had passed since the walls had been completed. The streets still echoed with celebrations of that achievement, but the reality was that the republics were at a turning point. By 4768, a constitution had been drafted that granted a single person control over all the nations. The Grand Directory was in total chaos, as there were factions strongly opposed to one person ruling over the Seven Republics, particularly the Republic of B¨¦lua and the Republic of Argentum, as these nations still had their own constitutions.


    However, on April 10th, 4770, the Grand Directory was dissolved, and the Grand Congress of the Republics was created. Through a pact in which, curiously, neither Argentum nor B¨¦lua were allowed to participate, half of the members of the Directory were given seats in the Congress. This helped the Radical Intransigent Union (RIU) secure a significant portion of the body of senators and deputies, although not enough to elect a president.


    After several months of heated debates, the idea of one person ruling over the Seven Nations seemed to be slowly fading away. More than nine potential candidates had been rejected; at one point, it seemed that one had a chance of becoming president, but his candidacy never even reached the deputies. It was then that a young person, a deputy, who had just turned twenty, suddenly raised his hand and declared his candidacy.


    "I want to give it a try," was all he said. It seemed as though they would laugh at him, but they didn¡¯t; there was silence and murmurs in the chamber. To the surprise of many, the deputies unanimously approved his candidacy, and it passed to the Senate. There, over several days, thanks to the shrewd audacity of a senator who, through deals with the opposition bloc, mainly the Union of the Free (UF) and Wall Justice (JW) parties, secured the necessary votes for this young deputy to be elected president. Naturally, this senator ensured he benefited from the arrangement by becoming his vice president.


    The ticket was formed with Joaqu¨ªn Gabriel Fern¨¢ndez Fausto as president and Erick Victorino Sullivan as vice president. On December 12th, 4770, the first president of the Seven Republics took office, with an eight-year term and no possibility of re-election.


    It was a cloudy morning when Gabriel met with the man who would be his vice president. It was their first time meeting in person. According to a letter written by Gabriel''s driver to his wife, the young man was the first to extend his hand to Victorino. The driver recalls that the fifty-year-old senator gave him a handshake with a stern and grumpy expression.


    "You''re quite young for this position," Victorino remarked. Fausto laughed at the comment and replied, "But not immature."


    The driver also recounts that Gabriel hurried to open the Congress door and gestured for Victorino to enter first. "Respectable gentlemen first." The driver remembers that Victorino smiled and accepted the invitation.


    Gabriel entered the Hall of the Great Republic, where he would be presented with his presidential sash, in blue and red, and his ceremonial staff, made of wood and silver. Meanwhile, the vice president would wear a similar sash and bear the Vice¡¯s Collar, a gold necklace with the emblem of the Seven Republics, a seven-pointed star. All these symbols of power were handed over by the last Director of the Directory, Hugo Baltazar.


    After the ceremony concluded, Fausto stepped up to the podium to give a speech. Interestingly, he didn¡¯t have any notes, leading to speculation that he either memorized or improvised it.


    ¡°Today, December 12th, 4770, I stand before you, honorable representatives of the Congressional body, to express my gratitude for the opportunity you have so kindly given me to play a crucial role in the history of this beautiful nation, or rather, these seven nations. I swear before you that I will perform this esteemed role with prudence and responsibility over the coming years. I hope we can work together with prudence, peace, and harmony.¡±


    No one applauded that day; no one endorsed or booed his speech; they just listened. He knew it wouldn''t be easy to undertake such a task. He could only smile and exude confidence.


    ¡°They¡¯re a tough crowd,¡± Fausto said to Victorino.


    ¡°This crowd will be the ones who ensure you at least make it to the fourth year. So, if you are indeed prudent or clever, they¡¯ll be the ones to decide.¡±


    This conversation is known thanks to Hugo Baltazar, who recounted it in his book "The First Days," where he narrates his early days in Directory politics.


    When the presidential ceremony ended, Fausto left the Congress, where the coachman waited to take him to the presidential palace, the Red House. However, the only one who got in was Victorino. Gabriel politely declined the offer. According to Victorino, Fausto said, "I want to walk, so I can listen."


    Victorino thought this was foolish and nonsensical, so he assigned a small escort of four men to protect him and went on his way. As expected, being only fifteen blocks from Congress, the vice president was the first to arrive. When the butler of the Red House saw the presidential carriage with only one occupant, he was puzzled. He asked, bewildered, about the president¡¯s whereabouts, to which Victorino replied, ¡°He¡¯s fooling around.¡± They waited for almost thirty minutes until they saw Gabriel arrive, smiling and greeting the few people who were waiting or watching his inauguration.


    President Gabriel arrived at the presidential palace to give a second, shorter speech and began to swear in the staff who would assist him over the next eight years. His administration was now beginning.


    On the other hand, Victorino had secured a four-year consensus for Congress to approve any law the president needed, of course, through political favors. This period became known as the government''s "honeymoon." Despite the difficulties and the vast territory he had to govern, not to mention that even though the walls had been completed, the citizens felt distressed and fearful of being "trapped" within the walls. This agoraphobia and the uncertain path ahead were palpable on the streets. A society gripped by fear and uncertainty¡ªthat was the people Fausto had to govern.


    In the early days, Fausto began to promote the security that the walls offered, reminding his people that the fear was outside, not inside. He started fostering transparent communication with his citizens, giving a weekly conference in the plazas of all Seven Republics.


    ¡°I understand your fear, but you must realize that these walls protect us from the dangers outside. Don¡¯t think about what lies beyond, but about where you stand.¡±


    At first, the people didn¡¯t trust his words, but as time passed and they saw him speak regularly, they began to pay attention.


    The tale has been illicitly lifted; should you spot it on Amazon, report the violation.


    ¡°I am young, but not immature. I know that strength and determination don¡¯t always come with age, but with the will to act. I¡¯m not wise, just a learner; not noble, I¡¯m the son of a laborer. But I am a president who wants to help his people.¡±


    During the first months of his administration, Gabriel began to put his words into action, meeting with the seven magistrates to seek political support. During this time, Fausto started showing serious concern that it was not the people who had elected him, but Congress, which led him to promote citizen participation, showing a genuine interest in having the people choose their representatives. Initially, as president, he was ignored, but as he began to speak, he gathered five to ten people, then dozens, and eventually hundreds until, during a storm, thousands of people showed up to hear what the young man had to say. They were surprised to see him give a passionate and fiery speech in the rain.


    ¡°I want a nation that is aware of the power you hold through your vote. I want you to engage in politics, to learn from it. Don¡¯t abandon it out of frustration or disillusionment, because if your people don¡¯t care about their representatives, then your representatives won¡¯t care about their people.¡±


    Slowly, Joaqu¨ªn Gabriel Fern¨¢ndez Fausto began to gather followers. As president, he promoted free education and public health. Up to that point, schools were considered only for those who could afford them, as the world had been more concerned with survival than with attending an educational institution. Like education, Fausto believed that every citizen had the right to general welfare and considered it time to end ¡°state selfishness.¡±


    Victorino began to notice that the "kid" wasn¡¯t useless after all. Thus, he started guiding him on political matters and contributing his bit. When it came to passing the laws Fausto needed, Congress supported him with a broad majority, thanks to agreements both within his party and with the opposition.


    During Gabriel''s presidency, Victorino struck a strategic deal to grant a significant position to the UL party, appointing its leader, Javier Pozo, as President of the Senate for eight years. This was a risky move at the time since Pozo had been hesitant about a "mama''s boy" becoming the president of twenty million people. Similarly, to ensure the loyal support of the URI party, Victorino appointed Laura Ventura as Chief of Staff. Interestingly, she was from the Republic of B¨¦lua, a nation that had been marginalized for not speaking Spanish but Portuguese. Additionally, when the abolition of the Directory was voted on to create a confederation of republics, B¨¦lua was not allowed to participate. By giving Ventura this position, Victorino provided a breath of fresh air for B¨¦lua, which helped Fausto maintain good relations with them.


    Another example was Julio Cantero, leader of the JW party, who was appointed Minister of the Interior of the Seven Republics, fulfilling his promise.


    The population began to notice that "the capital" was starting to exert influence over the other republics. For a long time, governors had managed to stay in power because the Directory lacked the resources to assist the other governments of the Seven Republics. Gabriel began funding labor to build and strengthen the main trade routes, making them safe for transporting goods.


    He also implemented and promoted the use of a universal currency for the Seven Republics, the lunario.


    There were moments when the alliance and party pact were on the verge of breaking due to the laws being voted on, but thanks to Victorino''s efforts, they always managed to prevail. There were even times when their main opposition, the JW party, came close to overturning their laws, particularly Law 13.443, which abolished mandatory military service for all citizens over twenty.


    ¡°It¡¯s understandable that the military played a crucial role in the construction of the walls, but that task is now completed,¡± Fausto argued.


    The Senate, primarily the JW party, staunchly defended the military service law, arguing that the traditions of over five hundred years shouldn¡¯t be abandoned on a childish whim.


    Fausto knew how to respond to such accusations clearly and directly.


    ¡°I don¡¯t want you to forget that those who started this catastrophe were the very reason the walls began to be built. Let¡¯s not repeat the same mistakes. I don¡¯t want to see cities burn, I don¡¯t want to see armed soldiers in the streets, and I certainly don¡¯t want to see the infected. I want to see works built by man, I want to see families crying tears of joy, not sorrow, I want to see a nation in its full splendor.¡±


    It was the first time in six months that Gabriel addressed his own media rather than relying on Victorino''s help. Although his words seemed like meaningless rhetoric, they served to remind the members of the Senate that in the past, the Directory had been deposed more than five times, all by military interventions. At that time, there were few opportunities for employment: one could work on the walls or join the military. And although Gabriel couldn¡¯t convince everyone, he did manage to sway a few, mainly the most important members of the UF party. To the press, it seemed that a few words could change a stance, but in reality, it was a message to the president that this vote would come at a cost. Fausto didn¡¯t see it at the time, but Victorino did.


    The reality was that every law the president approved without trouble represented a debt to each faction of the party. Joaqu¨ªn Gabriel Fern¨¢ndez Fausto failed to realize that if he wanted to bring about change with ideals, mere words wouldn¡¯t be enough. Those who had the power to remove him were watching and judging whether he was useful or not, since, remember, he was elected unanimously on the premise that he was new to the sphere of great power granted to him.


    The president needed to start gaining political support and was aware of it. Therefore, he began to forge alliances and slowly started to build a political base in his image. The UUP party was not lagging behind; if there was a dissenting voice, it was slowly being silenced, as the party didn¡¯t want to lose the power they had. Thus, they began to defend the president tooth and nail in whatever he proposed.


    After the first year of Fausto''s presidency, there was a slight improvement in public opinion, as his campaign of living like an ordinary citizen started to show results. In the streets, people talked about a young president walking, shopping at the local market, in the neighborhoods, in his own district. People would look at him and occasionally approach him to talk, listen, and make requests.


    ¡°There is nothing more beautiful than living in democracy,¡± he said during one of his many walks.


    He even made trips to the Seven Republics, reaching out to the people. He traveled to C¨¢rdena, Inca, Nept¨²n, Argentum, Artigas, Nova Terra, and B¨¦lua. In B¨¦lua, although he didn¡¯t speak their language, people remembered the young man who visited neighborhoods and spoke rather poor Portuguese.


    ¡°At least he tried to reach out to us instead of leaving us behind.¡± In the past, B¨¦lua had been greatly overlooked by the other six republics, especially when it was denied entry to Congress for the proclamation of the presidential government over the Seven Republics.


    Fausto was aware of this and began seeking support in that sector, giving them more space in the political arena in the capital, San Isaak. Magistrate Pablo Ojeda would lead the newly formed UUP party to participate in the elections in the Republic of B¨¦lua.


    As president, Gabriel heavily promoted the culture of the nations. Although he had managed to ease the population¡¯s anxiety, he was aware that it could return over time. Therefore, he decided to promote local culture as a form of entertainment. He launched theaters across all the republics, funding and paying screenwriters, writers, or newcomers who presented original ideas or revived works from the old world.


    All of this aimed to keep people engaged and committed to cultural activities.


    He also promoted sports and festivals. He declared March 25 as a national holiday in commemoration of the completion of the great wall, and June 5 as Constitution Day, both being national holidays.


    The capital enjoyed some wonderful years. The Seven Republics slowly began to move towards a concrete goal. Fear of the outside world, fear of the infected, and fear of war gradually faded from the daily lives of the citizens.


    ¡°No more state selfishness, no more uncertainty. This is the great republic of my dreams. I will not stop, I do not want to stop. Together, we will discover new horizons, new dawns within this utopia. I feel it, I smell it, I hear it...it''s change. I want that when our children are born and see what their parents have built, they see a society of equals.¡±


    And for the first time since he took office, the people applauded the young, inexperienced deputy who had become president and had won the hearts of the citizens.

 The president

    On a radio program in the capital, after completing one year of his term, he was invited for an interview where they asked him about his personal life. Lexter Frederick, the owner of the radio station, started the interview: ¡°Can you hear me, Lexter?¡±¡ªa name that originated from the joke that the audience would call in, and Lexter would take a long time to respond due to a line issue, leading to that question being repeatedly asked.


    In that same program, the president sat down to answer all kinds of questions, both political and economic, about the future of his government and, most importantly, about his personal life. The interview lasted four hours.


    ¡°Who is this young man?¡± was the question that began to emerge in the year 4771. How and where did his story begin? It all started on that radio show.


    Joaqu¨ªn was born in the Republic of Argentum, more specifically in the province of East Buenos Aires. He was the son of Juan Pablo Gabriel and Luna Mercedes Fernandez. His father was a worker on the great wall in his early years, while his mother was a containment soldier due to her skills with firearms. He was the youngest of three siblings: Lautaro Franco Gabriel and ¨¢ngela de Tucum¨¢n Fernandez.


    As a child, he played with his siblings and other children in the so-called ¡°rural zones,¡± home to the construction workers of the walls. He had a normal childhood until April 4, 4760, when the famous ¡°Great Stampede¡± occurred. This event happens when the infected gather in herds of five hundred to a thousand people without any apparent reason, attracted by noise or various unknown causes, causing great destruction and death. For the first time in two hundred years, something similar happened again.


    The great stampede ravaged a large part of West Buenos Aires, due to a breach in the Uruguay District. There were no survivors to warn of this threat. By the time it reached young Joaqu¨ªn¡¯s state, the terror had begun. As the Fausto family prepared to flee their homes at the train station, which was packed with people fighting for a spot on a carriage, his father had secured a place for them through connections. However, that day, an accident occurred: one of the refugees had become infected and began attacking people. Amid the panic, nine-year-old Fausto lost hold of his mother Luna''s hand, who was struggling to carry his six-month-old sister.


    When his mother let go of his hand, she began desperately shouting his name. Little Fausto cried out for his mother, but the shouts and the gunfire from the military only hindered the search. His older brother, who was fifteen, took their mother and sister and pushed them into the carriage. In the midst of the panic and tears, his mother was forced to abandon her son.


    The boy was trapped in the crowd. As he recalls, he began climbing the stairs of the guard posts to find his family, but he couldn¡¯t see them. He only saw the last train beginning to move. He watched as a large, desperate crowd threw themselves at the train to board it; some managed to, while others were gunned down by the train soldiers.


    ¡°PREVENTION IS SAVING LIVES!¡±


    The officers shouted at their soldiers, urging them to shoot the civilians. Many people died that day. Young Fausto recounts that he had to hide in the guard post lockers until everything passed. He says he fell asleep there until the next day. When he woke up, he heard nothing and saw only the empty train station filled with corpses. There were no infected around, but he was not free from danger. He found a machete in the guard post and shakily stepped outside, remembering the smell of blood and decay.


    "I will never forget that woman without a head holding a dead baby. It could have been my mother. I was tempted to inspect her body, but I remembered she wasn¡¯t wearing a dress."


    He walked along the train tracks, hoping to find his family, but as he got closer, he started seeing thousands and thousands of infected walking ahead of him. He described how they looked: dark gray and green skin, some had lost their hair, others looked like ordinary people as they had been recently infected. They had red eyes and seemed to be crying blood. The older ones had cracked skin, nails that looked like claws, they were very thin, malnourished, but had large teeth¡ªso large they couldn¡¯t close their mouths.


    Fausto couldn¡¯t take another step and had to return to the train station. He saw an infected person crawling without legs, who noticed his presence and began to chase him, dragging itself with more force while emitting a shriek that attracted the others. Fausto didn¡¯t think twice and started running for his life. His first instinct was to return home.


    In his own words, he doesn¡¯t remember how he got home. He remembers blinking and going from the station exit to being inside his house. The machete in his hand was covered in blood, and not just the machete his arm and hands were also stained. When he looked up, he saw a stranger in his house, a girl who seemed older than him, pointing a gun at him. Unlike him, she had the gun steady with her finger on the trigger.


    ¡°Who are you?¡± she asked as she cocked the hammer.


    ¡°I¡¯m Joaqu¨ªn Gabriel; this is my house. Who are you?¡±


    The girl didn¡¯t answer and asked another question.


    ¡°Did they bite you?¡±


    ¡°No, they didn¡¯t,¡± he quickly replied.


    The girl looked at the watch on her wrist.


    ¡°If nothing happens to you in the next few minutes, you¡¯re dead.¡±


    Joaqu¨ªn didn¡¯t respond and just stared at her.


    Laughing, he said they spent twenty minutes staring at each other, waiting for something to happen, but as expected, nothing happened his face didn¡¯t get ¡°eaten,¡± as he would say.


    He said the girl took him by the arm and led him to the bathroom to change.


    ¡°You stink,¡± she said as she closed the door.


    Fausto looked at himself in the mirror and saw his clothes were torn and stained with blood. He had blood on his cheek and neck, and his right arm was dirty and scratched. As the water ran down his hair, he remembered that the crawling infected one had been left behind, but an infected soldier had lunged at him and torn his clothes. The soldier had tried to bite him twice. He remembered that, with the machete in hand, he slashed from the soldier''s cheek to his neck. The machete got stuck, but that first blow left the soldier dazed and slow, so much so that he tripped over himself. When he was on the ground, Fausto took the machete and started hacking at him again and again. But, despite recalling this, he still couldn¡¯t remember the journey back home.


    When he finished bathing, he came out wearing one of his father¡¯s shirts, which had been left there for drying off. The girl mocked his appearance. She wore a gun in a holster on her waist, his older brother¡¯s hoodie, and his mother¡¯s earrings. Fausto looked her up and down before lying on the couch and falling asleep.


    When he woke up, he was covered with a blanket. It was nighttime, and the house was dark. The only light came from the full moon shining through the window, and it wasn¡¯t much. He got up in a panic, but the girl calmed him down and even hugged him, whispering:


    ¡°Don¡¯t worry, I¡¯m here.¡±


    He remembers that she didn¡¯t stop hugging him. She stroked his hair and patted his back. Slowly, he fell asleep again.


    When he woke up again, he felt weak, having gone nearly two days without eating. The girl had given him some rations, which he devoured almost without chewing. Finally, the girl introduced herself as Karen, Karen Samanta Freeman. She was fourteen years old. It had been her birthday recently; she had never known her mother, and her father had been eaten by his coworkers. She had been sleeping in her house when the infected overran the town. They were drawn by the lights in her house and smashed through the entrance, forcing her to find a house with better defenses, and she stumbled upon Fausto¡¯s.


    Although their initial encounter was a bit violent, understandable given the circumstances, they quickly formed a friendship, as both began to collaborate to survive. Since Karen was older, she was the one who went out to find food or whatever else was necessary for survival, like medicine or weapons. She wasn¡¯t very expressive, unlike Fausto, who always remained optimistic and found something good in every situation.


    During the days they spent together, Karen always did the heavy work because she didn¡¯t want to risk him. In a story she would tell much later, she confessed that she had to kill her friends to survive. They had been infected, and one of them was Fausto¡¯s age. To avoid a nervous breakdown, she mentally trained herself to stay psychologically strong. At some point, Karen would admit that Joaqu¨ªn¡¯s presence helped her a lot to keep going. She had nothing left; the only thing she had was him. To pass the time, they played together in the house. Fausto always dragged her into his games, imagining they were pirates or that she was the military liberator Neptune. He even taught Karen to read and write to pass the time. At first, she was terribly bad at it, but little by little, she got better at reading and even developed handwriting much better than his.


    For a few days, they hoped someone would come to rescue them since the wall was being built in that area, and as it was nearly finished, someone would send the army to save them. Fausto said that every night he dreamed of a soldier opening the door and coming to save him and Karen, but when he woke up, he would start to feel depressed.


    After a month and eleven days, the food began to run low. Fausto recalled how Karen gave him more rations because there wasn¡¯t enough food for both of them. Although they still had water, food was what they lacked the most. There were times when Karen ate nothing and went to bed with only water. After repeating this cycle day after day, Karen started losing her strength to go out and even fell ill. Fausto didn¡¯t hesitate any longer and ventured outside for the first time since that day.


    The entrance was blocked by a wardrobe. With great effort, he managed to move it without making any noise and stepped outside. He saw that the exterior hadn¡¯t changed much and that there were no infected around that day. He decided to go to the train station, as he remembered seeing a suitcase with a cross in one of the guard posts, similar to the one his mother had.


    But when he arrived, he found nothing. The suitcase only contained alcohol and bandages. He felt very sad, almost cried. He feared the worst and didn¡¯t want Karen to die. Just as he was about to leave, he saw smoke in the distance. He remembered that his father had taught him how to distinguish a campfire from a wildfire. Applying that knowledge, he realized the smoke was coming from a camp near the train tracks, deep in the forest. Determined once again, he approached.


    He said the infected didn¡¯t respond to the sounds of the forest, as it seemed that, with animals always moving around, the infected had learned to ignore noises like footsteps, breaking branches, and even talking. Therefore, the ideal place to camp was the woods.


    After a few minutes, he found the camp. There were tents, horses, and armed soldiers. Fausto felt scared at first, as he still remembered how those same men had opened fire on civilians. However, he commented that it was much better to encounter adults than monsters, so he made a quick trip back home. He arrived just as the sun was setting. He saw Karen getting dressed to go look for him. When she noticed his presence, she rushed to hug him and started crying, cursing him softly with words like ¡°idiot, fool, brat, etc.¡± His departure had shocked her, and she had been overwhelmed by the thought that something had happened to him. When she realized he was in her arms, she fainted again.


    Fausto got to work. Despite her being taller than him by thirty centimeters, he carried her on his back and started running. Joaqu¨ªn said they were lucky not to encounter any infected when they left the house. When he reached the town, there were very few, and when he got to the station, there was one, and to make matters worse, it was one of the fast ones. It quickly noticed them and began to chase them. Joaqu¨ªn was very tired, but he knew that salvation was in the forest. He remembered that he was the fastest in his class and wouldn¡¯t lose to an infected. He started running, heading deeper into the forest. When he felt the infected getting closer, he often thought he wouldn¡¯t make it, and in a desperate act, he began shouting for help.


    This content has been misappropriated from Royal Road; report any instances of this story if found elsewhere.


    ¡°PLEASE, HELP US!¡±


    After shouting just once, he heard a rifle shot. Fausto didn¡¯t want to find out if they had shot the infected or him, so he kept running, again and again, until he collided with a young soldier. Fausto fell to the ground, and his friend woke up at the sound of the commotion.


    ¡°Please, help us,¡± he said before losing consciousness.


    Out of the woods emerged a 21-year-old corporal named Rivas Hidalgo Feinman, who was conducting reconnaissance in the area when he saw some children fleeing from an infected. Without thinking too much, he drew his rifle and fired a clean shot to the head of the infected, who dropped dead. The boy, frightened either by the situation or the gunshot, kept running until he reached Rivas, colliding with him, although his small body didn¡¯t move him from his spot. He just sat down and pleaded for help before fainting. With no other choice, Rivas carried the unconscious boy on his back while holding the semi-conscious girl in his arms.


    Thus, the corporal, who went from being a soldier to becoming an icon for the army, emerged from the woods carrying two children and called for medical assistance. Fausto and Karen had survived alone for forty-two days.


    When Fausto finished telling the story, there was silence. Even the show¡¯s host was stunned. The story had only been reported in Argentum and Nept¨²n, but not in the other republics.


    ¡°The truth is, I don¡¯t know if it was God or destiny, but it was a real miracle that the camp was there that day, that a girl kept me alive, and that a soldier was in the exact place and moment when I called for help.¡±


    When he woke up, he was in an isolation area as a precaution, since they didn¡¯t know if he and Karen were infected. They were fed, and after a week, they were released from that room. Since the soldiers were waiting for reinforcements to retake the city, they had to stay with them. Specifically, Corporal Rivas took care of them.


    They stayed in the camp for five days. When the reinforcements arrived, preparations were made to retake the city. Rivas advised the children to stay until he returned; otherwise, they would be taken to Nueva Corrientes.


    That day, the city was successfully recaptured without any casualties. The army¡¯s commander, Dante la Valle, was appointed provisional governor until the city was brought back to order. The area had to be rebuilt and cleaned, and the containment walls had to be reinforced to prevent future hordes. As for Rivas, he was promoted to sergeant for saving the children. Dante, known for being a showman, seized this opportunity to boost the army¡¯s reputation, spreading the story of the two children being heroically rescued by Corporal Rivas Hidalgo.


    Fausto¡¯s parents learned through the radio that their son was alive. His brother said that their mother fainted when she heard his name.


    Refugees poured into the streets to welcome the brave men who had reclaimed East Buenos Aires. Sergeant Rivas led the march on his white horse, carrying both children on his steed. Little Fausto scanned the crowd, searching for his parents. As expected, he couldn¡¯t find them; there were too many people. But then, he saw something distinctive. Among the crowd, he spotted his older brother standing on their father¡¯s shoulders, holding up a sign that read something only he would recognize: ¡°Pumpkinton.¡± Fausto quickly identified the sign, as it was the nickname his brother used to call him.


    Fausto informed Rivas that his parents were there, so Rivas steered off the route slightly and approached the people. Emerging from the crowd were his mother and father. Without hesitation, Fausto leaped into their arms. Rivas dismounted and approached the boy¡¯s parents.


    ¡°Your son is very brave; you should be proud of him. His determination saved this young woman¡¯s life.¡±


    Fausto¡¯s mother hugged the sergeant, thanking him repeatedly. His father shook his hand firmly and offered a sincere ¡°thank you.¡± Karen watched with a faint smile; she was happy that her friend had reunited with his family, but witnessing such a heartwarming scene made her realize she had no one, no one waiting for her return.


    However, Fausto broke away from his mother to take Karen by the arm, pulling her off the horse, causing her to tumble onto Rivas and knock him to the ground. The scene was hilarious, even for Rivas. Fausto hugged Karen and, without even consulting his parents, welcomed her into the family. Karen looked confusedly at Fausto¡¯s silly grin and then at his parents. They shrugged and hugged her too.


    After finishing the story, Fausto confessed that his parents scolded him for doing that, but despite the reprimands, Karen stayed to live with them. The soldier Rivas, who had saved them, maintained some contact and even attended their birthdays, both his and Karen¡¯s. His family never returned to East Buenos Aires; they stayed in Nueva Corrientes, where Fausto finished school. When he turned sixteen, he moved alone, with Karen, to San Isaak. His father was one of the first to help him lay the last brick to seal the wall.


    At the age of eighteen, Fausto joined the UUP party, specifically the Florentia Emma movement, where the party¡¯s youth was organized. He stayed there for two years until he became a deputy, a position he held for only three months. The rest is history.


    As for Karen, she would become his wife. At that time, rent was very cheap for married couples, so initially, it was a huge convenience. Later, it became something serious; in fact, he made her his secretary under the pretext of keeping her close.


    As for Rivas, he was still in the military, and not only that, he was part of the UUP party, specifically in the conservative faction. Their relationship was strained due to Fausto''s statements as president about military service and the armed forces, something Fausto greatly regretted because he believed that ideologies should not break friendships or families. Their relationship was no longer as it used to be; there was only cordiality.


    Fausto¡¯s story spread throughout the Seven Republics, and even unintentionally, Rivas Hidalgo Feinman, now a colonel in the armed forces, was once again in the spotlight, just like during that act of bravery when he was a newly promoted corporal. He became the talk of the moment again. Everyone wanted to know the soldier who had saved the president as a child.


    Despite everything, Rivas allowed himself to be interviewed and told his story. He lamented the death of his commander, Dante La Valle, who was 285 years old at the time of the events and would pass away in the year 4769 at the age of 293, five days after his birthday.


    In those days, as in the present, the life expectancy of humans had significantly extended, but it varied as it was divided into two orders: Lapsus Longus humans (who lived between 265 and 300 years) and Lapsus Brevis humans (65 to 100 years). In the Seven Republics, 70% of the citizens were Lapsus Longus, while 30% were Lapsus Brevis. The only way to distinguish them was through their scars. While Brevis would heal in a matter of days, Longus would heal in hours. A cut could close in minutes without leaving a scar.


    Rivas firmly opposed the abolition of mandatory military service, arguing that the militia was essential, as there was no guarantee that the walls would be infallible. Fausto, without realizing it, was beginning to face a political rival.


    A new administration had emerged, one that had once governed all global affairs. The profession of policing was born again, or rather, reborn as the Republican Police.


    ¡°The military will not walk the streets imposing order; that is the police¡¯s job,¡± Fausto remarked during his speech at the opening of the first police station.


    Fausto strongly advocated for national unity, even though it was not entirely feasible, as everyone had their own needs and interests. Therefore, he always sought to foster open dialogue among dissenting voices. While there were disagreements in the political arena, this did not prevent representatives from expressing their ideas in the streets, serving as a constant reminder that they did not support his policies.


    Fausto regularly held press conferences to answer any questions, striving to be as transparent as possible. Among the most frequent questions was whether he intended to sideline the military.


    ¡°The armed forces will never be displaced from their role; they are a fundamental pillar of the Seven Republics, but many forget that they are the arm of the state, not its head,¡± Fausto would respond.


    Another recurring question was about food supplies: whether they were sufficient for everyone, as the fear of what had happened in 4766, "the famine of ''66," still lingered. Gabriel had initiated the State Farm Plan. Before the walls were completed, the republics only grew food for their own citizens, as there was no way to store food in case of an attack by the infected. Therefore, Fausto enacted the farm law, which aimed to cultivate a 50% surplus to create a substantial reserve. Citizens could eat bread and drink milk in winter. He also promoted the construction of state-run supermarkets and warehouses for food distribution. This ruffled the feathers of the military, as it meant that a citizen could eat the same food as a general or a soldier.


    ¡°We cannot distribute food so irresponsibly. I think the president needs to carefully consider his primary objectives when implementing them,¡± Colonel Rivas Hidalgo stated in a press release.


    Fausto, who had been patient with Rivas up to that point due to their shared history, lost his temper and responded with an official statement.


    ¡°If the colonel thinks it¡¯s perfect for a soldier to fill his stomach with prime cuts of meat, then the farmer has every right to do the same, just as the citizen who pays the army¡¯s salary with their taxes. Is it irresponsible for a citizen to stop eating stale bread with soup and start eating like a king or a colonel? If the people want meat, then meat is what they¡¯ll get!¡±


    Rivas took this as an insult to the military and withdrew his support for Fausto as a member of the UUP, which removed at least eleven, though non-essential, votes from the chamber. From that point on, in all of the president¡¯s measures, they would abstain from voting, without breaking Victorino¡¯s pact, which ensured they would not vote against him.


    This could have been significant for Rivas in military matters, but he neither knew nor seized the opportunity to take advantage of it. Instead, he remained within the UUP, causing discord rather than forming his own party. The mistake of such an action would bring him future problems.


    However, Fausto¡¯s statements to the press only served to increase his popularity among the citizens. The fervor was so great that he could no longer walk the streets as he once did. Each time he did, the crowd would swell from ten to over a hundred. Nevertheless, whenever he could, he would walk alone and talk with the people. His oratory and speeches were listened to by both the young and the old.


    As president, he had launched the "Cervantes" plan, a project aimed at building roads to unify all the states. This initiative created numerous job opportunities, as on one hand, laborers earned income by constructing highways, and on the other, the money they made was spent on goods and services, stimulating the economy. Many believed the military would disapprove, but the reality was quite the opposite. A curious situation arose: they were paid for doing nothing. Their role, according to them, was to fight against the infected. But with that threat no longer present, they were simply tasked with ¡°protecting the construction workers,¡± as they were the only ones at the time with a well-developed medical corps.


    Citizens began voicing their opinions in the streets. Among them, there was a fifty percent positive margin, a thirty percent undecided margin, and a twenty percent negative margin. To win more voters, Victorino recommended continuing with public appearances, but this time at construction sites, so people could see what he was doing. Even if he was only present for a few hours, it would serve to demonstrate his active management.


    In terms of management, Fausto followed the advice of his vice president, becoming more present at every site and for every directive. He could be seen helping the workers, dressed in his typical attire: a white shirt, red tie, fine dark trousers, and elegant shoes, all topped with a yellow hard hat. Many thought this was just one of those political stunts, which it was, to show he was doing something, but the interesting part was that when the cameras left, the president would return the next day to meet with the foreman:


    "What¡¯s next, boss?"


    "But you¡¯re the president, you can do whatever you want."


    "You¡¯re the one with the white hard hat; from what I see, you¡¯re my president," Fausto would say with a laugh.


    The truth is, Fausto stayed with them for two weeks, spending the nights in a hotel alongside the workers. He was quite good at mixing cement, though not so skilled at calculating the right amount. On one occasion, he made too much cement, causing the workers to stay overtime so as not to waste the material Fausto had so kindly provided. It was also amusing when his bodyguard found him laying bricks on a wall six meters high on a hot summer night. People could be heard laughing at the president, as he was so clumsy that once, after building a wall, it ended up collapsing. For that reason, Fausto stayed a few more days until the wall was back in place.


    This could have remained between the twenty workers he labored with, but many people in Artigas saw, or claimed to have seen, the president disheveled, as there were no extra clothes for him when he began working with them. Gaspar Quinto recounts in his book "The Tero and the Hornero" that Fausto knew everyone by name and had even invited them to a year-end party. This caused quite a stir, as it was rumored that the president had spent tax money on a party at the government house. However, Fausto had paid for everything out of his own pocket, with the money he earned as president: five thousand lunarios a month. To give you an idea, the average worker earned two thousand five hundred lunarios a month; a house cost one thousand lunarios; the most expensive bread, the tern¨®n, a sweet bread with honey or any type of spread, cost two hundred lunarios; meat cost fifty lunarios, previously one hundred fifty; and public transportation, two and a half lunarios. Though it was initially thought to be a government expense, the case was dropped when the receipts for everything consumed that day were presented.


    Of course, there were other parties, like the Red Party with a communist ideology, the Opportunity Front, the Republican Change, the Citizen Party, or Voice of the People, but they were irrelevant as they had never reached the Senate. In fact, the only parties with representatives in the Senate were the Red Party with five members and Voice of the People with nine members. This faction was easier to convince since Fausto shared a similar viewpoint with these parties on the right to vote for representatives. Therefore, they worked more closely together, though, as with any party, there were conflicts. Fausto was not interested in advocating for profits to be distributed equally, as due to the economic instability at the time, this could have been a counterproductive measure. Thus, he always kept a distance from their demands.


    It could be said that there was a Senate and deputies of different classes, ideologies, and policies. But what were the thoughts of Joaqu¨ªn Gabriel Fern¨¢ndez Fausto? To answer this question, we will take a brief look at the history of the Radical Intransigent Union Party.

 Radical Intransigent Union

    The party was founded in 4710 by Florentina Emma, a descendant of the national hero Alejandro Nept¨²n, who completely liberated the Republic of the Infected from the Kingdom of Chile, dissolving the monarchy and establishing the republic. Born in 4681 in Santiago, Florentina Emma had the misfortune of growing up under the rule of the infamous Tenth Directory, based in the National State of Nept¨²n, under the control of Travis Francisco. He governed the so-called Directory for life, having completely eradicated bandit and infected incursions, which earned him a seat in the Directory. However, within five years, he seized power, staging a coup, abolishing the Ninth Directory, and creating the Tenth, comprised of his friends and family. His rule was wholly authoritarian and dictatorial but incredibly popular among the citizens of Nept¨²n, as he had waged war against Argentum, C¨¢rdena, Inca, and even Nova Terra, plunging them into chaos and conquering them for over thirty years.


    Leveraging her status as a descendant of a national hero, Florentina Emma founded a party in the heart of the Tenth Directory to strongly oppose the self-proclaimed Tenth Directory. On the streets, she gave speeches entirely against Travis, and he could do nothing about it, as memories of how the Seventh Directory fell in flames with all its representatives dead after murdering Vanesa Argentum''s grandson still lingered. Travis was a ruthless killer but not ignorant; therefore, he censored, threatened, and denigrated her, although he never managed to silence her, as her eloquence and composure made her a very brave person. Eventually, Travis imprisoned and tortured her in every possible way, depriving her of food, water, and sleep, in addition to inflicting physical and psychological abuse. She was treated by medical staff, only to continue the torture until she was left unconscious. Emma''s disappearance from public view alarmed the citizens, with over 1,740,000 reports of her disappearance filed at police stations across all districts.


    B¨¦lua saw this as an opportunity and funded guerrilla groups to rise against the Tenth Directory. After two years of torture, Emma was found in an isolated prison in what would be Santa Fe de Argentum, shaved, in filthy rags, and showing signs of malnutrition. When the chaos began, the guards fled, leaving her alone in the prison for days. Florentina Emma was transported by cart to the town of Santa Marta to receive medical attention for the ailments and torments she suffered in that small infernal prison.


    On the other hand, Travis Francisco faced other issues, as B¨¦lua had invaded the borders of Nept¨²n, which at that time covered 70% of Nova Terra. Refusing to be part of Travis''s dictatorship, with the help of Terran resistors who refused to leave their country in the hands of a tyrant, they managed to retake the nation''s capital in what became known as ¡°The Reconquista,¡± declaring the Republic of Nova Terra once again. Together with the Republic of B¨¦lua, they declared war on Nept¨²n.


    The infected became a threat once again, and the uprising of two countries going to war caused all parties involved to halt the construction of the walls. General S¨®crates Silva of the Republic of B¨¦lua carried out the ¡°Independence¡± plan, aimed at liberating the affected nations from Travis¡¯s military control, as he sought to establish an empire. This was the first time since the arrival of the infected that a war erupted again. If humanity had learned anything from the war, it had already forgotten.


    The Terran army, or rather, the resistance, which had managed to recover their nation, joined the B¨¦lua forces to overthrow the regime. Its leader was Claudio Chilavert. He joined the cause by providing men and supplies, as well as presence on the battlefield. The Alliance army began a campaign that slowly achieved its goal.


    Meanwhile, in the capital, Travis was facing a moment of need, having lost his popularity among the people. News spread that Travis had attempted to take Florentina Emma''s life. In the streets, people shouted his name along with the phrase: "Union for Change and Future."


    The brutal repression throughout Nept¨²n became increasingly intense. The more people joined and protested, the greater the repression and brutality. Deaths mounted day by day, and political instability reached critical points. But the worst was the return of the infected; they had come back because the chaos in the streets was so great that no one maintained the barrier keeping them away. The misery left by Travis was equal to or greater than when people had barricaded themselves in small communities to survive the infected. In the streets of Santiago, where once the name "Travis the Restorer" was heard, now it was "Out with Travis." It was one of the darkest years that the Republic of Nept¨²n had to endure.


    This story originates from Royal Road. Ensure the author gets the support they deserve by reading it there.


    On September 15, 4701, Travis Francisco, the man who had risen to the Directory for his great achievement of cleansing the country of the infected, the man who had brought stability to Nept¨²n, the man who had conquered South America, hanged himself in his office, just five days after his one hundredth birthday.


    Enraged citizens stormed the Directory chamber and displayed their dictator¡¯s naked body. They threw his body from a third floor, tied him up, and hung him by his arms in a square for everyone to see and stone, exacting revenge on the man who had caused them misery for five years.


    Meanwhile, on the other side of the world, in Artigas, Emma opened her eyes after months in a coma from the torture she had endured. The revolution had ended Travis''s Tenth Directory regime, and the Directory was dissolved forever, creating the magistrate. The people elected her as their leader, even though she was not present in Nept¨²n. Florentina took a month to fully recover to assume her new role, becoming the country¡¯s first Magistrate and founding the Radical Intransigent Union party, with its three main principles: union, change, and future.


    Union: The strength of coming together to work for a better future. Change: Never being complacent in the face of social injustice. Future: Creating tools while in power to ensure one''s reality is vastly different from that of our peers in the future.


    Florentina Emma governed for six years and then retired from politics, but her social struggles did not cease, as she often said, "No one is eternal in politics." During her administration, several controversial events occurred. She ruled with an iron fist for the first two years, and the opposition, which had previously supported the regime, was persecuted both media-wise and politically. This is suspected to have been out of revenge. The most well-known case was "The Orosco Case," in which it was suspected that Antonio Orosco, rumored to have tortured Emma while she was in prison, was found dead in his garden. His body showed signs of extreme torture: castrated, with sharp objects inserted into his rectum and missing hands, which were later found burned in a stove. Forensic records indicated that Orosco was alive during the mutilation. Emma was summoned to court because a hair of hers was found at Orosco''s residence. During the trial, Emma stated that she had nothing to do with the murder but expressed deep satisfaction that "the pig suffered before leaving." Emma claimed that Orosco and two others, known only as "Le?a" and "Doc," had tortured her in prison. According to Emma, Doc was a doctor who treated her after torturing her by throwing cold water on her while she was naked in winter. Le?a, according to Emma, prevented Orosco from raping her on the last day before they abandoned her.


    Emma was declared not guilty, although suspicion of her involvement in the murder remained. Another controversy was her rejection of homosexuals, which was common at that time, as the world was just beginning to "no longer struggle with the infected," but there was still a need to repopulate the Earth. Communities believed they were the last humans, and the idea of homosexuals among them was terrifying since they could not produce descendants. Emma told a false story, claiming that a homosexual had "converted" her brother into one. In reality, her brother Alejo was bisexual, attracted to both men and women, and divorced his wife not because of another man, as Emma claimed, but because she attempted to kill their children. Alejo found it abhorrent that Emma used him to attack a minority group and considered it grave and disgusting that she hid the true reason for his divorce.


    Despite these controversies, Emma¡¯s government managed to bring stability and security to the citizens. Her popularity was immense; wherever she went, she was warmly received. Her education and health policies were crucial in improving the country¡¯s situation. Regarding her stance on homosexuals, it remained merely declarative, with no specific persecutions or laws in favor or against them. Food distribution was equitable, and relations with other nations were restored. For six years, Emma governed both Nept¨²n and Argentum. Unknowingly, she laid the foundations and took the first steps towards the future form of government in South America, particularly with the URI.


    Upon leaving government, she moved to Artigas, where she married a military man named Isla Victorino, who greatly assisted her in her rehabilitation. Together they had five children, one of whom, Erick Victorino Sullivan, became interested in politics and followed in his mother¡¯s footsteps.


    Unfortunately, Florentina Emma passed away on May 13, 4750, at the age of 69 due to heart failure. Her death was a heavy blow for the future seven republics, and she was remembered as a figure of struggle and bravery. Her remains were buried in the "Garden of Heroes" cemetery in Nept¨²n. Despite the controversies during her government, Florentina Emma was regarded as a figure of leadership and struggle. It is undeniable that she faced an authoritarian and bloodthirsty regime alone. Whenever there were injustices, she stood up to fight them, and despite the torture she suffered and the moments when she could have lost her life, she never gave up. Even when she could not stand, she continued to fight, both after leaving office and as a mother in her later years.

 The five years

    Fausto, as president, followed the three main principles of Florentina Emma: unity, change, and future. He advocated for unity between politicians and citizens through voting, promoted a shift in mentality regarding their representatives, and encouraged more active citizen participation in decision-making. Additionally, he aspired to a bright future, using the tools at his disposal, thanks to Victorino, to create a great republic in all its glory and splendor. He wanted no other child in the seven republics to endure the childhood he had experienced.


    Here is a brief summary of his achievements as president. He successfully enacted a series of key laws that were crucial for the successful management of the government during those four years. These measures included:


    Free Health and Education: Fausto championed a reform that ensured free access to health and education for all citizens. This was a significant step towards social welfare and equal opportunities.


    "State selfishness is over; a republic of equals."


    End of Mandatory Military Service: One of the most praised reforms was the abolition of mandatory military service. This freed many young people from the burden of compulsory conscription and was seen as an advance in individual rights, allowing the youth to pursue other goals.


    "I want to see works built by man, I want to see families crying tears of joy, not pain, I want to see a nation in splendor."


    Economic Reforms: Policies were implemented to revitalize the economy within the walls. This included incentives for small and medium enterprises, support for agriculture, and the establishment of an efficient trade system within the republics.


    "To create an economy, one must first ensure the existence of state security."


    Security and Defense: Security within the walls was strengthened, and effective strategies were developed to keep the infected at bay, as citizens still feared their lethality. For two years, Fausto gave reassuring speeches, detailing the effectiveness of the walls point by point.


    About the walls: "I understand your fear, but you must understand that these walls protect us from external danger. Do not think about what lies beyond, but about where you are standing."


    About security: "The army will not patrol the streets enforcing order; that is the job of the police, a nation that will have its judiciary to protect our society."


    Infrastructure: Infrastructure projects were undertaken to improve transportation, communications, and housing, which facilitated a better quality of life and greater connectivity between the seven republics. Everyone could access public transportation, albeit with a fare of two fifty lunarios.


    "This is what you have achieved with your taxes, a transport system that takes you wherever you want to go, with the cheapest and most economical fare, for everyone."


    Social Housing Program: A program was approved to build affordable housing, with the goal of eliminating homelessness and providing a safe home for all families.


    "Every individual needs their own home, and the state will build one for them."


    Although these were noble words, the reality was that there were still homeless people, as only thirteen percent of the thirty percent of homeless citizens were housed. This was due to the Senate''s refusal to increase public spending, leading Victorino to remind him:


    "You cannot save everyone; focus on those you can save."


    Renewable Energy Policies: Incentives were implemented for the development of renewable energy sources, reducing dependence on fossil fuels and promoting energy sustainability for all homes. Now, energy was public and free, as was potable water for all homes. It was difficult, but Fausto ensured that no citizen had to pay a single lunario for electricity.


    "Every citizen has the right to light and water in their home. If you already pay for the production process of energy and water, why should you also pay for their use?"


    Judicial Reform: Changes were made to the judicial system to ensure more equitable access to justice, reduce corruption, and ensure that all citizens received a fair trial. In this area, Fausto took advantage of his full powers to reform the judiciary. The Supreme Court, initially composed of five members, was expanded to thirty-five, with five representatives from each republic. Citizens now elected the court members, who served for ten years with one possible re-election. While this was not a cure for corruption, it gave society the key to control the judiciary.


    ¡°Our judiciary is here to ensure that our rights and obligations are respected. Therefore, it is the responsibility of both the judicial authorities and the citizens to ensure that these rights and obligations are properly upheld.¡±


    Social Protection: Social assistance programs were established to support the most vulnerable, including food subsidies and employment programs.


    ¡°Every citizen has the right to go to sleep with a full stomach.¡±


    Fausto consolidated his power by demonstrating tangible results and improving citizens'' lives. His ability to implement effective reforms and respond to the population''s needs earned him support, even from those who had not initially voted for him. Transparency in governance, open communication, and a focus on the common good contributed to building a solid base of support and a strong presidency.


    After four successful years, the public perception of President Joaqu¨ªn Gabriel Fern¨¢ndez Fausto was largely positive. Citizens valued the reforms that had significantly improved their lives, especially the achievements in health and education, which provided access to essential services to all sectors of society, regardless of their socioeconomic status.


    However, the honeymoon was over for President Fausto. He now only had the support of the RIU party, as the country¡¯s situation was stable enough for others to vie for power. There is an old saying that when one is president, their public image deteriorates day by day. A president¡¯s talent lies in maintaining or improving their public image to retain power or aspire to re-election, though, as a reminder, he had to wait for one term before he could do so. Fausto was in this process, and it remained to be seen if he could eclipse the opposition that was beginning to emerge.


    Despite this, there was no cause for concern, as his image was at its peak. There was still much to be done, but that did not deter him.


    ¡°In every corner of this wonderful republic, the general welfare for everyone will be promoted,¡± he declared.


    The JW party was the first to declare itself completely opposed to the president, as they believed the enacted laws were detrimental to them. This was not entirely true, as Victorino ensured that they received something in return. If they accepted these agreements, it was because they agreed with them. This contradiction was the first ¡°blunder,¡± as it allowed the RIU party to dismiss or belittle them. Umberto Julius, a senator from the RIU party, referred to them as ¡°the wall climbers¡± and made himself the number one ¡°political enemy¡± of that party. Formally, the wallists did not have a strong leader to head the party and struggled to agree on their priorities, especially after their "leader," Julio Cantero, distanced himself from the party, though he officially remained its head. It was only a matter of time before this changed, as Cantero had close ties with the president, causing anger within his own party.


    Victorino saw this as an opportunity. While this opposition did not know how to handle the country¡¯s reality, he ¡°used¡± the party¡¯s representative in all state inaugurations, creating the impression among citizens that the JW party supported the president¡¯s policies. According to historian Oscar Torres, the main idea was to sow discord within the JW party to divide them. As Oscar said, ¡°It¡¯s better to fight one rival than two; but if you have two rivals and one fights the other, that¡¯s even better.¡±


    However, such tactics did not work, as Victorino inadvertently gave prominence to a rather "annoying" rival, An¨ªbal Torcuato Harrington, a lawyer graduated from Nova Terra University.


    ¡°I don¡¯t know what the president thinks of us, but if he thinks that this [Victorino¡¯s provocation] seeks discord, it says more about him than about us,¡± Harrington stated.


    This ambiguous statement created a division in the society of the time, with two main factions. The first believed that President Fausto was not actually governing, but that his vice president was, while Fausto was just a puppet. The second faction thought that the president used the vice president as a human shield against criticism. Whatever the truth was, the involved parties never spoke coherently.


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    While the wallists and the radicals were at odds, there was another faction: the Union of the Free (UF), colloquially known as ¡°the hares¡± by their opponents due to their tendency to jump from faction to faction. Founded in the year 4000 by Sof¨ªa Sigma against Director Walter IV in Nova Terra, the UF party was initially acclaimed as the ¡°libertos.¡± However, after more than seven hundred years, that fame had faded. By the time Fausto became president, the UF senators were not in their best moment and were not willing to openly oppose his policies. However, they sought benefits in exchange for their vote. Victorino saw them as ¡°a bunch of old opportunists,¡± making it easy to appease them. They often remained on the sidelines, expressing their dissatisfaction with the president¡¯s policies on the radio and in the newspapers, whether on health, festivals, or education, but in practice, they did not act on it and approved all the party¡¯s policies. This attitude would change at election time.


    Fausto held a somewhat defined opinion on politics. Although the opposition party JM tried to instill the idea that Victorino was the true ruler, this was irrelevant, as Fausto knew how to maneuver at the right moments to demonstrate power. He also managed to earn the respect of his party, although that relationship would become tense due to subsequent events.


    On September 9, 4775, an event occurred that would mark a turning point in the politics of the Seven Republics. In the Republic of Artigas, in the province of Ochanca, the famous event known as ¡°the Calbaluces Uprising¡± took place. The Calbaluces were a species of humans with a peculiar characteristic: they were completely sensitive to sunlight. Their skin, entirely white like marble or ceramics, was highly vulnerable to the sun''s rays, causing second-degree burns with just thirty minutes of exposure, and an hour would result in death. For this reason, they lived in caves, whether natural or artificial. At that time, there was only one city built underground called Odana, located beneath Artigas, a militarized zone considered independent of the other states. Many governments attempted to occupy it, but it was impossible due to the only entrance being a five-meter-wide passage. Additionally, the Calbaluces had an ability that allowed them to see in the dark, making them highly valuable and treated almost like slaves. They were very rare and kept apart from others. They could live up to two hundred and fifty years.


    What happened in Ochanca was that in Montevideo, six Calbaluces were executed for theft. This accusation was invalid, as those involved were military personnel. According to the constitution, the death penalty was prohibited, and Artigas adhered to this law. However, since the Calbaluces were not treated as citizens, they were not covered by this law. This was the spark that led the Calbaluces'' reserves in Ochanca to rise in arms and overthrow the governor. More than twenty thousand Calbaluces slaves took control of the province, causing chaos and death among both civilians and slaves.


    In the capital, the news spread quickly, and all citizens looked in one direction: the RED HOUSE. The magistrate of Artigas, Claudio Dominico, from the URI party, requested military assistance for naval intervention. However, this request had to pass through Congress, which delayed the measure, mainly because the opposition wanted to see what the president would do, not the vice president or the president''s secretary.


    Fausto knew that whatever decision he made would have a significant impact. If he sent the army, people would view him as authoritarian due to past instances of such actions, although not everyone, but the vast majority. If he did nothing, the political sector and the citizens would consider him incompetent, and the idea of a single president for the seven republics would be seen as a failure, leading again to separation and conflict.


    Fantino Isma, the butler of RED HOUSE, recounts that the news deeply affected the president, who had not eaten all day and had not rested all night. Isma recalls a heated argument with Vice President Victorino, who insisted it was time to demonstrate power. Fausto was not convinced and always tried to mediate or find a third option. Isma recalls that the vice president reproached him:


    "I swore to stand by you in the toughest decisions, but this goes beyond us. This decision must be made not for individual values, but for the homeland."


    ¡°There will be no military intervention, now or ever, while I am president,¡± he continued.


    ¡°This is not about you; it¡¯s about the nation. If you truly want my support, you must make a decision that serves the homeland, or I will.¡±


    Fausto¡¯s words were resolute and unyielding. ¡°I understand your concern, Erick, but I will not intervene militarily in a republic. It¡¯s time to end this long tradition of armed intervention that has only brought misfortune and chaos.¡±


    Victorino¡¯s face flushed with anger. He could barely contain his frustration as he rose to leave the room. Before he exited, he issued a final ultimatum.


    ¡°You have one week,¡± Victorino said with a steely gaze. ¡°If you don¡¯t make a decision within that time, I will.¡±


    He left, making it clear that his patience was wearing thin and signaling to Congress that he was the real power, not Fausto.


    A week later, Fausto called for a meeting of Congress. His decision had been made, and this unexpected move caught Victorino off guard. Senators and deputies assembled, eager to hear what the ¡°president¡± would unveil. The press was also present, ready to report on the crucial decision.


    As Fausto entered the chamber, he walked briskly with a folder in hand, his discomfort and nervousness evident to those watching. The representatives waited in tense anticipation. Hugo Bassar, a journalist, noted that the vice president was nervously biting his thumb at his desk.


    Fausto took a deep breath, looking down before speaking.


    ¡°I, Joaqu¨ªn Gabriel Fern¨¢ndez Fausto, as president of the Seven Republics, declare that no military intervention will be carried out for the¡­¡±


    The chamber erupted into boos and whistles, mostly from the opposition, who shouted ¡°Coward¡± and ¡°Resign.¡± The ruling party fell silent, stunned by the unexpected declaration. One observer reported that Hidalgo covered his face in disappointment.


    But Fausto pressed on.


    ¡°I am not finished, honorable representatives. However, I propose a bill that will add the rights and obligations of citizens, known as the Citizen¡¯s Law, to the constitution of the Grand Republic and have it ratified by the magistrates. It¡¯s time to relegate the military and give more prominence to democratic institutions.¡±


    He continued with conviction, ¡°In summary, any person born within the walls is a citizen who enjoys the protection, guarantees, and obligations of the state of the Grand Confederation of the Seven Republics. Every citizen is free upon birth within the walls. This bill categorically prohibits the sale of the Calbaluces.¡±


    Fausto¡¯s voice rang with determination. ¡°If we want a future for our children, the ownership of a man or woman as an object must be eradicated. We are a republic by and for the people.¡±


    With his statement made, Fausto left the chamber. As he walked out, the senators rose, shouting ¡°Tyrant¡± at each step he took. Victorino stood up, determined to confront him. In the grand corridor between the chamber and the exit, the vice president caught up with Fausto.


    ¡°Are you aware that you¡¯ve just shattered any potential alliance with the opposition parties from Artigas and Nept¨²n?¡± Victorino demanded.


    ¡°I know,¡± Fausto replied calmly.


    ¡°And that it also affects our party. If they break the bloc, you will lose your majority in Congress and be left alone in this. No matter how noble and morally respectable your ideals about the welfare of your people are, if you don¡¯t provide something tangible to those who keep you in power, you¡¯ll sink along with your ideals.¡±


    Fausto¡¯s resolve did not waver. ¡°I don¡¯t intend to patch up a problem, Erick. I plan to root it out completely. It will be painful, but that wound will never cause problems again.¡±


    Victorino¡¯s concerns were not unfounded. The Congress had 1,120 seats, and the URI party had won the majority of the elections across the seven republics. According to the law, the winning party could send four senators, the second-place party two, and the third-place party one. The republics were: Artigas (seven provinces), Argentum (13 provinces), Nept¨²n (nine provinces), B¨¦lua (25 provinces), Nova Terra (five provinces), Inca (11 provinces), and C¨¢rdenas (10 provinces). With this distribution, the URI party held a total of 640 seats, including deputies. The JM party, with its coalition of smaller parties, had 320 seats, and the UL party had 160 seats.


    Due to Fausto¡¯s declarations, he risked losing the support of Artigas and Nept¨²n, which meant losing 192 votes and, consequently, the backing of these republics. While they would remain part of the party, they would neither defend nor vote in favor of his laws. These two republics had their economies firmly tied to the slavery of the Calbaluces, who were ideal for mining minerals in Nept¨²n¡¯s caves, and Artigas served as the major source of enslaved labor. Fausto¡¯s push for the freedom of slaves would have a severely negative impact on the economies of these two republics and create a rift in the ruling party, something the opposition would eagerly exploit.


    It was a shock when the president left Congress with a constitutional reform concerning Calbaluce slavery. But the surprise deepened when no news of him emerged for four days. The media labeled this silence as a political defeat, suggesting that if he said nothing, it was because he had nothing to say. The surprise reached new heights when Victorino went to see Fausto and found no trace of him, only to be informed by Fausto¡¯s wife of a startling development: the day before, Fausto had traveled, without notifying anyone, to the Republic of Artigas, specifically to the province of Ochanca. While Victorino was still processing this unexpected information, his astonishment grew further when he learned that Secretary Sid Lester was at Congress with a radio station in hand, which Fausto would use to communicate with them.


    ¡°Good morning, representatives of Congress. I have something to tell you,¡± Lester announced, preparing to relay Fausto¡¯s message.

 The crazy young man

    Let''s rewind a few hours before the incident. At the location where the uprising had occurred, the President of the Seven Republics was alone and unguarded, risking assassination, sitting and drinking tea with his leader, Celeste Villordo.


    "I must confess that I don''t like chamomile much, but it''s better than drinking water, isn''t it?"


    "Not at all, young man. However, it''s the least we have thanks to the blockade."


    "I''m sorry to hear that."


    Celeste was facing the most powerful person in the Seven Republics. If he were to die, the other nations would crush his revolution in the blink of an eye. Although he had political problems, he still enjoyed immense popularity among the people.


    The truth was that Fausto did not fear for his life. He could boast that he had seen hell as a child, so he had no problem going to a war zone that could end in tragedy at any moment, with just a suitcase and a hat.


    "I want to avoid bloodshed."


    "That''s asking too much, Mr. President."


    "Of course, I come offering a way out that could end this, but I need your cooperation. I plan to listen to what you have to say."


    "We want what everyone has, and what we are deprived of: freedom and rights."


    "I can give you that, yes, but I also want you not to abandon your work."


    "I can''t guarantee that. When they are free, they will want to do different jobs. No one wants to work in a place that brings back bad memories."


    "But they will need sustenance to maintain their freedom."


    Fausto looked at a scruffy young man holding a rifle.


    "Boy, come here."


    The young man approached him cautiously.


    "Don''t be afraid, I won''t hurt you. Tell me your name."


    "Solaris Wilman."


    "Very well, Solaris. How old are you?"


    "Fourteen, sir."


    "What were you before the uprising?"


    "A slave, sir. My job was domestic work."


    "What will you do when it''s all over?"


    "I... I don''t know, sir. Survive."


    Fausto looked at Celeste, then bid farewell to the young man.


    "You may go, Solaris. Take care."


    "Thank you, sir."


    After the brief exchange of words, the young man walked away, leaving Celeste and Fausto alone.


    "Survive. If a bullet doesn''t kill him, hunger will," Fausto remarked.


    After saying this, he took a sip of his tea. Celeste said nothing and simply looked at him.


    "I can give them freedom and much more. I can guarantee rights and obligations as citizens, if they don''t change their work. The minerals will continue to be extracted, but not until they collapse, rather for a clear, negotiable time limit, and they will be paid for it."


    "What guarantees are there, sir?"


    Fausto looked at the huge sign behind them. The sign read "Forreza Company" in large letters.


    "Because I plan, as president, to take charge of you, not as slaves, but as employees."


    "Excuse my boldness, but you are insane. Do you really think you can buy...?"


    "I already did."


    Celeste was shocked.


    "Before coming here, I met with Mr. Arturo Forreza for coffee."


    "How did you manage that?"


    Fausto smiled.


    It turned out to be true. Fausto had met with the magnate Forreza. Initially, the magnate wanted the president to solve his problem with the army and have the state pay for the damage to his company. But Fausto knew him well; during the week he had been silent, he had been investigating a way to resolve this situation without bloodshed.


    Arturo Forreza had taken over his father¡¯s company, Oscar Forreza, who died of natural causes and left the company to his only son. The incompetent Arturo began squandering his father¡¯s fortune within two years. The losses were increasingly high, causing the maintenance of the slaves'' basic needs to deteriorate and resulting in poor living conditions among them. The situation among the slaves was so unstable that even a small problem or situation could trigger a revolt. It wasn¡¯t overnight; it was an incredibly prolonged process that lasted two years.


    Fausto made a deal with him, explaining that his assets were in the hands of the slaves, and if he sent the army, the little he had would go down the drain. The slaves would barricade themselves in the factories, and the military would not hesitate to open fire or even set the factories on fire with the slaves inside. Of course, the slaves, being the most expensive and valuable asset of the company, would be executed if they took up arms. Mr. Arturo, with his diminished but enviable wealth for any average worker, would have to use that "little" fortune to restore it and also buy more slaves. With a massacre of such magnitude, the price of slaves would rise, and he would have to pay double what he had paid. If he wanted to sell the company, no one would want to take over a company in ruins whose repair and maintenance costs would not compensate for the profits for at least five years. No one would want to take on an asset that would not yield immediate profits.


    Thus, with little effort and a purchase of over two million lunarios, Fausto took over the company''s rights.


    "I can''t believe it," Celeste was astonished.


    "Can I count on your support?"


    Celeste thought for a moment.


    "I would like to consider this offer, if it''s not too much trouble."


    "Of course, but only for one day."


    "You will have a clear answer by tomorrow."


    Fausto stood up and went to the hotel where the slaves were staying, clearly disturbed. Curiously, neither of them slept well that night, each with different problems. On one hand, Celeste had a very important decision to make, perhaps the most crucial of her life, as she held the future of her people in her hands. Whatever her decision, it would greatly affect her and others, either positively or negatively. On the other hand, Fausto could not sleep due to the chaos in the hotel: chanting, drunks, music, and moans.


    "Have I made a mistake?" he wondered to himself.


    He had forgotten the detail that the cabeluces are nocturnal people, and the few people at their noon meeting were because they were resting.


    The next day, both Celeste and Fausto had dark circles under their eyes from not sleeping well, each for different reasons.


    "We have a deal."


    "I accept the terms, but with conditions."


    "Go ahead."


    "I want to ensure the safety of all those who have rebelled against their owners."


    "I agree."


    "I want the decision of those who refuse to work in mining to be respected and for them to be offered other employment."


    "Their decision will be respected, but no job will be guaranteed. I can only offer options, but not ensure acceptance."


    "A law that..."


    "It''s already in progress."


    "Oh, good."


    Fausto stood up and extended his hand.


    "Please, no," Celeste said with disgust.


    "I insist, Miss Celeste."


    With no other alternative, Celeste accepted the handshake.


    "It¡¯s done."


    "I suppose."


    "By the way, do you have a radio station?"


    Fausto wasted no time and headed to the only radio station still operating. Curiously, the announcer was there drinking tea, and when he saw the president, he was alarmed and spat out his tea.


    "Mr. President?!"


    Fausto walked in and entered the booth.


    "Good morning, sir. I need your help to connect to a radio station in the capital."


    "Understood, sir..."


    "Do you have coffee?"


    "On the top shelf, sir."


    Fausto opened one of the many doors there and took out a glass jar of ground coffee. Without measuring it too carefully, he proceeded to eat the raw coffee with four spoonfuls, then drank some water.


    "Is this how you do it in the capital?"


    If you encounter this tale on Amazon, note that it''s taken without the author''s consent. Report it.


    "That¡¯s how I do it."


    The radio connected to a station in the capital, and the rest is history. The message reached Congress through the radio station because it was time to vote.


    "Good morning, honorable representatives. I know very well that I am not liked by you, just as your existence is a justified annoyance to my government. And to be honest, I have often considered blowing up Congress myself."


    Everyone was stunned by these latest statements; even Victorino covered his face out of embarrassment. However, the message continued.


    "But I understand you. That¡¯s what democracy is about: thinking differently and having more than one vision of how to help the country. Even though the ideas may differ, they are valid; any idea on how to help the nation is valid. I understand that you may not want to assist me on certain issues for various reasons, but I don¡¯t want to be the president remembered for sending an army to suppress a slave revolt, nor the state genocidalist who pioneered massacres. This law is intended to prevent that. I am aware that the representatives of Artigas and Nept¨²n oppose the law for the liberation of slaves, but I can offer you solutions that, I swear on my life, will be beneficial for your nations. The state will provide a fifty thousand lunario bonus for mineral extraction, in addition to the total reconstruction of Ochanca by the Presidential State."


    The senators and deputies looked at each other, murmuring among themselves, and the first to speak was An¨ªbal Harrington from the JW party, representing Artigas.


    "The Artigas Murallista Party will be willing to support you only if the national government agrees to subsidize the infrastructure damaged during the uprising."


    "That will be done, honorable..."


    "An¨ªbal Harrington."


    After saying this, Mr. Harrington sat back down and stared at Julio Cantero, president of the JW party. However, he did not oppose and supported his colleague An¨ªbal¡¯s stance.


    For his part, Nept¨²n, who would be greatly benefited by the president¡¯s proposal and the support of the JW party, did not need to be eloquent to express his agreement. As is customary in bureaucratic history, the UL did not want to miss the chance to prolong its monologue on why it should say yes. This monologue was delivered by Senator Luciano Z¨¢rate.


    "Regarding the present resolution of the future causes and consequences of this decision, considering the clear and unequivocal stance of our peers, we are completely aligned with a decisive and cooperative relationship with our sister nation. That is to say, our support is total and willing."


    Victorino laughed at the situation.


    "So much paraphrasing just to say yes," he whispered to his aides.


    On the other hand, Fausto was about to fall asleep when he heard that Mr. Z¨¢rate would speak. However, he soon resumed eating his coffee by the spoonful when he began to speak, and to everyone¡¯s surprise, he was brief.


    "Ahem, then I would like to present the vote on these two laws, which are in the hands of the Chief of the Chamber, Mr. Javier Pozo."


    Javier stood up, and with the papers in hand, raised them in the air for everyone to see.


    "From this moment, a copy will be delivered to each representative of the chamber so that they can read it and declare whether they agree with it or not."


    Then he looked towards the radio.


    "Are you still there, Mr. President?"


    "Yes, I¡¯m still here."


    "Good, because your voice must be present. As you are promulgating this new reform, there will be members who will not agree with certain parts of your law, so you must make statements. Otherwise, I will call for a break, and we will debate it when you are present."


    Fausto loosened his tie and took one last spoonful of coffee before setting it aside.


    "Of course, I will be here."


    Fausto found himself compelled to stay glued to the radio while Congress began to read what the president proposed. Soon after, Celeste reappeared, accompanied by some of her aides, who looked visibly troubled.


    "Sir, there are problems."


    Fausto was surprised to see the concern on Celeste¡¯s aides¡¯ faces.


    "Excuse me, I need to step away for a moment."


    "You may take as much time as you need, Mr. President. The procedures will take time, but it would be best if you were present to make statements."


    "I will be present."


    Fausto stood up from his chair and followed Celeste outside. It turned out that from the barricade, one could see the Artigas Republic''s cavalry, which was prepared to enter. He quickly realized that they fully intended to do so.


    "STOP THERE!" Fausto shouted.


    He began to run towards the barricade and climbed onto an improvised platform that had been built. As he approached them, one of the soldiers drew his weapon and aimed it at him, but his superior snatched it away.


    "He''s the president, idiot."


    Fausto climbed onto the improvised platform and faced his superior.


    "Name and rank, number, and reason for your arrival."


    "I am Commander Vega Ocampo of the 103rd Battalion of the Republic of Artigas. I am sent by Magistrate Claudio Domini-co."


    "Very well, Mr. Ocampo, you and your men may leave."


    "I''m sorry, but I can''t do that. I have orders."


    Fausto laughed.


    "Don¡¯t forget that you must obey my orders. I am the supreme commander of the armed forces, as dictated by the constitution you swore to uphold."


    "I answer to the magistrate, sir, not to you."


    "Then I must take this as an act of rebellion."


    "Take it as you will. I won¡¯t take orders from a child who doesn¡¯t know how to lift a rifle, President."


    "Enough. You and the magistrate are under arrest for insurrection."


    The soldiers laughed, except for Ocampo.


    "You are not, and will never be, my superior."


    The soldiers raised their weapons.


    "Commander!? This is treason."


    "Silence, sergeant. We have orders to follow. Military laws are not bound by the constitution, and our chief is the magistrate."


    Celeste went on the defensive, but Fausto stepped in.


    "There will be no bloodshed. This ends now."


    "Words won¡¯t work. If he dies, he¡¯ll become a martyr for the others, and we can get rid of these dirty cockroaches."


    The sergeant took his rifle and struck Commander Ocampo in the face, knocking him unconscious from his horse.


    "Fool," he then addressed the other men. "Listen, I¡¯m in charge now. Arrest this man for treason."


    "Thank you, sir..."


    "Axel Quiroga."


    "You have my gratitude. While we¡¯re speaking, a law is being voted on to resolve this without bloodshed. Please, withdraw."


    "Although I¡¯m against this crazy man, it¡¯s true we have orders from the magistrate. We can¡¯t disobey, but I can encircle the area and buy time."


    "Buy time?"


    "We¡¯re the first to arrive. Our task was to destroy the barricade so that reinforcements could cross. The commander... well."


    "How many are there?"


    "Twelve battalions: 1, 6, 15, 16, 41, 89, 123, 204, 25, 33, 10, and 103."


    "Very well, these are the new orders: encircle the area and protect these people."


    "These... slaves?"


    Celeste glared at the officer with anger, but Fausto approached her.


    "No, they are citizens."


    The sergeant looked intrigued but nodded and accepted his words.


    "I understand," he then addressed his men. "Soldiers, you heard: protect the president and the citizens."


    "YES, SIR!"


    The soldiers trotted off to prepare the area. Celeste sighed in relief and looked at Fausto.


    "Thank you."


    "Not yet. He¡¯s right, you¡¯re still a slave, but that will end today."


    Fausto quickly returned to the radio station; he had already delayed too long.


    "Mr. President? Are you there?"


    "I¡¯m back. I had some circumstances. I would like you to inform Magistrate Dominico to withdraw his troops from the city."


    "ARE THERE TROOPS MOVING WITHOUT SENATE APPROVAL?!"


    "That voice... Erick?"


    "Yes. When you return, there will be things to clarify, but for now, that reprimand will be dealt with by the magistrate. He has endangered the safety of his head of state."


    "Yes, yes. And the vote?"


    "The bloc has agreed on the referendum, so the voting will begin."


    Fausto celebrated silently.


    "Very well, I¡¯ll wait for the result."


    As Fausto turned around, the cabin was filled with cabeluces, with Celeste at the head of the small crowd.


    "Hello, um... is something happening?"


    "The voting has started, hasn¡¯t it?"


    "Yes, it has."


    "Let¡¯s hope for the best."


    "No, it will happen. There¡¯s no doubt."


    Long hours passed as the deputies gave lengthy speeches, expressing their positions, whether to abstain or oppose. However, to the relief of many, those in favor cast their votes immediately. Of the deputies, only eleven voted against; there were no abstentions. It then moved to the senators. By custom, the bloc that pushes the law votes first. As Victorino had resigned from his role as president of the chamber, he was limited to observing the voting. Fortunately, all voted in favor, but when it was Hidalgo Rivas¡¯s turn, he responded:


    "I abstain."


    The RIU erupted in opposition, and the boos were numerous. It was clear that the eleven Rivas had influenced had become fifteen. This drew a smile on An¨ªbal¡¯s face, a smile he directed at Victorino when his turn came.


    "I vote in favor."


    Victorino knew he had to offer something in return, as discord had been noticeable within the official bloc. Now the RIU did not show as much unity; no one voted against, but there were fifteen abstentions. The JW party voted in favor, and only six senators from the UL party voted against.


    "By a wide margin, the law promulgated by President Joaqu¨ªn Gabriel F. Fausto is ratified and becomes Law 13.505 of the Constitution."


    Fausto closed his eyes and smiled.


    "That means..."


    "Yes, Miss Celeste, you are all free. All of you."


    Those simple words, which were a treasure to them, had become reality. The euphoria was such that, upon hearing it, they rose in joy and celebration. Cabeluces were embracing and crying. Even Celeste was in shock, realizing she was no longer chained to anyone. Her surprise and relief were so great that she lost strength in her legs and knelt before Fausto. Immediately, everyone lifted him in their arms and carried him out of the radio station. Even the announcer, who was not a cabeluz but a simple Black citizen, joined in the celebration.


    They carried the president in their arms to the plaza, where the crowd chanted his name.


    "FAUSTO! FAUSTO! FAUSTO!"


    The cheers and euphoria reached the ears of the army, which surrounded the city in case the battalion attempted to enter. Sergeant Quiroga raised his saber, and the others followed, saluting the new citizens.


    When Fausto asked to be set down and his feet touched the ground, he quickly sought an elevated area to be seen by everyone, or almost everyone. He climbed onto an improvised podium so that everyone could see him and began to sing the anthem of the Seven Republics.


    "Listen to the change, breathe the future, feel the hope, behold the great republic."


    The people began to join in his singing, a song that reached the soldiers. They were compelled to stand at attention upon hearing their homeland¡¯s anthem, a melody that could be heard from afar. This is the anthem of the Seven Republics.


    (Spanish)


    Escuchad el cambio,


    Aspirad al futuro,


    Sentid la esperanza,


    Contemplad la gran rep¨²blica.


    Ha llegado el momento, es la hora de alzarse.


    Los laureles de los ancestros claman por la patria.


    Nuestro pabell¨®n, te?ido en sangre, resguarda nuestro legado.


    Somos el porvenir, los heraldos del cambio.


    Juramos defender, luchar y construir:


    ?Victoria o muerte!


    Escuchad el cambio,


    Aspirad al futuro,


    Sentid la esperanza,


    Contemplad la gran rep¨²blica.


    Desde los cuatro puntos cardinales, ?Patria o muerte!


    Somos la revoluci¨®n, los idealistas, la esperanza viva.


    Gloria a la muralla, al pueblo y a la vida,


    Gloria a la bandera, a la democracia,


    Gloria a las siete rep¨²blicas, con gracia y audacia.


    Ha llegado el momento, es la hora de las murallas,


    Ha llegado el momento, es la hora de la rep¨²blica,


    Ha llegado el momento, es la hora de la esperanza,


    Ha llegado el momento, es la hora del pueblo,


    Ha llegado el momento, es la hora de la democracia.


    Escuchad el cambio,


    Aspirad al futuro,


    Sentid la esperanza,


    Contemplad la gran rep¨²blica.


    ?Patria o muerte!


    Desde las cuevas hasta las monta?as, somos la grandeza.


    Un movimiento social que crece por y para todos.


    Salve la gran democracia, salve nuestros ancestros.


    ?Victoria o muerte!


    Estad atentos, somos el cambio, es la hora.


    Estad atentos, somos la democracia, es la hora.


    Aunque el pasado duela, somos el futuro, es la hora.


    ?Por y para nuestro pueblo!


    Escuchad el cambio,


    Aspirad al futuro,


    Sentid la esperanza,


    Contemplad la gran rep¨²blica.


    Ha llegado el momento, es la hora de las murallas,


    Ha llegado el momento, es la hora de la rep¨²blica,


    Ha llegado el momento, es la hora de la esperanza,


    Ha llegado el momento, es la hora del pueblo,


    Ha llegado el momento, es la hora de la democracia.


    ?Patria o muerte!


    Escuchad el cambio,


    Aspirad al futuro,


    Sentid la esperanza,


    Contemplad la gran rep¨²blica.


    ?Patria o muerte!


    (English)


    Listen to the Change


    Aspire to the Future


    Feel the Hope


    Behold the Great Republic


    The time has come, it¡¯s time to rise.


    The laurels of our ancestors cry out for the homeland.


    Our flag, dyed in blood, guards our legacy.


    We are the future, the harbingers of change.


    We swear to defend, to fight, and to build:


    Victory or death!


    Listen to the Change


    Aspire to the Future


    Feel the Hope


    Behold the Great Republic


    From the four corners of the world, Homeland or Death!


    We are the revolution, the idealists, the living hope.


    Glory to the wall, to the people, and to life,


    Glory to the flag, to democracy,


    Glory to the Seven Republics, with grace and audacity.


    The time has come, it¡¯s time for the walls,


    The time has come, it¡¯s time for the republic,


    The time has come, it¡¯s time for hope,


    The time has come, it¡¯s time for the people,


    The time has come, it¡¯s time for democracy.


    Listen to the Change


    Aspire to the Future


    Feel the Hope


    Behold the Great Republic


    Homeland or Death!


    From the caves to the mountains, we are greatness.


    A social movement growing by and for all.


    Hail the great democracy, hail our ancestors.


    Victory or Death!


    Be vigilant, we are the change, it¡¯s time.


    Be vigilant, we are democracy, it¡¯s time.


    Though the past may hurt, we are the future, it¡¯s time.


    For and by our people!


    Listen to the Change


    Aspire to the Future


    Feel the Hope


    Behold the Great Republic


    The time has come, it¡¯s time for the walls,


    The time has come, it¡¯s time for the republic,


    The time has come, it¡¯s time for hope,


    The time has come, it¡¯s time for the people,


    The time has come, it¡¯s time for democracy.


    Homeland or Death!


    Listen to the Change


    Aspire to the Future


    Feel the Hope


    Behold the Great Republic


    Homeland or Death!

 Gabrielism is born

    The news had reached the other republics: a young president had ventured into the eye of the storm, alone and without escort, putting his life at risk. If there was any doubt left about his leadership, there was none now. With pride, the citizens of the Seven Republics spoke his name. This was the president they needed; this was the young man they could confidently call "the president."


    Slowly, his name became established: Fausto Gabriel. The most powerful man in the Seven Republics. His name was on the banners of the militants, and his words and speeches were collected to immortalize them on the standards. Wherever he went, or where it was suspected he would go, the people were there waiting; their leader had become their champion.


    What happened after the law was passed? What became of the rebels?


    It was known that Celeste continued to communicate with Fausto and was even invited to the Government House to dine with his wife. The magistrate who had ordered the army to crush the uprising was removed from office for rebelling against the State. By default, elections were called, resulting in the RIU winning once again, and this time the cabeluces voted, achieving a great victory. Sebasti¨¢n Lacarse took office with a margin of 61% of the votes.


    Commander Vega Ocampo was discharged from the armed forces and prohibited from wearing his uniform again. Instead, Axel Quiroga was promoted to colonel, marking the first time a president had promoted a military officer to such a high rank. As expected, this caused discontent within the sector, as that rank was typically only attained through military academy. With this gesture, Fausto showed his claws to the army.


    Despite everything that had happened, on July 14, there were elections for senators in the six republics, except in B¨¦lua, where they took place on September 14. Surprisingly, the RIUI won in Artigas, Argentum, and Nept¨²n, but lost in the other republics, mainly in Nova Terra and C¨¢rdenas, which fell into the hands of the JW party. To everyone¡¯s surprise, a relatively new party, the UNO (National Organizational Union), emerged and won in the Inca Republic. This party advocated for equality and the prohibition of the slave trade. Their victory was unexpected, but according to historian Felipe Keneth, the reason a nearly new party got so far was the poor management of the JW party magistrate, Antonio Caroto. There were unpaid state employees, medical and educational institutions in poor condition, not to mention scandals involving three of his secretaries. The party did everything possible to defend him, which caused general discontent and led to their defeat. Furthermore, it was discovered that the RIU in Inca facilitated the trafficking of cabeluce slaves. Candidate Vincent Nube was arrested for human trafficking, which damaged the party¡¯s image, as there were those who supported Fausto but were not willing to vote for someone like Vincent. The UF party did not exist in Inca and had no plans to participate, as they could never manage to have a candidate that kept them united; in fact, that year, the UF dissolved due to internal problems, and its members joined either the JW or the RIU.


    However, the victory in B¨¦lua was crushing. The RIU won with a margin of 70% of the votes, achieving a wide majority in the chamber. Fausto could now govern and do as he pleased.


    In the government houses, Fausto''s decisions began to reflect the ideals of this new movement. The approved laws seemed to point toward a greater centralization of power and an expansion of the state''s influence over key institutions. Some viewed it as a necessary step to strengthen the union of the republics, while others warned of the danger of a covert dictatorship.


    However, this would come to nothing, as he had very strong political opponents. An¨ªbal Torcuato Harrington had echoed his fervor against all laws that Fausto promulgated, especially since there were laws that, according to him, benefited the republican people.


    It was true that Fausto had victories, but there were also defeats. He tried to separate the armed forces from the political regime, arguing that the army should never be a factor of any ideology other than that of defending the state and its citizens. It was then that Hidalgo gained more support for his refusal.


    "You are nobody to dictate what the army should think or not. You have, and will have, no right to restrict their freedom of thought."


    "I am not taking away their right to think," Fausto replied. "What I want is for them to revoke their opinion about the current government. They must obey the interests of the nation, not of ideologies."


    "Don''t lie," Hidalgo retorted. "You are terrified of having a formidable opponent like the proud army of the great republic. Our anthem clearly states: ''Hear the change.'' It seems that our esteemed president is deaf or does not want to listen."


    "The army exists to protect the nation from external enemies, not from internal ones," Fausto insisted. "If this does not stop, in the future the army, according to your own thinking, could usurp power, as they have the means to do so."


    "Ha! You imply that our men are unscrupulous scoundrels. Don¡¯t make me laugh, Mr. President."


    "Our anthem also says: ''Aspire to the future.'' It seems that Senator Hidalgo does not aspire to that future and only wants to boast of past glories, without understanding the consequences that brings."


    It was a long discussion in which both countered each other time and again; however, Fausto lost support from his own party members for this bill. The difference was staggering; only Fausto voted in favor, while the rest abstained or voted against.


    "Congress has spoken, and I obey."


    The disappointment and frustration were evident when he said those words, for Victorino, the man he admired, did not support him in this decision. According to the vice president himself, he went to see him at the Government House and there he found an enraged Fausto.


    "They are cowards!"


    "Not at all. They realized that it''s not in their interest to be at odds with the military sector."


    "Are you too?"


    "Yes, I am. Don''t you see that your position is only about five years old since its creation, while the army has existed for two thousand years? In fact, it was the branch that lasted the longest when the infected attacked."


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    "Those are past glories. These times are different."


    "Those past glories saved your life, yours and your wife''s. The man you called an idiot was the one who took care of you."


    "I appreciate that, but I can''t be in eternal debt just for that."


    "You should be. You''re being very immature; without him, you wouldn''t exist."


    "AND WITHOUT ME, YOU WOULDN''T EXIST!"


    Victorino slapped Fausto.


    "Watch your language. Did you just hear yourself? Thanks to me, you are where you are. Do you think you were elected because you¡¯re a pretty-faced young man or because your mind is superior to others? No, you¡¯re here because my party allows it. You¡¯re here because I made your position and your rise possible. You¡¯re here because I was the one running from one place to another, fixing all your impulsiveness with the bills. Don''t you dare belittle me, young man, because you not only disrespect me, you disrespect yourself."


    After saying this, he saw Karen leave the living room, worried.


    "Excuse me, Miss Freeman, I was just leaving."


    When Victorino reached the door, he turned and looked at Fausto.


    "You¡¯re doing a great job; I¡¯m proud of it. But you must understand that society is made up of millions of individuals with different ideas, and it¡¯s those same individuals who see soldiers as heroes. You can¡¯t change everything, son, especially not someone who doesn¡¯t want to change. Please, rest; I¡¯ll take care of it."


    "Erick..."


    Victorino turned.


    "Yes?"


    "I''m sorry."


    "It¡¯s nothing."


    Victorino closed the door and walked away.


    It was the first time Fausto felt such a crushing defeat. No one wanted to support his law; while history might vindicate him, the execution and the times did not. That setback showed him that he was not prepared for that battle, but it laid a foundation for future struggles.


    There were years of relative peace. His name echoed throughout all the republics, and his face was seen in the streets. Curiously, there were posters of him alongside those of Erick Victorino, Karen Freeman, Celeste Villordo, and Rivas Hidalgo. This last detail was curious, given the well-known discord among them. However, the party wanted to project an image that, despite their differences, the RIU remained united. This could be taken with a grain of truth, though not enough to sustain that image completely. Nonetheless, it was positive, as many people began to believe it.


    Many wondered why Karen was there. It turned out that she campaigned in the streets, accompanying her husband in every speech. Moreover, she always defended the voting rights of the youth: every seventeen-year-old had the right to vote. She also advocated for the rights of single mothers, pushing for a social plan that provided them with a salary to assist them. Single fathers could also access this allocation, albeit with certain limitations, of course.


    Celeste Villordo showed great conviction in spreading the president¡¯s words to other cabeluces, like a prophet. The image of Fausto was almost that of a deity.


    Slowly, a political movement began to gain strength every day: Gabrielism. Joaqu¨ªn Fausto Gabriel was its leader. While the initial steps of this movement were due to Florentinism, preached by Fausto during his presidency, it was his actions and achievements that shaped Gabrielism in the eyes of the citizens. It wasn¡¯t Florentina Emma who provided them with education, health, and jobs, but the young Fausto Gabriel.


    Fausto preached general well-being, democracy, and state justice. Every citizen had the right to a dignified home, quality education, and completely free healthcare.


    "A nation must always rely on the State. We exist thanks to you, because it is the citizens who grant us this power. Many times we are not aware of what we hold in our hands; we decide who lives and who does not with our choices. That¡¯s why you must never distance yourselves from politics or politicians. You will always have the final say on who represents you; keep that in mind."


    In other times, Fausto would have been labeled with a malicious word: "populist." But how could he avoid that label when that young man appeared, wanting everyone to live with dignity, fervently wishing for his people to be interested in voting? Despite the lack of guarantees that he would be elected, he always bet on democracy.


    It could be said that this movement defended democracy, the protection of the State, and the rights of citizens. How could anyone not trust someone who always fought for all? He could have governed following the interests of the party or the political class in the Senate, but instead, he had a vision and applied it. With his successes and his mistakes, he played by the rules of politics and benefited his citizens.


    The population continued with their daily lives. In the streets, political speeches could be heard, both from the ruling party and the opposition, filled with reproaches and acknowledgments. The capital was buzzing with conversations about the president¡¯s opinion, mostly positive.


    It was incredible that, in just five years, citizens talked more about the policies of a young president than about the walls that surrounded them. They no longer doubted their resilience or harbored thoughts about an external enemy. Now, what prevailed were ideologies and patriotism, the splendor of the Great Republic, or rather, of the Seven Republics.


    There were several disputes between him and Congress. Many laws were passed, of course, but there were also others that didn¡¯t even achieve half approval. However, it was surprising to see that he no longer got upset when things didn¡¯t go his way. He no longer raged; he had to mature. He knew when to back down and when to challenge Congress with his laws.


    Under Fausto¡¯s mandate, the Seven Republics ceased to fear the external enemy and began to focus on building a fairer nation. Citizens, especially the young, felt that for the first time their voices were heard. The right to vote at seventeen, one of Fausto¡¯s flagship reforms, symbolized the government¡¯s commitment to the new generations, reinforcing the sense of belonging and political participation. This was one of the pillars on which Gabrielism was consolidated.


    Rivas Hidalgo, in his own words, said: "There¡¯s no doubt that he and I don¡¯t get along. There are ideas I don¡¯t share, and there are situations I can¡¯t ignore, but it¡¯s undeniable that neither of us would achieve something like this: a modern democratic society."


    An¨ªbal Harrington expressed the following: "He is reckless and very capable; I take my hat off to him. But there¡¯s no doubt that many of his actions will cause problems in the future. He was the link that turned a State institution into a figure of leadership and strength. But if there are elections for president, I won¡¯t hesitate to point out everything that is wrong with this government. There are things that cannot continue as they are."


    Despite their ideological differences, Rivas Hidalgo acknowledged the transformative power of Fausto¡¯s policies. Nevertheless, he always remained critical, questioning the long-term consequences of his vision. This constant tension between them only strengthened Fausto¡¯s image as a leader willing to confront any opposition to achieve what he believed was right. On the other hand, figures like An¨ªbal Harrington, while admiring Fausto¡¯s capabilities, warned about the risks of centralized power in such a young figure.


    Gabrielism was born from the vision of a young president who sought to bring dignity and social justice to all corners of the Seven Republics. His policies not only defended citizens¡¯ rights but also promoted greater equality, emphasizing education, health, and access to a dignified home. Through his leadership, Fausto instilled a sense of hope in the population, particularly among the youth, who saw in him a leader willing to break away from the stagnant political traditions of the past.


    After the four years of his mandate, known as the honeymoon phase, Fausto faced a Congress that seemed determined to block many of his initiatives. However, far from giving up, he learned from his failures and matured as a leader. He no longer allowed frustration to consume him but understood when to step back and when to push forward with strength. This ability to adapt to circumstances was key to his success, and the people began to see him not only as a young idealist but as a strong leader capable of guiding the nation toward a fairer future.

 The figure of the leader

    Before Fausto''s rise to power, the population lived in constant fear of an external enemy. The walls surrounding the republics were a perpetual reminder of that threat. However, in just five years, Fausto managed to shift the public discourse. Now, in the streets, citizens debated policies and democracy, not the external threat. The Seven Republics were transforming, and Gabrielism, with its focus on the citizens'' well-being and social justice, was solidifying as the engine of that change.


    From there, Fausto dedicated himself to founding more institutions and strengthening the state''s infrastructure: schools, hospitals, police stations, universities, and fire departments. He funded all these institutions for the general welfare of the citizens. Though many saw this as unnecessary spending, it was an expense worth making, as the only way to weaken the military was to give citizens thousands of other options, with more nurses and teachers in the streets than soldiers.


    At some patriotic events, the military showed little respect for him. Traditionally, the head of state was supposed to hand over the honor saber to the graduates, but some officers would brusquely snatch it from his hands. However, Fausto wasn¡¯t a fool; when they tried to take the saber from him, he would grab it and throw it behind him.


    In a firm voice, he would shout to the four winds: "Insubordination! Demoted with a year of house arrest!"


    Only six officers dared to defy him that day; the rest passed with honors. Nevertheless, Fausto did not overlook the insolence. He stepped onto the podium and gave his speech: "It¡¯s quaint how you don¡¯t hide your disdain for me. But let me be very clear: YOU WILL NOT TREAT THE REPUBLICAN STATE AS YOUR PLAYGROUND! If anyone has even the slightest issue with my orders, leave¡ªor better yet, shoot me."


    The hall fell into complete silence. "I want the performance of Neptune¡¯s army, the bravery of Foster¡¯s army, not the murderers of dictator Travis Francisco or the cowards of Tamara Ojeda."


    Tamara Ojeda had overthrown the third Argentum Directory and ruled authoritatively, using the military to massacre her own citizens. In the end, when the Inca Directory and the Neptune Directory declared war on her, what did Tamara do? She fled with her followers, leaving a devastated nation on the brink of collapse. She spent her last days without trial in Artigas.


    Fausto posed a potential threat to the military, but they couldn¡¯t act against him. Despite their discontent, they didn¡¯t want to risk a coup, as they had finally cleaned up their image before society and didn¡¯t want to compromise it again. Besides, Fausto had only three years left in power, so they showed their claws but didn¡¯t use them.


    These were peaceful years, with little tension in society. People talked about sports, politics, festivals, and theater. Social stability was reminiscent of the years before the war. However, as in any democratic society, there were always tensions, especially concerning ideologies.


    Presidential campaigns had begun, and candidates had to present themselves to the public, explaining why they were the best option for the presidency. Meanwhile, Fausto, consciously or not, traveled across the Seven Republics, giving speeches, presenting works, or attending inaugurations. One of the most notable features of his presidency was the inauguration of many state-funded infrastructures and their strengthening through institutional diversification.


    "A democratic nation is strong and transparent when the people are present within it," were some of Fausto¡¯s most remembered words. Gabrielism began to raise flags with his face, his name, and his words.


    However, the opposition, led by An¨ªbal Harrington, started attacking. There was some truth in their accusations: Fausto wasn¡¯t properly maintaining the walls. The military didn¡¯t have enough resources to monitor them constantly, and Fausto had ordered them to be inspected only once a year.


    For An¨ªbal, this was an insult. His party, whose ideology was summed up in "Walls First," advocated for strict and permanent control. Even if it meant diverting essential resources for the population¡ªfood, medicine, and healthcare¡ªtoward the military. As historian Orlando Feria said: "No matter how perfect a power structure is, no one controls the human factor." This was reflected in cases of corruption and resource mismanagement.


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    Fausto remembered how, in his youth, the military would come to his village, take the young men, and demand free food. Then, they would simply leave. That¡¯s how the last years of the Directory were¡ªa monumental ordeal. This resentment towards the military was ingrained in him, and many speculated that this was the root of his conflict with the army.


    Despite everything, Fausto created "The Cavalry," a military force that answered solely to the president. This unit was trained under the pretext of defending and executing the executive branch¡¯s orders, placing itself above the police and military in times of need. Its main function was simple: to guard the resources sent to military bases and witness their delivery, not just visually, but also in the records.


    This control deeply irritated the military, who considered it an "absurd" act. One general dared to say, "The young should respect their elders." This was Gerald Reccson, who founded the famous PM, the Military Party, which became the refuge for military opponents of the government. While history wasn¡¯t kind to Reccson¡¯s descendants, he was an astute intellectual who used the constitution''s rules to challenge Fausto.


    The surprise came when, in a radio broadcast, Gerald Reccson announced his presidential candidacy. He became Fausto¡¯s second major rival, after An¨ªbal.


    But the question persisted among the population: Who would be the RIU party¡¯s candidate? Fausto couldn¡¯t run again. Many speculated about Victorino or Laura Ventura. The biggest surprise came on May 2, 4776, at 10:24 AM, when Fausto announced, without preamble, that his candidate would be none other than Karen Freeman Gabriel.


    That¡¯s right¡ªhis wife.


    The news struck like lightning. Until then, Karen had maintained a low profile in national politics. Though many knew her as a skilled diplomat and a staunch advocate of Fausto¡¯s social policies, she had shown no public intentions of assuming such a prominent role. However, those close to the president¡¯s inner circle knew that Karen had been a key figure in Fausto¡¯s administration from behind the scenes. She had been actively involved in the most delicate international negotiations and in implementing many of the government¡¯s most ambitious reforms.


    In fact, it¡¯s strongly suspected that the party knew, and that Hidalgo not only congratulated her but also gave her his support.


    Now, with Fausto ineligible for re-election, the RIU rallied around her as the figure of continuity. The announcement was meticulous, calculated to consolidate popular support and avoid fractures within the party. Fausto had been an impeccable president, dedicated to the people¡¯s welfare, with undeniable achievements in free education, universal healthcare, and fair wages. However, his focus on strengthening the social system and democratizing politics had made him enemies, especially within the Military Party (PM) and the JW, the conservative opposition.


    Karen Freeman Gabriel wasted no time addressing the nation, fully aware of the expectations placed on her. In her first speech, broadcast across all Seven Republics, she made it clear that her candidacy was not merely a continuation of Fausto¡¯s legacy, but the evolution of his vision.


    "Fausto¡¯s dream isn¡¯t just his own; it belongs to all the people," said Karen, her voice resonating firmly and full of conviction. "A just, participatory, and equitable government. The walls of the Seven Republics are not only built with stone and steel but with the effort and sacrifice of everyone. While their creators and the first to build them are no longer with us, their descendants are, and as gratitude for their great sacrifice, the people¡ªthe children of the wall¡¯s workers¡ªmust be rewarded in their name with a better future."


    However, the JW and PM saw her candidacy as an opportunity to attack. An¨ªbal Harrington, the leader of the JW, wasted no time questioning her ability to lead:


    "This is not just about continuity. The RIU intends to turn politics into a family affair, consolidating its power in a dynasty. The country doesn¡¯t need more of the same; it needs a new vision, one that restores the balance and tradition we¡¯ve lost so much of."


    Meanwhile, the Military Party, led by General Gerald Reccson, wasn¡¯t lagging behind. Unlike the JW, which bet on a conservative discourse, the PM used fear and security as its banner. Reccson, with his usual martial tone, warned that the Seven Republics couldn¡¯t afford another decade of demilitarization.


    "While Fausto and Karen are building hospitals and universities," he said in a speech before thousands of soldiers, "our borders are more vulnerable than ever. We need a government focused on defense, on the security of our walls. Populism doesn¡¯t protect the Republics; only a strong military will."


    Rumors about military movements and possible alliances between the PM and disgruntled sectors of the army began to grow. The fear of military intervention in the electoral process was not unfounded. Throughout his term, Fausto had clashed with the military high command over his insistence on cutting the defense budget and redirecting it to social projects.


    Karen, for her part, remained resolute. In a radio interview:


    "The government belongs to the people, not the weapons," she said, looking directly at the camera. "My commitment is to every citizen of these republics. Security isn¡¯t built solely with armies, but with a strong, educated, and healthy population. We will not back down."


    But before moving forward, we must take a step back. How did this happen? Why Karen?

 Karen Samanta Freeman

    The world already knew the story of Karen''s childhood. However, to enrich that narrative a little more, some topics will be addressed superficially, without hindering or unnecessarily prolonging her origins.


    After being rescued by Hidalgo and reuniting with Fausto''s family, Karen lived under their care. They considered her a daughter and sister, although her status was never officially recognized by any state entity, remaining simply as a ¡°tenant¡± or ¡°guest¡± with free and indefinite residency.


    Karen led a normal life with Fausto¡¯s family until he became interested in politics. She recounted that Fausto attempted to register twice with the JW party, but was rejected by the party leader, who told him he "did not meet expectations." In response, Fausto decided to join the RIU party, more specifically its youth wing. At that time, there was no clear educational path to become a deputy, as his participation in the Directory was considered almost nonexistent and irrelevant. The requirements were to know how to read, write, and to have the support of a thousand people to run for office.


    When Fausto secured his seat, he moved to the capital, and Karen accompanied him. She was worried about him, as a consequence of his childhood experiences; Fausto felt invincible. He had survived monsters and believed he could also survive any person. This mindset terrified his parents and relatives, so Karen decided to follow him on his journey, ready to stop any madness that might cross his mind.


    Upon arriving in the capital, Fausto lived for a time in a hotel paid for by the party, but he had to share a room with other deputies. Unwilling to accept that offer, as Karen was with him, he looked for a place to rent. However, prices in the capital were unsustainable. It was then that he noticed there were accommodation offers with discounts of up to 60% for married couples. Without hesitation, he proposed this idea to Karen, and she agreed.


    Despite this, Karen decided to keep her surname, as she did not want to relinquish the valuable legacy left to her by her late father.


    While Fausto attended the Capitol of the Directory, Karen met with Rivas Hidalgo, who kept in touch with Fausto''s family. Rivas sought ways to help her, even if just a little, in her new role as a wife. During that meeting, Rivas confided that the Directory would soon disappear, and if she truly wanted to make a difference, they needed to join the reform he and a certain Erick Victorino were promoting. He mentioned that they were gathering votes to abolish the Grand Directory.


    Karen hesitated but promised to discuss the matter with her husband. Meanwhile, Fausto told her about his first days in office. He confessed to feeling "very disillusioned." No one in the Directory had a clear stance. They spoke of trivial matters more than politics. It seemed nobody was interested in being there. Karen listened attentively as Fausto, frustrated, wondered, "Did I do the right thing by coming here? Is this what I wanted? Is it worth fighting for anything?"


    Karen recounted how Fausto wanted to give up after two months in the Chamber, but she convinced him to carry on and spoke to him about Rivas''s idea of a reform. Fausto felt a flicker of excitement at her words and wanted to visit Rivas, as it had been a while since they last saw each other.


    At a party meeting, Fausto and Karen attended to hear the speeches from the leaders of the reform: Rivas Hidalgo and Erick Victorino.


    "We are tired of this archaic system of the Grand Directory. It lost its greatness more than twenty years ago. Lots of voices and discussions, but no real solutions," said the unknown Erick Victorino in a firm voice.


    "Many of us are trying to change the government, reform the State, and create unity with the other republics," added Rivas Hidalgo excitedly.


    Karen watched Fausto intently; he was completely focused on the speeches. After all, they were both judges of the Grand Directory, and what these men proposed directly threatened their own work. Nothing guaranteed the success of the reform.


    However, we all know what happened: an election was called in which, curiously, the participation of B¨¦lua and Argentum was not allowed. The reason was clear: these two republics had the necessary votes to block the reform. In fact, with just five votes (two from Argentum and three from B¨¦lua), the reform would have failed. To prevent this, Rivas devised a plan behind Erick''s back: he ordered that the senators from those republics be blocked from entering, using the army to prevent their access. Rivas had already secured 100% of the votes from the other five republics in favor of the reform and the abolition of the Grand Directory. According to the regulations, to put a government reform to a vote, it was necessary for five of the seven republics to agree unanimously.


    Rivas feared that if the representatives from the other two republics showed up, the unanimity of the votes could waver, as many were not entirely convinced. So, he made a drastic decision and barred them from participating.


    Erick was very upset to learn this, as Rivas''s actions behind his back revealed a lack of trust between them. It is still believed that the creation of the Grand Confederation of the Seven Republics was made possible by Rivas''s boldness.


    However, it was Erick who resolved the tension that arose. Instead of threatening the republics by cutting off their goods and services, he negotiated a series of concessions: access to natural resources, control of trade routes, and additional strategic territory. These agreements enriched the union and prevented a possible division.


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    What was meant to happen, happened: the new form of government was established, and a dispute broke out over who would be president. Fausto ran for office and eventually became the first president of the unified republics.


    Karen was elated that Fausto had achieved his goal, although she noticed he was nervous; after all, he held the power of seven nations in his hands.


    While Fausto governed, Karen campaigned in his name, tirelessly fighting for workers'' rights. She became the public face of the president and gained notoriety. When the cabeluces uprising occurred, Fausto felt overwhelmed, unsure of what to do. But it was Karen who urged him to make a decision. Years later, Fausto would confess that it was she who planted the idea of freeing the cabeluces, as she had witnessed how they were treated up close.


    Karen, unlike her husband, maintained a good relationship with Rivas Hidalgo. They met frequently, though they spoke of matters unrelated to politics, more related to personal life. Furthermore, Karen had a different stance on the military. While she understood Fausto''s perspective, she did not share it. The military had saved both their lives, and this was something Rivas always respected.


    Another interesting point, according to historian Ju¨¢rez Casillas, was that Erick Victorino had suggested that Rivas be his vice president. However, due to Fausto''s tense relationship with him, Karen decided not to accept the proposal.


    "I do not intend to put political ideals above my marriage. I''m sorry," Toni Azcur¨¦ wrote in her book The Eyes of the Lady, about Karen''s life in politics. This statement showed that Karen was not going to be a pragmatic leader but rather a sentimental one.


    At party meetings, it was evident that some members doubted her leadership for the upcoming presidential elections. The RIU had gained prominence thanks to Fausto''s management, and many citizens were joining the party due to his popularity. This growing influence led the party to seek strategies to consolidate and maintain the power they were beginning to acquire.


    However, Karen showed great composure in defending her position. She wanted to make it clear to the party members that she was not simply "the president''s wife," but someone capable of governing. She knew how to demonstrate what she was made of.


    "The concern you have is understandable. I won''t stop to say that I¡¯m here simply because I¡¯m a woman or that now the nation needs women. I believe in equality, and I¡¯m sure you all do too. The state policies that have been taken so far have yielded results; my position is clear: continue as is, continue building roads, homes, and families. A nation of equals, a nation of opportunities."


    Karen had a cold gaze on that angelic face, which made her a woman of iron in the eyes of those present. Her political adversaries held her in respect.


    When Fausto witnessed the defeat of his bill in Congress, she supported him. Unlike other defeats he had faced, this one was very surprising for him, as he thought he had the support of the majority, including Victorino. Above all, she was already a public figure. It was suspected that by the fourth year of his presidency, Fausto was paving the way for his wife. Evidence of this was her first appearance at a state event, which took place in the year 4774.


    In the vast hall of the Republic, cameras followed Joaqu¨ªn Fausto''s every gesture as he firmly discussed new plans for economic reconstruction. Beside him, Karen smiled calmly, exchanging words with some first ladies and representatives of non-governmental organizations. She had quietly led an educational program for marginalized youth in the poorest areas, but headlines still referred to her simply as "the president''s wife."


    The opposition didn¡¯t even direct their gaze toward her, focused instead on criticizing Fausto and his ambitious vice president, Erick Victorino Sullivan, whose decisions garnered all the attention. After all, the ¡°honeymoon¡± had ended. However, some observers noted how, from time to time, Karen whispered something in Joaqu¨ªn¡¯s ear, and he nodded, as if her words carried more weight than they appeared.


    Over time, as Fausto navigated various political crises and Karen grew more influential, their relationship transformed from a marriage of convenience to a powerful partnership. However, it was evident that this was only a facade, as the shadow of a growing crisis loomed. Years later, Karen would be the one to intervene when Fausto¡¯s health declined, and their unity would be put to the ultimate test.


    Karen was not seeking immediate prominence. She knew that her moment would come, and she played her role with caution. In the meetings of the RIU party, while the leaders discussed policies that continued to attract more citizens thanks to Fausto''s administration, Karen defended her own stance. She was seen as more than just the president''s wife; she slowly built an image of strength, clarity, and leadership. Her discourse on equality and the need to continue along the path laid out by her husband showed everyone that she was a woman of conviction and a political figure in her own right.


    In the year 4775, a year later, Karen was still leading humanitarian projects, though her work did not generate much media noise. However, she was beginning to attract support from certain sectors, especially among women and young people. While Joaqu¨ªn and Sullivan faced off in the heated debates of Congress, Karen continued her work quietly. The initiative she had started a year ago in the educational field had expanded, now offering scholarships and vocational training to hundreds of young people. Some began to call her "The Red Lady," but the opposition continued to ignore her, too busy launching attacks against Fausto.


    In informal party meetings, some leaders started to notice Karen''s impact on the most underserved communities.


    "It¡¯s surprising how she connects with them," commented one of the senators, Laura Ventura, during a private dinner attended by An¨ªbal. But the conversation quickly returned to the day''s more urgent issues, without giving her much attention.


    In a private conversation within the party, some leaders began to view Karen as a relevant figure, although this was still not discussed publicly.


    "Karen? Fausto''s wife?" one of the younger members frowned. "I don''t see her as a serious candidate," An¨ªbal remarked.


    As the opposition member said this, at a public event related to one of Karen''s humanitarian programs, she casually mentioned topics that would later become central to her presidential campaign.


    "Nation of equals, nation of opportunities. Change, dear young people, doesn''t happen overnight. Sometimes it takes generations. But if each of us works with a long-term vision, the future we imagine for our republics can become a reality."


    Karen''s approach was strategic: she entered public life discreetly, leading social causes that did not seem threatening to the opposition. However, she was gaining support where no one noticed, and her influence within the party began to grow. When she finally launched herself into politics openly, the surprise was enormous, as the opposition did not see her as a threat.


    "I''m blind," An¨ªbal said when he heard her candidacy on the radio.

 The campaign

    Then it happened. Keren launched a ¡°more direct¡± presidential campaign; she had secretly prepared for almost three years and was now beginning to maximize her presence in the streets, in the squares, and in homes. Her speeches resonated more frequently and powerfully, generating a growing rivalry among the parties. She had three potential rivals: two already known, Gerald Reccson from the PM party, and An¨ªbal Harrington from the JW party, and, to everyone¡¯s surprise, a striking and unexpected figure, Ana Uribe from the UF party. Uribe''s emergence was unexpected, as neither her party nor she had shown any signs of competing for the Nept¨²n seat, one of the seven national heroes and founder of the Pres¨ªdium, an institution that over time cemented modern democracy and evolved into the former Directory and the current democracy.


    Karen developed an intense campaign focused on direct contact with the people. She knew that to win the support of the Seven Republics, she needed to be present not only in words but in actions. Her slogan, ¡°Nation of equals, nation of opportunities,¡± soon became a symbol of closeness to the people.


    She traveled through the squares, residential and rural neighborhoods, often accompanied by local and community leaders who reinforced her image as a woman of the people. She presented herself as accessible and humble, embracing people, listening to their concerns, and sharing moments from her daily life with them. She adopted a stance of resistance and unity, speaking about humanity¡¯s capacity to overcome any adversity and how the construction and maintenance of the walls of this ¡°new world¡± could only be possible if everyone worked together, a latent concern in those days.


    Karen replicated some of the gestures that her husband, Fausto, had popularized during his presidency, such as giving speeches in the rain and celebrating outdoor events. By merging her narrative with his but from her perspective, she managed to attract both Fausto¡¯s supporters and young people who saw in her an independent figure continuing his legacy while bringing a new and fresh vision.


    Her rivals adopted different approaches. An¨ªbal, owner of the oldest newspaper in the Seven Republics, "El Faro," used his medium to print his speeches and actions on the front page, positioning his candidacy as an opportunity for fresh and modern change, with promises of economic reforms and greater freedom of information. However, his closeness to the media industry raised doubts in some sectors, who saw him as a candidate excessively linked to private interests.


    Gerald, on the other hand, sought the support of conservative sectors on military issues, appealing to those who feared that someone like Fausto might reduce the military. Representing a conservative stance, Gerald advocated for expanding the army and strengthening the wall to ensure national security against possible new threats from the infected. Veterans and those concerned about national territory defense were drawn to his campaign. He presented himself as the candidate of firmness, in contrast to Karen''s empathy.


    Ana, although with few resources, managed to garner sympathy, especially among minorities and progressive youth, being the first woman to represent the UF party. Her campaign was limited and poorly documented, but some of her phrases, like ¡°Freedom is for all, not just some¡± or ¡°The homeland is the people, not the party,¡± resonated among social movements, leaving her as an interesting but fleeting figure.


    What was President Fausto doing during this intense campaign? He opted for silence. He had decided that his wife should earn the position on her own merits, without interference or influence from him. While the electoral fervor seized the country, he continued with his responsibilities as president, inaugurating public works and drafting laws, without commenting on the political contest. When journalists tried to elicit an opinion from him, he simply replied:


    ¡°At this moment, the nation is debating its future. It¡¯s understandable that you want to know my position, but I consider my stance irrelevant. You already know it.¡±


    A journalist, attempting to pry more out of him, asked, ¡°But what is your position, President?¡±


    ¡°You already know it; there¡¯s no need for me to say it.¡±


    ¡°And what about your wife?¡± the journalist insisted.


    ¡°As I said, you know it.¡±


    And with this, the first part of the debate concluded, and the second part began. In this new encounter, the focus shifted to the economic policies necessary to sustain the country''s reconstruction in a context where resources were limited and international trade had ceased to exist.


    Karen defended her proposal for a ¡°Fair Economy,¡± which ensured access to basic goods for all citizens. Her plan included subsidies for the agricultural and manufacturing sectors to avoid dependence on imports, ensuring that no republic could be the key to another.


    ¡°Our people must be the first to benefit from the resources we have left,¡± she asserted firmly. ¡°I reject any policy that allows the individual interests of other republics to lead us back into blind dependence.¡±


    Gerald Reccson launched a direct attack, accusing Karen of creating a ¡°permanent state of charity¡± that would stagnate economic development.


    ¡°What you propose, Mrs. Freeman, is nothing more than a system that rewards inefficiency. If we follow your path, we will be a country that survives, but not one that thrives. You speak of unity, yet you fear the seven republics and their reasonable dependence. Blessed hypocrisy.¡±


    An¨ªbal Harrington, with his revitalization approach, defended the need to establish trade agreements with the other republics that would foster innovation and internal growth. He also suggested austerity measures to secure funds for long-term projects.


    ¡°Real prosperity is not built in the squares or in promises; it is built with solid actions and firm decisions. Maintaining subsidies indefinitely is like trying to keep a ship flying over the ocean with paper wings.¡±


    Ana Uribe condemned the idea of trade agreements, warning that, in practice, they would only serve to empower large corporations.


    ¡°We are talking about the survival of the people, not the pockets of a handful of elites.¡±


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    No one bothered to respond or counter the accusations of the others, which caught the audience¡¯s attention.


    Each candidate''s responses reflected their distinct visions for the country, and tensions rose even further when An¨ªbal suggested that Karen was merely upholding Fausto''s legacy without a deep understanding of economics, a claim that Karen rebutted with determination.


    ¡°I will not allow that attack, Mr. Harrington. I am well aware of this country''s economy, an economy that is taking off thanks to President Fausto''s policies.¡±


    And with this closing, the third part of the debate began. National security became the central theme of this new encounter, and the candidates discussed the maintenance of the wall and the militarization of border areas.


    Gerald Reccson was emphatic in his stance to strengthen security. He proposed a ¡°Wall Army,¡± a permanent armed force to patrol the areas of contact with the infected lands.


    ¡°Security is a basic right of all citizens, and I do not apologize for saying we need a wall of soldiers. Every slip in our defenses is an invitation to disaster. These walls protect us; in that, I agree with the president. But they are empty words without real actions that can reinforce that security. We must not disrespect the workers who died building it by ignoring its purpose.¡±


    Karen Freeman criticized the proposal, arguing that militarizing the border would drain necessary resources for internal reconstruction.


    ¡°We do not disrespect anyone, especially not the heroes who built that wall. What good is a secure nation if it is wounded and abandoned from within? Of course, we must protect ourselves from the threat of the infected. I know what it is to fear them; I know how lethal they are, but not at the expense of the well-being of our people in the heart of the Seven Republics.¡±


    An¨ªbal Harrington attempted to mediate, proposing moderate investment in surveillance technology instead of increasing troops. He pointed out that it was possible to protect the border without diverting funds from other essential projects.


    ¡°Soldiers don¡¯t need to be at the border if we can have other means of protection. There¡¯s no need for a line of soldiers standing idle, staring at a wall 24/7, when only maintenance of the wall is required. It¡¯s not just about quantity but about quality in our defense.¡±


    Ana Uribe took a controversial stance, stating that the wall was a ¡°prison¡± that limited growth and isolated the country. Her proposal included greater investment in the community and a ¡°reintegration¡± plan for those living in areas near the wall.


    ¡°We don¡¯t need giant prisons or thousands of soldiers. We need hope and reconstruction. This wall is more than a physical barrier; it is a mental barrier that prevents us from moving forward.¡±


    The three candidates did not remain silent.


    An¨ªbal sharply attacked that stance.


    ¡°Shut your mouth and stop saying nonsense. These walls are not a prison; they are the tangible evidence of thousands of men who did not surrender to such a hostile environment and built this wonder with their own hands. They are a testament to the great feat of mankind.¡±


    Gerald also opposed that stance, labeling it as ignorant.


    ¡°A prison? Not only is that irrelevant, but your party is also ignorant. Proof of this is your candidacy. Have you forgotten that it was you who initiated and pushed for the construction of the walls again? Weren¡¯t you the ones who did a large part of the work? You disgrace the party and its supporters. I feel pity for the Union of the Free; I feel great pity for Sofia Sigma, a true warrior.¡±


    Karen disagreed with that rhetoric, albeit in a gentler manner.


    ¡°I concur with my rivals. What you¡¯ve said is outrageous, Miss Uribe; you should apologize for it, with all due respect. You are not qualified to govern with that mentality.¡±


    This unfortunate comment from candidate Ana Uribe jeopardized her career and caused the three rivals to momentarily agree.


    Thus, the third debate concluded, paving the way for the fourth. This time, the candidates addressed the issue of social rights, focusing on youth and labor rights in the Seven Republics.


    Karen Freeman promoted her proposal to maintain free and universal education as a cornerstone for the growth of a ¡°resilient generation.¡± She also proposed mental health programs for young people, as many of them felt anxious and curious about wanting to leave the walls.


    ¡°After all we have been through, our youth deserve a bright future. We owe them not just protection; we owe them a clear plan, a real opportunity for growth and learning.¡±


    Gerald Reccson deemed these programs ¡°costly and superfluous¡± in a society that, according to him, needed to prepare for new war challenges. Instead, he proposed the reintroduction of mandatory military service.


    ¡°Young people must be ready to defend what is theirs. We cannot talk about dreams and free education when we cannot even ensure their security in the future.¡±


    These statements began to sit poorly with the audience, as many remembered mandatory service as a horrific memory: two years of physical and psychological torture.


    An¨ªbal saw this opportunity and used it against him.


    ¡°I feel obliged to agree with Miss Karen. Education must be free and accessible; taking that away just to have more soldiers reinforces the idea that you want armed ignoramuses. There is nothing more terrifying than an idiot with weapons, especially if those idiots are manipulated by educated people. Don¡¯t make me laugh, Reccson.¡±


    Gerald didn¡¯t stay silent.


    ¡°Our education is of a high level. Don¡¯t dare to belittle our education; it is just as efficient as public schools.¡±


    ¡°Is that so? Shoot the enemy, the enemy of the army.¡±


    Gerald was about to start a heated dispute, but the moderator pleaded for order.


    Ana Uribe opposed Gerald¡¯s proposal and suggested an inclusive approach, where resources would be allocated to youth without distinction or conditions. She also promoted the idea of an inclusive healthcare system.


    ¡°Mental health and education are not luxuries; they are rights. If we want a just society, we must abandon the idea that only some can access them.¡±


    Reccson laughed.


    ¡°Allow me to remind you that when the proposal was voted on, your bloc abstained. You are a bunch of hares.¡±


    And with this response, the fourth debate concluded and the fifth and final one began. This debate focused on the topic of culture and national identity, in a time when society found itself at a crossroads between modernization and tradition.


    Karen Freeman defended the importance of an identity that preserved traditions while adapting them to modern times.


    ¡°It¡¯s not about choosing between the past and the future; it¡¯s about finding a point of union. Our identity is what differentiates us from the zombies and what will make us prevail.¡±


    Gerald Reccson took a more rigid stance, asserting that ¡°cultural decay¡± was one of the greatest threats. He advocated for a ¡°patriotic and traditionalist¡± education.


    ¡°It¡¯s time we return to our roots. Modernization may be necessary, but never at the expense of what makes us unique: courage and prowess.¡±


    An¨ªbal Harrington expressed that cultural identity must evolve, proposing an internationalist approach for the Seven Republics.


    ¡°The world has changed; we must open ourselves to new ideas and enrich our culture with the best of the best.¡±


    Ana Uribe was emphatic in her support for the preservation of popular culture and the traditions of less developed areas, advocating for a country ¡°for everyone, not just for the capitals.¡±


    ¡°We must listen to our peoples and protect their traditions, without imposing a single identity. Each republic has its roots, and we must learn to live in diversity.¡±


    This last debate highlighted the deep divergences between the candidates. It closed with Karen urging national unity, while Gerald defended a ¡°patriotic line¡± and An¨ªbal and Ana advocated for inclusive and multicultural approaches. Each candidate''s stance was clear. Every citizen of the Seven Republics had witnessed the exchange of ideas and conflicting personalities, leaving an uncertain ground for the final election.

 The Election

    October 25 arrived¡ªthe day of the election, following a debate held on the 15th. However, since the main issues remained unchanged, there was no need to delve further into the topics. Those over the age of 17 rose from their beds and lined up to cast their votes for the first time in their lives, choosing their president. Men, women, and young people stood before a ballot box and a slip. At that time, ballots were on separate tables; one simply had to select one and place it in an envelope. If two ballots were placed, the vote would be annulled. If none were placed, the vote would be considered blank. If there was even a single strip of color different from the ballot''s, the vote would be voided. Similarly, if a ballot was submitted in poor condition but still readable, the vote would be counted.


    The law was simple: any candidate who obtained 45% of the votes and a 10-point margin would be declared president. If a candidate achieved 45% and their opponent scored between 40% and 44%, a second round would be held. If a candidate had 45% and their opponent 35%, the candidate with 45% would become president. If a candidate exceeded the 45% margin, even by one point, the prior rule no longer applied. This meant that if one candidate received 45% and the opponent 46%, the presidency would go to the one with the most votes.


    How was voting to be done? First, voters needed to be fully aware of their actions, as voting under the influence of substances was prohibited. Second, no one could, under any circumstances, discuss their vote inside or outside the polling station. Entering the voting booth with more than one person was also forbidden, unless there were difficulties preventing the voter from exercising their right independently. In that case, only a relative or a table officer was permitted to assist. A table officer could help, but if they refused to provide assistance, chose the vote instead of respecting the voter''s wishes, or threatened the voter, they would be removed from the table and sentenced to a year and six months in prison: one year in jail and the remainder under house arrest, plus a fine ranging from 500 to 1,000 lunars, depending on the severity of the offense.


    The table officer was chosen randomly a year before the elections and was notified by a certified letter or contacted via email. If the letter didn''t arrive within thirty days, a new one would be sent, with a maximum of five attempts. The postal service was required to prioritize this type of correspondence. Refusal or misuse of this responsibility would be considered an attack on democratic values, punishable by five years in prison. If the letter reached the recipient but they were unable to attend for health reasons, there would be no consequences, provided the appropriate documentation was submitted. Ignoring this summons would be considered an offense against democratic values, punishable by two years in prison¡ªone in prison, and the other under house arrest.


    The table officer represented the state and ensured the election was conducted fairly. This meant that no member of public order, civilian or military, could interfere with, threaten, or harm the table officer. Any judicial, military, state, or civilian representative who attacked the table officer would face a sentence of six to ten years in prison.


    A few anecdotes can be salvaged from these elections. Fausto was accompanied by his wife as he voted and queued like everyone else. Given the electoral silence, he couldn¡¯t discuss politics but could talk about everyday topics. He couldn¡¯t predict who would win but could share what a president¡¯s life is like. Curiously, someone asked him about his personal life: if he was going to be a father. Fausto couldn¡¯t respond, not because he didn¡¯t know what to say, but because Karen didn¡¯t give him a chance. She simply replied, ¡°We¡¯re working on it,¡± which caused an awkward laugh from the president.


    Across the city in San Isaak, Harrington cast his vote. He appeared calm, wearing his unmistakable top hat and emerald-tipped cane. He was accompanied by his two daughters and granddaughter. Known for his strong character, he let an elderly man with mobility difficulties go ahead of him. Harrington''s family interactions were also observed: he held his granddaughter, who tugged at his elegant coat and swung from side to side like a pendulum as they waited. Many didn¡¯t know Harrington was a widower; his wife, Vanessa Harrington, had died in a yellow fever epidemic.


    Gerald Reccson voted at the military academy, where he too waited in line, as in the army everyone is equal when it comes to choosing their representative. It was known that he had a considerable age difference with his wife¡ªhe was 138 years old (Lapsus Longus), while she was only 21 (Lapsus Brevis), and she was pregnant. Although little was known about his personal life, a testimony revealed that, during the construction of the walls, Reccson saw a woman with other survivors running toward his camp. They sought help, but Reccson received orders to ¡°discourage¡± future survivors. Though there was suspicion he had forged data to allow them entry to the city, there was no conclusive evidence.


    Finally, Ana Uribe voted with her parents, former senator Rogelio Uribe and Maribel Uribe, a nurse. A tender moment occurred when Ana emerged from the voting booth and hugged her parents, proud to have voted for the first time.


    Although it was the first time voting took place, there were no major problems¡ªonly a few isolated incidents.


    At 10:00 p.m., the first results were broadcast over the radio, in order of highest to lowest percentage: Karen Samanta Freeman, with 82.1% of the vote; Anibal Harrington, with 14.3%; Gerald Reccson, with 4.2%; and Ana Uribe, with 1.2%. There was also 0.2% of blank and void votes. The overwhelming victory belonged to the RIU party.


    Out of a population of 3,100,000, only 2,150,000 citizens voted.


    Karen celebrated in the party¡¯s bunker, surrounded by supporters. Even Hidalgo was present, though he shook hands with the president more out of courtesy than affinity. He spent some time chatting with her and Victorino before leaving early; as he said, he didn¡¯t feel he had much to do there.


    Meanwhile, Anibal Harrington delivered a speech in his own bunker, alongside his supporters. They accepted defeat, regretting not meeting expectations. ¡°Democracy has spoken,¡± he said, urging his followers to respect that value, though he admitted they didn¡¯t share the winning party''s ideas. He also congratulated Karen.


    Reccson, for his part, refrained from making statements. He merely muttered, ¡°The nation is lost¡± when the first results were known. Gerald, whom he had hoped might take second place, was brutally defeated in the election.


    Ana, however, thanked her voters for their support. She congratulated Karen and stated that if she presented proposals to improve society, she would be willing to support them. However, she warned that she would oppose any initiatives she considered harmful to the people.This narrative has been unlawfully taken from Royal Road. If you see it on Amazon, please report it.


    Fausto also spoke about the elections, satisfied with the result. In his words, ¡°The Seven Republics are in good hands.¡±


    It was on November 7 that Fausto delivered his final speech as president. In San Isaak Square, where eight years prior he had addressed a dozen people in his first speech, nearly a million had now gathered. The crowd waved flags and chanted his name, expressing gratitude for his leadership.


    With a smile, feeling the support of two figures behind him¡ªVictorino and Karen¡ªFausto stepped up to the podium, raising his arms as if wanting to embrace his people. Then he began:


    ¡°Eight years ago, I stood here to share with you a dream, an ideal: the nation I envisioned for you. I am aware I couldn¡¯t accomplish everything; much still remains to be done. But I am proud to know I have done much for this beautiful nation.¡±


    He smiled and continued, ¡°All I can say is thank you. Thank you for trusting this inexperienced young man, for listening to this arrogant one, for supporting me. You don¡¯t know how grateful I am. Before... there was no one. Many times, I felt I was speaking to myself. Today, I am moved that you listened to me.¡±


    Fausto looked to the sky, holding back emotion.


    ¡°Obrigado¡­ very grateful,¡± his voice faltered, and his eyes began to well up. ¡°Oh, Lord, I didn¡¯t want this to happen. Look at me, I look ridiculous.¡±


    The crowd erupted in applause and cheers as Fausto continued:


    ¡°Together, we built a future to be proud of. We overcame the anxiety of external uncertainty. We proved that The Seven Republics are a dignified and strong nation. You, citizens, are part of this.¡±


    With a sigh, he ended his speech:


    ¡°You accompanied me through these eight years. We made history¡ªa history you can be proud of. When you grow old, with your children and grandchildren, you¡¯ll be able to say with pride, ¡®I was there, I witnessed the rebirth of humanity, of democracy, and I played my part in making it possible.¡¯ You will look into your descendants¡¯ eyes and say you are proud to have founded this great nation. Glory to the wall! Glory to the people! Glory to democracy! Glory to the Seven Republics! With grace and audacity!¡±


    At the end, the crowd chanted in unison:


    ¡°Long live President Gabriel!¡±


    They applauded and chanted his name, waving flags and proclaiming his legacy across the land. And so, a new moniker was born: ¡°The Firstborn.¡±


    Fausto stepped down from the podium and moved toward the crowd. Security grew tense; Victorino, his wife, and the guards tried to follow, but he went into the crowd, trusting his people. Thousands of hands reached out to touch and embrace him. His bodyguards formed a circle around him, though it didn¡¯t stop the president from returning each embrace with equal warmth.


    According to one of the government aides, that night Karen scolded him harshly for risking his safety, and, jokingly, mentioned that Fausto spent the night on the couch.


    Time passed, and Fausto spent his last month touring the republics, giving speeches of gratitude. Even in B¨¦lua, where he spoke in Portuguese, he was welcomed with love and tears of joy. The emotion of knowing he had given them a future overwhelmed him, as it did his people.


    Finally, the day of his farewell arrived. Fausto rose early, dressed in his uniform, and left the Red House. The roads had been cleared for his passage, and the crowd watched him with respect and admiration as he headed toward the Congress.


    Upon arrival, he ascended the stairs to the ceremonial hall, where statues of the seven heroes of the republics stood: Claudio Argentum, Felipe Artigas, Oscar Neptune, Maria Nova Terra, Elena Inca, Sager C¨¢rdenas, and Wanda B¨¦lua. These statues, erected by him, symbolized the transfer of power.


    Ahead of him waited Karen, his Vice President Amanda Ventura, and Victorino. Fausto took the presidential sash and placed it on Karen, along with the staff of office, followed by a warm embrace. Victorino repeated the gesture with his successor as Vice President, though, being less affectionate, he settled for a firm handshake.


    The congress members applauded, and Karen raised the staff in acceptance.


    Fausto approached Victorino and whispered:


    ¡°Quite an audience, isn¡¯t it, Erick?¡±


    ¡°A tough crowd, yes, I remember it well,¡± Victorino replied with a rare smile.


    Fausto nodded.


    ¡°Thank you, Erick, for everything.¡±


    ¡°There¡¯s nothing to thank me for, son. It was my job and my responsibility.¡±


    Still, Fausto insisted, ¡°Even so... thank you.¡±


    With a slight smile, Victorino said, ¡°I¡¯m proud of you. Despite your youth and inexperience, you proved to be a capable, pragmatic leader. I¡¯ve never been happier to be proven wrong.¡±


    He then lit his pipe and walked out amid the celebrations.


    ¡°Where are you going, Erick?¡± Fausto asked.


    ¡°I¡¯m going home, Joaquin. I¡¯ve earned a rest.¡±


    Fausto watched him depart, his figure fading away amidst the jubilant senators and representatives. That man had been with him always, helping and guiding him all the way. With a final smile and a whispered ¡°thank you,¡± he bid him farewell. Then he moved forward to watch his wife¡¯s inaugural address. Unlike his own, her speech was long¡­ very long.


    Truly, very long.


    ¡°Honorable members of the Grand Congress of the Republics, distinguished citizens of the Seven Republics, friends, and all those who join us today:


    Today is a day of profound significance for me, for my family, and for our great nation. I assume the responsibility of leading this country with a heart full of humility, commitment, and, above all, with the firm determination to move forward, with the same work ethic that has accompanied me throughout my life.


    To my fellow citizens, to you who have placed your trust in me, I want to express my deepest gratitude. This is an honor I do not take lightly, and it is a duty I accept with the certainty that together, as a people, as brothers and sisters, we will continue to build the great nation we dream of and deserve.


    It is impossible not to acknowledge the immense impact of my husband, Joaquin Gabriel Fern¨¢ndez Fausto, who, with his visionary leadership, tireless commitment, and absolute dedication to our people¡¯s well-being, has transformed this beautiful country. His success is not only reflected in the policies he implemented but in the love and loyalty he sowed in every corner of these republics. Fausto has left a legacy that fills us with pride and, at the same time, inspires us to continue working tirelessly so that flame of hope never goes out.


    But let me be clear: my administration will not be a blind continuation of his but rather a step forward, an evolution that will take the best of the past, the lessons we¡¯ve learned, and the hopes for the future. We will continue to build upon the solid foundation he left but also confront new challenges with the assurance that together, as a nation, we will face them.


    My first commitment is to you, the people of the Seven Republics, whom I will serve with integrity, transparency, and a firm resolve to make this country a place where every voice is heard, every need addressed, and every dream, no matter how big or small, can become a reality.


    There is no greater task than ensuring the well-being and justice for all, without distinction. From the most humble to the most powerful, all deserve to be treated with respect, dignity, and justice. My administration will be one of unity, dialogue, and, above all, action. We will not allow the divisions of the past to hold us back. We are one nation, and as such, we must be more united than ever.


    I want to extend my heartfelt thanks to my family, who have been my rock and unconditional support. To my husband, Fausto, for his love and the confidence he has always placed in me. You know we will walk this path together, even when our destinies diverge. But above all, I want to thank all of you, the citizens of the Seven Republics, for giving me the opportunity to serve you.


    Today, as I assume the presidency, I do so with the conviction that this is only the beginning of a new era, where justice, peace, and prosperity will be the pillars of our coexistence. Let us move forward with courage, hope, and love for our country.


    Long live the Seven Republics! Long live all who make this nation worthy of hope! A nation of equals, a nation of opportunity!


    Thank you very much.¡±


    And with these words, a new chapter began for the Seven Republics.

 The discovery of the CAF

    After Karen''s assumption of office and the subsequent celebration, it was time to get to work. However, Victorino announced that he would be taking a break, a long one, as he claimed he deserved it. Fausto, on the other hand, decided to stay by her side. He did not take any public office, and just as she had done for him in the past, it was now his turn to be there for her.


    During the first few weeks, Karen became the center of all conversations. Citizens wondered what her government would be like: would it be continuous or would it become a catastrophe?


    However, she surprised everyone when she presented a state project: the modernization of the State. The project was simple yet ambitious, aiming for political continuity in public administration. What truly caught attention was the support she received from Rivas, who backed Karen''s government, largely because she respected the "independence" of the military. As Karen had stated, her intention was to show the positive face of the armed forces.


    Over the years, Rivas gained prominence, taking advantage of Victorino''s absence from the capital. Historians agree that Victorino''s presence had often overshadowed the figure of Rivas Hidalgo, and the evidence of this was clear: even opposing him did little to help those who tried to challenge his influence.


    Despite everything, it was clear that Fausto did not like the way his wife was handling the reins of power. However, out of respect, he preferred to remain silent. The proof was that when he toured with his wife, the journalists, sly as foxes, tried to get a reaction from him, but he always found a way to avoid answering.


    As all of this unfolded, Hidalgo''s role began to gain greater relevance. Although in the Congressional debates his opponents attacked him for his opposition to Fausto''s government, he stood firm, ignoring the comments and arguing that he would never oppose ideals that could benefit the people. However, Harrington, known for his skill in detecting weaknesses, cunningly attacked him.


    "Mr. Hidalgo says he thinks about what¡¯s best for our country, but he abstained when the president proposed the abolition of slavery," Harrington said with a challenging smile.


    Harrington''s words did not go unnoticed by the representatives present.


    "I was not against their freedom," Hidalgo replied calmly.


    "But you weren''t in favor, either," Harrington retorted sharply.


    "There was a reason why I abstained," Hidalgo said, maintaining his calm.


    "Oh? And what¡¯s that reason? So, tomorrow, if someone presents a proposal you don''t like, will you remain silent?" Harrington asked disdainfully.


    "You confuse my silence with falsehoods and slander," Hidalgo replied, staring at Harrington.


    "Your silence means nothing, Mr. Hidalgo," Harrington insisted, raising an eyebrow.


    "Do you think you''re in a position to dictate what decisions I made in the previous administration?" Hidalgo retorted, his tone firmer now.


    "The real question, Mr. Hidalgo, is not that. The right question is: why didn¡¯t you?" Harrington asked, skillfully trying to force a compromising answer.


    "You didn¡¯t approve that law out of goodness or morality, but for pure personal benefit," Hidalgo declared, attempting to turn the conversation around.


    "I¡¯ll ask you a simple question. Would you give your house to a homeless person?" Harrington challenged, confident his question would stump him.


    "That has nothing to do with our conversation," Hidalgo responded, dismissing the attempt to divert the topic.


    "It has everything to do with it," Harrington replied firmly, not relenting.


    "That''s a slippery slope fallacy, Mr. Harrington," Hidalgo said, recognizing the trick and returning to his stance.


    "I¡¯m surprised, but in a way, it confirms it. You¡¯re incapable of giving a simple ''yes'' or ''no'' answer. You only divert the conversation. Is this how you plan to govern?" Harrington mocked, trying to destabilize Hidalgo.


    "I have always been and will always be loyal to the homeland. Do not dare to belittle me," Hidalgo said, raising his voice firmly.


    "No one doubts your loyalty, Mr. Hidalgo. However, it would be ideal if you stayed on one point, instead of rambling and creating branches," Harrington replied, maintaining his composure.


    The tension in the room was palpable. Both had made their positions clear, but Harrington''s ability to overwhelm Hidalgo remained a topic of debate.


    It was clear that Rivas Hidalgo was no match for the crafty veteran Harrington. His lack of defensive skills became evident, and both his party and public opinion began to question whether he was truly worth supporting.


    After this setback for the government, Karen introduced a series of legislative projects aimed at protecting people with disabilities. Among them was a law that had been stalled during Fausto¡¯s administration, but now included substantial modifications. The new proposal not only sought to compensate those who suffered accidents with permanent consequences but also included the provision of pensions for these individuals, provided they had worked for at least five years in the public sector. This measure addressed the frequent injustice suffered by those who, becoming a burden due to their physical limitations, were fired from jobs as workers, doctors, teachers, and others.


    To everyone¡¯s surprise, the law was passed with little resistance. No one dared oppose an initiative that benefited so many, especially since many senators knew someone in such a situation. Though they gave long, eloquent speeches on the importance of the law, in the end, everyone voted in favor.If you spot this tale on Amazon, know that it has been stolen. Report the violation.


    Additionally, Karen strongly promoted the funding of industries in the Seven Republics. In an era where public transportation was limited to carriages, horses, and bicycles, she proposed a modernization plan that would allow each citizen to have their own means of transport. To achieve this, the state allocated large sums of money to research in search of an energy source that could power future vehicles.


    It was in this context of energy transformation that CAF (Combustible de Agua y Florrema/Water and Florrema Fuel) was discovered, a revolutionary energy source presented by Alexander Rice, a scientist from Bel¨²a. CAF was obtained through a process in which water was mixed with a peculiar plant called Florrema. Due to the radiation in its environment, this plant had developed a unique ability: the capacity to generate and conduct electricity when it came into contact with water. However, the challenge lay in how to stabilize and efficiently store this energy.


    Florrema is a plant species that, constantly exposed to high levels of radiation, underwent an unusual evolution. This plant possesses specialized cells that, upon contact with water, initiate an electrolysis process at a molecular level, separating the water molecules into oxygen and hydrogen and releasing energy in the form of electricity. This phenomenon, based on a modification in its cellular structure and metabolism, allowed Florrema to generate electricity continuously, but the true challenge was how to store this energy in a stable manner.


    This was where Alexander Rice played a crucial role. After years of research, Rice succeeded in stabilizing the energy generated by Florrema, turning it into a usable power source. His breakthrough came with the creation of Rice Substance, a biocatalyst derived from a natural compound found in Florrema¡¯s cells. This substance acts as an intermediary between the water and the plant, allowing the electricity generated to be stored efficiently without dissipating quickly.


    The Rice Substance interacts with the water molecules and the cellular structures of Florrema, creating a reaction that not only generates electricity but also converts it into a stable, storable form, ready to power electric engines or energy storage systems. This energy conservation process was key to the functioning of CAF.


    In scientific terms, CAF is classified as a form of bioelectrochemical energy, similar to a biological battery but much more efficient and eco-friendly. The production process of CAF emits no greenhouse gases and does not rely on fossil fuels, making it a clean and renewable source of energy. Additionally, Florrema regenerates quickly, ensuring the long-term sustainability of the energy source, with a harvest cycle lasting just one week.


    The implementation of CAF marked the beginning of a new era in energy innovation, where traditional fuels would be replaced by sustainable solutions. Research on Rice substance and Florrema continued with the goal of improving the process¡¯s efficiency and expanding its applications into areas such as domestic energy, industry, and agriculture.


    Amidst these advancements, the RIU Party, under the undisputed leadership of President Karen Freeman, announced the launch of its most ambitious project: the Renovation and Future plan. This project would not only reform the country¡¯s infrastructure but radically change the daily lives of all its citizens, regardless of social or economic status.


    The plan was hailed by many, and in a short time, the population began adapting to this new reality. Houses were modernized, public buildings were adapted, and parks and streets came alive thanks to the constant light provided by CAF. However, the opposition was quick to react.


    Up until that point, energy in the country had already been free, a right established by President Joaqu¨ªn Fern¨¢ndez Gabriel Fausto, who had made free electricity a constitutional right. The issue, however, was that the source of this energy relied heavily on traditional generation systems, which, while sustainable in the short term, were beginning to show signs of depletion. Renewable sources such as solar, wind, and hydroelectric were not always available when needed, making it difficult to ensure a constant and reliable energy supply without proper storage systems, which led to additional costs. Although electricity was free, the supply was not always reliable, especially due to a lack of light at night. The system, though functional, was not sustainable in the long term.


    That¡¯s when CAF completely revolutionized the situation. This new fuel not only represented a clean and renewable source of energy but also eliminated the need to import energy resources, which had been a significant economic burden. CAF guaranteed unlimited energy at no cost, ecologically and completely self-sufficient. Every home would receive a small Florrema cultivation unit, enough to meet all its energy needs, eliminating reliance on external networks and vulnerability to fluctuations in international energy markets.


    In the corridors of Congress, dissenting voices began to rise. The opposition, mainly from the JW Party, led by the shrewd Senator An¨ªbal Harrington, viewed Karen Freeman¡¯s progress with suspicion. Despite the efficiency of the plan and its benefits for the population, they could not ignore what they saw as a blow to their own interests. The success of this project not only represented a technological breakthrough but also a consolidation of President Freeman¡¯s power. Free energy, available to all, threatened the businesses in which some members of the opposition had invested, as CAF was expected to become a gold mine.


    ¡°It¡¯s an undeniable political achievement,¡± Harrington murmured in one of his private meetings with Federal Party leaders. ¡°But we can¡¯t let this go unchallenged. We need to show there are risks in this project, that there¡¯s a price for all of this.¡±


    The opposition¡¯s strategy focused on sowing doubts about the long-term sustainability of CAF and the implications of its widespread use. They argued that, although the energy was free and clean, the cultivation and maintenance of Florrema could become unsustainable if demand exceeded expectations. They claimed that Florrema¡¯s supply was limited, that cultivation techniques required resources that were not always available, and that the model did not guarantee long-term durability. In their speeches, opponents began referring to CAF as an ¡°ecological farce,¡± suggesting that the expectations of efficiency and durability were merely a cover-up for what they saw as a fragile and vulnerable system.


    ¡°Karen Freeman has sold a dream,¡± said Baltazar Uribe from the Red Party in his public appearances, ¡°but what she¡¯s really created is an energy bubble that, when it bursts, will leave us in the dark.¡±


    Attacks also centered on the centralization of power implied by the system. For the opposition, the free distribution of energy was a form of social control disguised as progress. While citizens enjoyed free light, opponents pointed out that the entire system was under the direct control of the government. What would happen if, one day, the system were manipulated? What if the light depended on a government that decided to withdraw it or use it as a tool for pressure?


    Despite the criticism, the Renovation and Future plan continued to move forward. Karen Freeman had not only achieved an unprecedented breakthrough in the energy politics of the Seven Republics, but she had also solidified her image as the leader of a new era. While the opposition attacked her, the population celebrated access to free electricity, unaware that the political battle had only just begun.


    Homes, once shrouded in darkness due to electricity bills, now glowed under the constant brilliance of CAF. People quickly adapted to their new reality, enjoying the free light they never imagined having. Through this achievement, Karen Freeman left an indelible mark on the nation, but she also opened a new era of political confrontations, where power was not only contested in the halls of Congress but in every home that enjoyed energy that, for the first time in a long while, had no price¡ªneither monetary nor seasonal.

 The news

    The beginning of Karen¡¯s first government couldn¡¯t have been more auspicious. The discovery of the CAF, a revolutionary technology freely and publicly accessible, marked a turning point for the Seven Republics. Its impact was so profound that the scandal starring Rivas and Harrington in Congress was soon relegated to obscurity, much to the dismay of the opposition.


    The political movement known as Gabrielism only strengthened President Karen¡¯s actions, spreading with overwhelming force and manpower across the territory. Her husband, Fausto, preferred to remain in the streets, delivering speeches and participating in rallies for the party faithful. His goal was clear: to reinforce the bond between the people and the government, thus ensuring the consolidation of his wife¡¯s power. With a mix of sarcasm and mockery, Harrington often remarked that he heard Gabriel¡¯s name even in his soup.


    Meanwhile, Rivas began moving his pieces on the political chessboard. Ambitious and calculating, he aspired to be the next president and sought the endorsement of the RIU party. To this end, he played a classic card: loyalty to the leader. He assumed the role of Karen¡¯s shield, facing all criticisms to preserve the president¡¯s spotless image. Yet, some speculated that Fausto¡¯s renewed presence in the streets was not merely a gesture of support for Karen but also a silent reminder to Rivas: ¡°I¡¯m still here.¡± Though Victorino was no longer in the picture, former President Joaqu¨ªn Gabriel Fern¨¢ndez Fausto remained a key player.


    Hidalgo, for his part, attempted to emulate the former president¡¯s strategy but failed to achieve the same success. Nevertheless, his efforts projected an image of approachability that contrasted with his reputation for being hot-tempered. This perception softened, at least temporarily, in the public eye.


    Despite their ideological differences and evident antagonism, Fausto and Rivas avoided direct confrontation. Rivas did so to avoid giving Fausto more prominence, while the latter sought to avoid creating problems for his wife. However, Rivas knew exactly where to find allies: the military. When Gerald Reccson lost the election, he returned to the barracks with the aim of regaining influence among the armed forces. But Rivas acted first, consolidating his position as a natural leader for the military. Soldiers¡ªmen of the world¡¯s oldest and most enduring profession¡ªbegan to see him as ¡°one of their own.¡± In contrast, they turned their backs on Reccson. As veteran ¨¢ngel Valdez put it: ¡°We put our chips on you, and you lost. Why would we do it again?¡±


    The lesson was clear: no matter how loyal or ideological a leader was, if they couldn¡¯t lead the party to victory, they would be replaced by someone who could. Gerald Reccson ultimately resigned from politics, an elegant euphemism for admitting defeat. He returned to the barracks, took a comfortable post as director, and resigned himself to living on a senior officer¡¯s salary, devoid of greater ambitions.


    Rivas, on the other hand, was already seen as leadership material among the military. While not everyone supported him, most did. His task now was to expand his base of followers. Many wondered why Hidalgo hadn¡¯t left the RIU party, given the internal tensions. The answer was simple: prestige. Hidalgo had been a pivotal figure in the creation of the Congress and the abolition of the Directory. His role in these events had made him a ¡°living statesman¡± in the eyes of many. Though known as a thorn in the side of any president¡ªa mediocre thorn, if I may add¡ªhe understood that his place was in power, even if only to remain relevant.


    Stubborn but not foolish, Rivas Hidalgo stood firm in the party, aware that his legacy and future depended on it. Meanwhile, internal struggles continued to shape the political landscape, making it clear that in the Seven Republics, power was not won solely at the ballot box but also on the board of intrigue and alliances.


    It was Christmas of 4779 when news stunned all the citizens of the Seven Republics. Karen Samanta Freeman was pregnant. Though she had never spoken about it publicly, her husband, Fausto, was euphoric and shouted from their home:


    ¡°I¡¯m going to be a father!¡±


    Her neighbor, who had heard the announcement, wasted no time in calling the radio station to share what had happened.


    The curious and comedic part was that Karen had only shared that information with her husband over the phone. Yet, while she was in the city of Gran Boquer¨®n, just two hours after the news broke, she suddenly found herself surrounded by journalists who posed a question she never expected to hear.


    The situation in Gran Boquer¨®n was unique: they were celebrating the inauguration of a new CAF energy center. Karen had prepared herself to handle the toughest questions from the press, anticipating inquiries about whether this technology could strip citizens of their jobs or even pose health risks. That was why it was all the more shocking when Oliver Harris, a journalist from Eco del Paraguay, asked her something completely unexpected.


    "Is it true that you''re expecting a baby?"


    The question captured everyone¡¯s attention, including the other journalists present. Karen remained silent for a few seconds, processing the question.


    "Could you... could you repeat that?" she asked, uncertain.


    "Is it true that you''re expecting a baby?"


    Karen closed her eyes for a moment, then opened them again, unable to believe what she was hearing.


    "Why are you asking that?"


    "We¡¯ve received reports from the capital that you¡¯re pregnant," the journalist replied confidently.


    Karen stumbled over her words, stammering, until she finally exclaimed with a mix of nervousness and determination:


    "That¡¯s all. Thank you for being here, and goodbye."


    With those words, Karen walked away, escorted by her bodyguards as the journalists surged forward, clamoring for more details about the revelation that she was soon to become a mother.


    The driver would later comment that Karen had been holding her abdomen while singing harmoniously about how she was going to kill her husband for his loose tongue.


    On the other side of the republic, Fausto was deeply unsettled. He had truly messed up this time. The radio was abuzz with the joyful and enthusiastic news, and Fausto swallowed hard as he looked out the window. Outside, supporters and the general public had gathered below, chanting cheerfully. He offered them a strained smile before pulling the curtain shut.


    Claudia, a family friend and persistent young woman who had long requested to work with him despite his refusals, had recently worn him down with her insistence. Karen hadn¡¯t been thrilled about Claudia at first, but she had quickly changed her mind upon seeing her devotion to the job.


    ¡°Is something bothering you?¡± Claudia asked.


    ¡°Yes. In fact, it seems this time, I won¡¯t just be sleeping on the couch. I¡¯ll be in a coffin,¡± he replied.


    ¡°You¡¯re exaggerating, Mr. Fausto. I¡¯m sure she¡¯ll forgive you.¡±


    Fausto gave her an awkward smile.


    ¡°I¡¯m going to die,¡± he said.


    While Fausto prepared for his imminent funeral, Karen made a key decision: to travel to B¨¦lua to lead a campaign promoting the CAF initiative. This wasn¡¯t just about sharing free technology but demonstrating that her government had a clear and effective plan for the future of the Seven Republics. With CAF, energy poverty could become a thing of the past, bringing stability to a region long plagued by division and historic conflict. B¨¦lua, after all, was still grappling with significant poverty rates.


    The next morning, after a series of meetings with her cabinet, Karen boarded the official train bound for the Republic of B¨¦lua. The journey wasn¡¯t merely symbolic; it was a statement of visibility, a way to show that her administration wasn¡¯t just planning from offices but actively engaging with the people, addressing challenges head-on.


    The train was a marvel of engineering, powered by the very same CAF technology. As it sped through the arid, reconstructed landscape of a region still echoing with the remnants of past conflicts, Karen gazed out at the horizon with a mix of optimism and melancholy. She wasn¡¯t sure if her proposal would be accepted.


    ¡°We¡¯re going to change the future of the Seven Republics,¡± she whispered to herself as the train carried her forward.


    Karen sighed. Governing in an era when every decision was scrutinized to the last detail was no easy task, especially when a transformative initiative like CAF could either unite or divide. It was far too early to tell, but Karen was determined to prove that she could modernize and renew the Seven Republics.You could be reading stolen content. Head to Royal Road for the genuine story.


    From the moment Karen arrived in the Republic of B¨¦lua, the energy around her was palpable¡ªnot just due to the celebration of her recent victory but because every step she took symbolized change, a promise of a new path for the region. Despite this, the pressure was immense. The CAF technology had sparked hope but also uncertainty. Her mission was not merely to lead but to convince everyone that her intentions were not an imposition but an alliance for the future.


    During her first days in B¨¦lua, Karen was particularly concerned about the opinions of those who represented authority in the region: leaders, economists, scientists, and especially Magistrate Dar¨ªo Carrizo. A central figure in the Republic and a symbol of stability for the JW party, he was known for being open to negotiations. Though Karen¡¯s RIU party had secured 70% support in the national Senate, the situation in B¨¦lua was far more complicated: the Senate there was split evenly¡ª30% RIU, 30% JW, 30% UF, and 10% PM.


    Dar¨ªo Carrizo was crucial to unlocking a pathway for dialogue and action that would allow CAF to be implemented not just as a technological tool but as a social and economic force. Karen couldn¡¯t afford to make mistakes.


    With this in mind, she scheduled her first public speech at a formal event in the Palace of Congress, an imposing building that stood as a symbol of history and democracy in B¨¦lua. While the speech would be simultaneously translated, Karen decided she wouldn¡¯t rely solely on that. She wanted her words to be genuine, heartfelt, and clear from the outset. She knew the essence of her message would be lost if she depended entirely on a foreign language.


    The crowd was diverse¡ªa mix of community leaders, businesspeople, activists, representatives of the Azulados (a human race distinguished by their blue or light blue skin), and citizens who had followed her arrival closely. As the murmurs rose, the translator prepared to render her words comprehensible to everyone. But then Karen approached the microphone with a calm smile and began to speak.


    With a firm yet warm voice, she began to speak in Portuguese. Her first words pierced through the air of anticipation with surprising clarity:


    "Meus amigos, estamos aqui hoje porque compartilhamos sonhos, preocupa??es e esperan?as. N?o viemos para impor nada, mas para trabalhar juntos, para construir pontes e um futuro melhor para todos n¨®s."


    Translation: "My friends, we are here today because we share dreams, concerns, and hopes. We have not come to impose anything, but to work together, to build bridges and a better future for all of us."


    The silence was immediate. This was not a dry, rehearsed translation. Her fluency was natural, unencumbered by notes or teleprompters. Karen wasn¡¯t just communicating with them; she was speaking to the very soul of the region, through her gestures, her tone, her voice.


    Each word carried symbolic weight: the notion of "sonhos" evoked hope; "preocupa??es" acknowledged tangible realities; and "pontes" conjured images of unity, collaboration, and a future without barriers. The connection was instantaneous, as Deputy Ra¨²l Espinoza would later remark.


    With a measured yet confident rhythm, she continued:


    "A energia da CAF n?o deve ser um desafio, mas uma oportunidade. Uma oportunidade para todos, para cada fam¨ªlia, para cada comunidade que espera um futuro com mais luz, mais emprego e mais paz."


    Translation: "The energy from CAF should not be a challenge but an opportunity. An opportunity for everyone¡ªfor every family, for every community that hopes for a future with more light, more jobs, and more peace."


    Karen scanned the crowd as she delivered each phrase, capturing every gaze, every subtle nod of acknowledgment. Her words weren¡¯t merely a speech; they were a declaration of intent, a direct appeal to the deepest hopes of the citizens. The president spoke their language, just as her predecessor once had.


    "N?o viemos para tirar o que ¨¦ seu. Viemos para dar. Para que juntos possamos transformar nossos recursos, nossos desafios, em solu??es reais para cada casa, para cada pessoa."


    Translation:"We have not come to take what is yours. We have come to give. So that together, we can transform our resources, our challenges, into real solutions for every home, for every person."


    The emotional connection was immediate. The audience seemed not only to hear her words but to feel them. At that moment, Karen was not just the President of the Seven Republics; she was a beacon of hope for a community long accustomed to uncertainty and isolation, much of it exacerbated by the barrier of language.


    Her phrases flowed on:


    "Vamos trabalhar para que nossos filhos tenham escolas iluminadas, para que nossas fam¨ªlias tenham ¨¢gua pot¨¢vel, para que possamos gerar empregos sem medo de perder oportunidades. Acreditamos que podemos fazer isso juntos."


    Translation: "Let us work so that our children have schools with light, so that our families have clean water, so that we can create jobs without fear of losing opportunities. We believe we can achieve this together."


    There was a language in her voice, in the rhythm of her pauses, in the emphasis of her gestures. Her message was clear: Karen wasn¡¯t there to be distant or wield power from afar. She was there to be an ally.


    When she finished, the applause was spontaneous and resounding. Karen knew she had achieved something significant. She hadn¡¯t just delivered her message; she had delivered it in a way that was felt, understood, and shared.


    But the real challenge was only beginning. After the ceremony and rounds of applause, Karen was introduced to Magistrate Dar¨ªo Carrizo, the most powerful and respected figure in B¨¦lua. A stern and pragmatic man, his authority was revered even by those who viewed him as distant. His approval would be crucial to advancing her mission.


    The meeting was arranged in an austere office where marble and glass reflected not only power but the weight of responsibility. Dar¨ªo Carrizo was a tall man with silver-streaked hair and piercing eyes. His movements were deliberate, calculated. As Karen stood before him, she realized this would not be an easy dialogue.


    ¡°Madam President, your words were stirring, but here, promises are not enough,¡± he began, his deep voice as solid as the architecture around them.


    ¡°You speak my language,¡± she replied.


    ¡°Of course. I studied law in C¨¢rdenas for six years, so yes. Now, let¡¯s get to the real matter, shall we?¡± he responded, meeting her gaze directly.


    Karen didn¡¯t falter. She held her posture firm and returned his gaze.


    ¡°I haven¡¯t come here to make promises. I¡¯ve come to offer solutions,¡± she said calmly, her words weighted with sincerity. She sought an alliance¡ªnot submission, not dominance.


    Taking a step forward, she explained her plans: how CAF energy wouldn¡¯t just be a resource but an opportunity to create jobs through factories, infrastructure adaptations, and educational programs to prepare the population for this change. This wasn¡¯t merely about technology; it was about practical, inclusive, and equitable solutions.


    ¡°B¨¦lua¡¯s industrial sector is a key point to show the other republics¡ªand the world¡ªwhat we can achieve with responsible resource use. I propose we work together to ensure CAF energy generates employment, opportunities, and a future for those who still fear change,¡± she explained.


    Carrizo¡¯s expression didn¡¯t change at first. His eyebrows arched slightly, but Karen pressed on:


    ¡°I don¡¯t want technology to become a threat. I want it to be a tool¡ªto unite, to grow, to ensure that no worker is left behind. B¨¦lua can lead the way, but we need your support to make it a reality.¡±


    Silence enveloped the room for a moment. Karen waited. She knew this was a pivotal moment: she couldn¡¯t yield to skepticism, nor could she force a decision. What she needed was trust.


    Finally, after a few seconds, Dar¨ªo Carrizo nodded.


    ¡°I¡¯m willing to hear more about your plans. If what you say is true, I¡¯ll expect an investment. Then we can work together.¡±


    ¡°You¡¯ll have it,¡± Karen replied confidently.


    Carrizo was momentarily surprised by her response, but then a faint smile crossed his face. Without further delay, he replied, ¡°Good. Then I¡¯m willing to work with you, Madam President.¡±


    Karen smiled triumphantly, feeling as if she had won a battle¡ªnot with force, but with words, logic, and the power of a hopeful vision.


    The future of B¨¦lua was far from certain, but with the support of figures like Dar¨ªo Carrizo, the dream of accessible energy and sustainable jobs was beginning to take shape.


    As Karen left the meeting, she glanced at the horizon, a wave of relief and confidence washing over her. She knew the road ahead would be long, but every step forward was a step toward fulfilling a shared and equitable future.


    With the backing of leaders, citizens, and now the magistrate, B¨¦lua was only the beginning of a greater transformation. Karen was ready to lead that change.


    Back in the capital, Karen¡¯s car pulled up in front of her home. Fausto swallowed hard as he watched through the window. He had spent the entire day imagining the possible outcomes of the meeting and ¡°the news.¡± He feared the worst. Before he could react, Claudia, the house assistant, stepped forward and opened the door.


    Karen entered with firm strides, but the moment she saw Fausto, her expression softened into a smile. Without a word, she threw herself into his arms, tears of joy streaming down her face.


    ¡°I did it,¡± she whispered, her voice trembling.


    Fausto held her tightly, letting out a sigh of relief and emotion.


    ¡°Of course you did. You¡¯re the smartest woman I know. I never doubted you, my love.¡±


    Tears of happiness glistened on both their faces. Claudia smiled at the scene and excused herself to prepare dinner, leaving them alone to celebrate.


    In their room, Fausto gently caressed Karen¡¯s face, trying to comfort her.


    ¡°I¡¯m so glad everything went well,¡± he said softly.


    Karen, however, suddenly changed her demeanor. The sweet smile vanished, replaced by a completely different expression.


    ¡°Now take off your clothes,¡± she ordered without warning.


    Fausto frowned, puzzled.


    ¡°What? Could you repeat that?¡±


    Karen looked up and flashed a mischievous, almost predatory smile.


    ¡°You heard me, Joaqu¨ªn. Take off your clothes.¡±


    ¡°Joaqu¨ªn? You always call me Fausto or ¡®my love.¡¯ What¡¯s going on?¡±


    Karen crossed her arms impatiently.


    ¡°Do you want me to do it for you? Because I don¡¯t mind.¡±


    Fausto sighed, surrendering.


    ¡°Alright, alright, but¡­ can I at least know why so suddenly?¡±


    Karen began undressing, her eyes locked on him.


    ¡°Wait, wait!¡± Fausto exclaimed, raising his hands defensively. ¡°I just ate. Maybe we should.¡±


    ¡°Now, Gabriel!¡± she interrupted, using his middle name. ¡°Or you¡¯re sleeping on the couch again.¡±


    Fausto¡¯s eyes widened.


    ¡°But¡­ you¡¯re pregnant. Shouldn¡¯t we be cautious?¡±


    Karen raised an eyebrow, a playful yet mocking smile on her lips.


    ¡°Oh, that¡¯s another thing we¡¯re going to talk about, don¡¯t you think, gossip boy?¡±


    Fausto froze, realizing he had just slipped up with his comment. Before he could respond, Karen was already in her underwear.


    ¡°Are you going to undress, or do I have to do it for you?¡± she challenged.


    Fausto let out a resigned sigh and began unbuttoning his shirt. But halfway through, Karen pushed him onto the couch with surprising agility.


    ¡°Wait! I was doing it,¡± he protested, trying to sit up.


    Karen leaned over him, her gaze intense.


    ¡°Too slow. I guess I¡¯ll just have to eat you as you are.¡±


    Fausto stared at her for a moment, confused yet amused by the unexpected turn of events. Then, he burst out laughing, finally relaxing.


    ¡°You never change, do you?¡±


    Karen smiled and kissed him gently.


    ¡°Why should I, my love?¡±

 Life experiences

    Although Fausto was no longer deeply involved in government affairs, he remained a key figure in the political landscape. His influence on public opinion was undiminished, leading to an invitation to return to the radio show Can You Hear Me, Lexter? This time, the aim was to delve deeper into his personal story, as his previous appearance had left many questions unanswered.


    The conversation began with a relaxed tone. Fausto recounted moments from his childhood, pivotal events that shaped his impulsive nature and unyielding optimism. ¡°Those years defined much of who I am now,¡± he admitted. However, he also revealed that during his tenure as head of state, he grappled with profound doubts.


    ¡°There were many times I questioned whether what I was doing was right,¡± he said candidly. ¡°I was only twenty years old when I took on that role. Now, at nearly thirty, looking back, I see that it was an exhilarating time but also fraught with uncertainties. Like many young people, I had a tendency to challenge the status quo, to claim the world as my own. But over time, I learned something vital: the world, though imperfect, always has room for improvement. That had to be my goal¡ªto change it for the better.¡±


    Fausto credited much of his strength to the people who surrounded him during those years. ¡°I was fortunate to have extraordinary individuals around me, people who taught me to see beyond the chaos and devastation left by previous generations. We lived in a land scarred by past mistakes, a place where any day could be your last. Even so, I firmly believed I could show the Seven Republics a different vision¡ªsomething they could call their own, something that would fill them with pride.¡±


    He reminisced about the times when the walls were still under construction, painting a poignant picture of the spirit of those who worked on them.


    ¡°Even though they lived within the borders of a republic, many didn¡¯t feel like they were part of it,¡± he explained. ¡°The state was disconnected from rural areas, far from the great cities. Yet, despite that disconnect, these people rose every day and went to work on the walls. No one forced them. They could have left, sought a better future elsewhere, but they didn¡¯t. The pay was enough to start anew, and yet they chose to stay.¡±


    Fausto paused, his gaze drifting to some distant memory before continuing with a wistful smile.


    ¡°Unknowingly, they were part of something greater. Completing the wall gave them purpose, a sense of belonging, even if they didn¡¯t realize it. It was magical, in a way. They weren¡¯t just building a wall; they were building a collective dream.¡±


    When the wall was finally completed, Fausto felt that, for the first time, the Seven Republics could see themselves as a unified whole, as part of a shared history. But those times were also riddled with uncertainty. After the dissolution of the Directorate, many of his political colleagues seemed paralyzed by indecision.


    ¡°They had in their hands the chance to make a real difference,¡± Fausto said, a note of bitterness in his voice. ¡°But no one dared take the first step.¡±


    He vividly recalled the disappointment he felt toward the Directorate and the inaction of his peers. When the Grand Directorate was dissolved and the Congress formed to elect a new leader, he knew the road ahead would be challenging. The list of potential candidates was endless, with many disqualified for various reasons.


    ¡°I wasn¡¯t an exception,¡± he admitted openly. ¡°My youth, my inexperience, and the fact that I was relatively new to Congress worked against me. But in the end, I stepped forward. Because if there¡¯s one thing I learned during those days, it¡¯s that change never comes unless you dare to try.¡±


    Still, when he raised his hand to nominate himself, something unexpected happened: he was accepted unanimously. ¡°I couldn¡¯t believe it,¡± he confessed during the interview. ¡°I was confused, happy, and terrified all at once. Suddenly, I had immense power in my hands¡ªa power that could give as much as it could take. The responsibility was overwhelming.¡±


    Lexter asked him with genuine curiosity:


    ¡°Why did you do it?¡±


    Fausto took a moment to reflect before answering. Finally, with a faint smile, he said, ¡°The odds weren¡¯t great¡ªI knew that. But I preferred to try, to raise my hand and hear an answer, whether it was no or yes, rather than remain silent and spend the rest of my life regretting not taking the chance.¡±


    His words hung in the air with the weight of someone who has learned to face the fear of failure.


    Over the course of the conversation, Fausto also spoke about his relationship with Victorino, his vice president. ¡°I had never met him in person before being elected,¡± he admitted. ¡°I only knew of him from a speech I attended at my wife¡¯s insistence. He was intimidating and stern. I remember he carried a cane, though he clearly didn¡¯t need it. To me, it seemed more like a symbolic accessory than a functional tool. It struck me as a bit ridiculous, but at the same time, it gave him an air of wisdom that commanded respect.¡±


    He recounted how, after being elected president, he was informed that Victorino would be his vice president. He described Victorino as a firm man, and despite occasional clashes, Fausto felt proud to collaborate with him. They often spent long nights working to propose laws that could satisfy everyone in Congress.


    ¡°It¡¯s nice to want to pass laws that help people,¡± he said. ¡°But those laws need to satisfy and convince the senators and deputies. In politics, if you want food to be free, that would be ideal, yes. But how would it be funded? Where would the money come from? How would it affect the rest of the economy? Noble ideas are hard to implement, and doing so recklessly would only cause problems in the future. So, we found compromises, like lowering the price of abundant foods. That was the best we could do.¡±


    Fausto recounted the experience with a mix of nostalgia and humor, describing the time when he and Victorino were trying to figure out a way to "distribute water" across all the republics. They spent over ten hours locked in an office, surrounded by piles of papers, documents, drafts, and proposals that seemed plausible, but none quite fit together.


    "It was exhausting," he said, chuckling. "There was no way we could find a clear solution, and the more we tried, the more frustrated we became."


    In a moment of complete exhaustion, they decided to take a break. They collapsed onto the floor, side by side, letting the silence and fatigue fill the room. Victorino, always the picture of composure, pulled out his pipe and began to smoke calmly. Then, almost on impulse or perhaps by habit, he offered the pipe to Fausto.


    "I told him I didn''t smoke," Fausto said, his smile revealing the discomfort the memory brought him. "But Victorino, in his usual way, mocked me. ''You survived the infected, and you''re afraid of this?'' he said, laughing."


    The exhaustion and frustration must have played a role, because Fausto ended up accepting the pipe. He took a puff, but as soon as he did, he started coughing uncontrollably, his lungs burning and his throat closing up.


    Victorino burst into laughter, his deep, infectious laugh that rarely surfaced. Fausto couldn¡¯t help but join him, choking on his coughs and tears from the smoke. It was an absurd and human moment in the midst of a grueling day, one of those instances that, over time, would become an unforgettable memory.


    He then went on to explain what had happened with the cabeluces, the famous uprising in Ochanca.


    After the cabeluces were declared free, a period of transition full of challenges and social complexities began. The new law granted freedom to all slaves, ensuring them the same rights as any other citizen. However, implementing this measure was far from simple. It wasn¡¯t an immediate, uniform emancipation; the state did not burst into homes to "tear them" from their masters. This created a variety of situations, as the relationships between slaves and masters were not homogeneous.


    Fausto explained that, while he recognized slavery as a moral aberration, he also understood the complexities inherent in human nature. There were cases of violence and abuse toward the slaves, but there were also masters who treated them as part of their family. This diversity of experiences made the situation difficult to address.


    One of the greatest fears was that freedom could turn into a curse for many cabeluces. Freedom without support could lead to destitution, fueling the perception that "leaving them to their fate" was, in essence, a form of negligence disguised as justice. Some slaves, faced with uncertainty, preferred to stay under the yoke of their masters if it meant having a roof and food secured.


    To mitigate these consequences, the state took on the responsibility of caring for the most vulnerable among the freed slaves. Support programs were established, which included temporary housing, basic education, job training, and access to medical services. The intention was to provide them with the necessary tools to integrate fully into society as autonomous citizens. However, these efforts were not always sufficient.


    The impact of this transition resonated deeply across all sectors of society. Some former slaves took advantage of their freedom to forge an independent and prosperous future, establishing small communities and businesses. Others, trapped in poverty and lacking opportunities, found it hard to escape the shadows of their past. Society also experienced internal tensions: former masters had to adapt to a new reality, while the working classes saw the freed slaves as direct competition in an already saturated labor market.If you encounter this tale on Amazon, note that it''s taken without the author''s consent. Report it.


    Despite the difficulties, the liberation of the slaves marked a milestone in the country''s history, highlighting both the challenges and the possibilities of building a more just society. Although the road to equality was arduous and filled with obstacles, the decision to free the cabeluces left an invaluable lesson: true freedom must be accompanied by dignity, opportunities, and a support network that allows each individual to thrive as a full member of society.


    Fausto went on to explain that eradicating social unrest and racism wasn¡¯t as complicated as one might imagine. Slavery was not a common practice among middle-class citizens, which offered an optimal opportunity to abolish it completely. Although some labor sectors were harmed by this measure, the state took care to compensate those affected to mitigate the losses.


    However, not everyone welcomed the new law. For those who refused to comply, the government took a firm and severe stance. Slavery, or any form of deprivation of freedom against a citizen, was declared a serious crime, punishable by imprisonment for up to twenty years. On such delicate matters, there was no room for weakness or indulgence.


    Nearly fifty people were imprisoned for refusing to grant freedom to the cabeluces, a stark reminder that justice had to prevail over resistance to change. Fausto, convinced of the necessity of these actions, stated that the firmness of the state had been key to consolidating a more just and equitable society.


    "Every citizen is free from the moment they are born."


    Taking the opportunity, Lexter asked about a historical figure who had piqued his curiosity, the leader in question.


    "Since we''re on the topic, I¡¯d like to ask: What happened to the revolutionary Celeste Villordo?"


    Fausto chuckled with a hint of complicity at the question.


    "I¡¯m still in touch with her. In fact, the company Forreza, now renamed ''Gabrielo,'' I admit I had something else on my mind when I named it, is one of the companies she co-owns. Also, she recently became a mother. She told me she named her child after me... I won¡¯t lie, it made me feel a little embarrassed."


    Lexter couldn''t help but laugh at the situation but soon shifted the conversation to a topic that deeply intrigued him: "your name."


    "When you came here and told us that shocking story about your childhood, a question slipped my mind. If you don¡¯t mind, of course."


    "Not at all, go ahead," Fausto replied, smiling with curiosity.


    "It¡¯s about your name. Why are you called Joaqu¨ªn Gabriel Fern¨¢ndez Fausto and not Joaqu¨ªn Fausto Gabriel Fern¨¢ndez, or Gabriel Fern¨¢ndez Joaqu¨ªn Fausto? Why that peculiar order of your name?"


    "Is that so?" Fausto laughed heartily. "It¡¯s a style. Since I can remember, I''ve always scrambled my name. My parents got tired of correcting me. I still remember my private tutor trying to teach me to write my last name first, then my first name. It didn¡¯t work. It¡¯s just a weird habit of mine, and I guess I never wanted to give it up."


    Lexter smiled and, with a mix of wit and apparent laziness, formulated his next question:


    "In this ''realm,'' I usually ask personal questions to the interviewees to show the listeners that those they view as ''strangers,'' whether they''re businesspeople, politicians, or presidents, are human just like us. It''s a way to generate closeness and empathy."


    "I understand. What do you need to know?" Fausto responded, curious.


    "Your relationship with your wife, the current president of the Seven Republics, if it doesn''t make you uncomfortable. What was your life like before you got married? What drew you to her?"


    Fausto gave a slight, uncomfortable smile, aware that he needed to be careful with his words, especially since he knew Karen was listening.


    "Well, honestly, I¡¯d rather keep some details about her to myself until she feels ready to share her story. What I''ve shared on your program was with her permission, as, for me, she was a crucial pillar during that nightmare."


    "I understand," said Lexter in a respectful tone.


    "For me, she..." Fausto paused, lost in thought. The moments he had lived with Karen, from the most insignificant to the most emotional, flashed through his mind. Gradually, his nervousness and the discomfort of choosing the right words began to fade.


    "For you?" Lexter pressed, breaking the silence.


    Fausto smiled and sighed deeply.


    "For me, Karen is the best thing that ever happened to me. Without her, I probably wouldn''t have come this far. She was an essential pillar in my growth and maturation, just like my parents and siblings. She''s the person I fell deeply in love with; she''s beautiful and smart, smarter than me or you. She supported me unconditionally when I was president and made my burden feel lighter. Because, let''s be honest," he said, addressing the listeners, "leading seven nations is a tough task, physically and mentally. It''s stressful, and often things happen that are beyond your control."


    Fausto paused briefly and, in a more reflective tone, added:


    "If you want to be president, you need two things: patience and cunning. And I can boast that I have them, partly thanks to the particular life I had to live. But, had I not been with someone like Karen, I''m sure I would have fallen into the mistake of feeling immortal."


    Then, Fausto looked at Lexter with a serious expression, but one filled with emotion.


    "I don¡¯t know if this answers your question. But to me, she is everything. She is my world, and the love of my life. She could have chosen anyone far better than me, in intellect and appearance, but she chose me. I might be a fool many times, but she is the person I want to show my silliness, my mistakes, and my imperfections to. And I can say, after being married to her for several years, that I still love her with more intensity than the first time I said, ''I do.''"


    On the other side of the radio, while many people were listening to the emotional confession, Karen, who was at the government house signing papers related to future bills, had begun to get distracted when she heard Lexter''s question about her. At first, she didn¡¯t pay much attention and continued with her work, but as Fausto poured his heart out on the radio station called "Can You Hear Me, Lexter?", she slowly stopped working, unconsciously paying more attention to what he was saying.


    A mix of emotions began to flood her as she listened to every word from her husband. Next to her, her vice president, Amanda Ventura, who was helping her with her tasks, couldn¡¯t help but comment when she saw Karen¡¯s reaction.


    "I wish my husband would say something like that about me."


    Karen couldn''t help but smile like a fool at every word Fausto spoke, feeling how the love he expressed for her in public resonated deep in her heart.


    When Fausto finished speaking, the interview continued as usual. The questions ranged from personal to political, forming a balance that kept the listeners¡¯ interest. In the end, Lexter closed with one last question:


    "Would you be president again?"


    Fausto smiled calmly before responding:


    "I see that as very distant. I would only do it if I considered it absolutely necessary. For now, I just want to take things easy."


    Lexter nodded with admiration.


    "That''s a noble answer."


    With that comment, the program came to an end.


    "Well, we¡¯ve reached the end. Thank you for joining us, Mr. Gabriel."


    "No, thank you for having me back," Fausto replied.


    "A pleasure, as always. I¡¯m Lexter Frederick, from Station 91. Thank you for choosing us, and I look forward to seeing you tomorrow at the same time."


    After the farewell words, Fausto stood up from his seat and shook Lexter¡¯s hand before leaving the room. Outside, a crowd of admirers awaited, eager for an autograph or simply to catch a glimpse of him. As he stepped out of the station, thousands of voices chanted his name. Fausto, ever polite, merely waved and smiled before getting into his carriage and leaving.


    The night wore on, and after several hours of travel, Fausto finally arrived at the government house. Rain had begun to fall, and the fresh air carried the scent of wet earth. The darkness of the night was punctuated by the soft glow of street lamps, giving the scene a melancholic, beautiful atmosphere.


    Hastily, Fausto exited the carriage and ran toward the main entrance. He knocked on the large wooden door, and was quickly greeted by one of the servants, who welcomed him warmly.


    "Welcome, sir."


    Fausto nodded in gratitude and made his way directly to his wife¡¯s office. Karen was still working, as she always did, gazing out the immense window. Rain slid down the glass, casting reflections that filled the space with a serene stillness. This time, Ventura was not present; the work was done, as efficiently as always.


    Fausto stopped at the threshold of the office, unable to take another step. His eyes rested on Karen, who stood motionless in front of the large window. The rain twisted down the glass, creating fleeting shapes that mirrored the soft light from the desk lamp. Her figure, gently illuminated, radiated a mix of strength and fragility that left him breathless.


    Finally, he broke the silence.


    "I listened to the radio."


    Karen¡¯s voice struck him like a bolt of lightning. A chill ran down his spine as he desperately searched for the right words.


    "And... what... what did you... think?" he stammered.


    Karen didn¡¯t respond immediately. Her silence hung heavily in the air, but when she spoke, her voice was deep, as if every word had torn through her soul.


    "When Mr. Rivas saved us..." her voice was a whisper, as if each word cost her an internal battle, "I knew right then that I had nowhere to go. No one was waiting for me, no one was searching for me. During those days we were trapped, I couldn¡¯t stop dreaming of the atrocities I had seen... and the things I had done to survive."


    Fausto stepped forward, his expression turning serious.


    "The faces of the people I loved, of those I cared about..." Karen continued, her gaze fixed on the window. "I see them in dreams. They torment me. When your parents opened their home to me, for the first time in a long while, I didn¡¯t feel completely alone. They were so warm to me that I couldn¡¯t help but feel at ease... but I always wondered: Do I really deserve this? Do I deserve a family after everything I¡¯ve done?"


    Fausto moved cautiously, getting close enough to see how her hands trembled. Karen was struggling with all her might to maintain her composure, but her voice began to crack.


    "The lives I took... their smiles, their faces... little by little, I¡¯m forgetting them. I only remember them as monsters who wanted to devour me. I can barely recall my dad¡¯s voice... or the laughter of my friends... before the infected took them from me."


    Fausto couldn¡¯t bear it anymore. He wrapped his arms around her, holding her tightly from behind, as if trying to keep her together before she shattered into a thousand pieces. Karen, unable to hold back any longer, collapsed into tears.


    "Karen..." he murmured, with a warmth reserved only for her. "You deserve all the good things in this life. None of what happened was your fault, nor mine, nor anyone else¡¯s. It was the fault of the infected, and thanks to everyone¡¯s efforts, they¡¯ll never return. Our child, who¡¯s growing in your belly, will live in a world where he¡¯ll never have to fear them. We¡¯ll make this nation a place where our children, and their children, can run free and happy, without fear."


    Karen slowly turned to look at him. Her eyes were red, but there was a spark of hope in them that Fausto would never forget.


    "As I told you... if you hadn¡¯t been in my house that day, if I hadn¡¯t met you... I would have died a long time ago. Whether by the infected, by disease, or simply from hunger. Karen... you saved me."


    Fausto gently took her hand and placed it on his chest, right above his heart.


    "All of this is yours, my love. My soul, my being, my life. I love you with all my heart, Karen Samanta Freeman, and no matter what happens... it will always be this way."


    She, moved to tears, kissed him deeply, so painfully and emotionally that the seconds felt like hours. When the kiss ended, Fausto held her so tightly that it seemed as though he feared the world might try to separate them.


    "I love you too, Joaqu¨ªn Gabriel Fern¨¢ndez Fausto," she whispered, teasing him just a little. "Now and forever."


    Karen smiled, her sweetness lighting up the entire room.


    "Thank you for saving my life."


    Fausto, on the verge of tears, caressed her face and responded with a smile only she could draw from him.


    "Always."